Chambers's Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, Fifth Series, No. 41, Vol. I, October 11, 1884

No. 41.—Vol. I.
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SATURDAY, OCTOBER 11, 1884.
One of the greatest economic problems of our time is associated with the double stream which has been setting westward across the Atlantic with steady persistence for some two or three years, and which even now does not seem to have passed its height. It is a stream which is composed of the labour and the capital of the Old World. To the number of many hundreds of thousands of individuals, some of the best bone and sinew of the European states has been transplanted each year to America. And latterly, this exodus has been accompanied by a large volume of that without which labour can do little collectively. During the last twelve months especially, the number of schemes for the employment of British capital across the Atlantic has increased enormously; and at the present time, there are many millions of money, belonging to people still residing on this side, invested directly or indirectly in land, and in industries connected with land in the States of the Union and of Canada. The receptivity of the American continent in respect both of labour and of capital is very great; but it is not unlimited. Nor is the supply of either labour or capital unlimited in the countries of the eastern hemisphere. There is not as yet any imminent danger of excessive contribution in the one case and of depletion in the other; but we are within sight of consequences which it may be well to consider.
And first with regard to Emigration. It must not be supposed that America—and for the present let us confine our attention to the United States—welcomes without exception the human stream. There are undoubtedly elements in it which would be objectionable anywhere. There are hordes of paupers and loafers and ne’erdoweels, who are as little likely to do any good for themselves, or to benefit the community, in the New World as in the Old. But apart from these, there has been a flow of shrewd workers and skilled artisans, which a certain section of the American nation is disposed to regard with a sour look. The reason is not far to seek. The dominant economic policy of America has been, as we know, one of strict protection of their own industries. For the benefit of the few, the many are heavily burdened, in the belief—fallacious, and not always genuinely entertained—that in process of time the many will reap the harvest. The conductors of these domestic industries are glad enough to get all the experienced foreign labour they can; but the domestic labourer says, very naturally, that the importation is unjust to him. He says, in effect: ‘You tax foreign products to shut out competition with yourselves; but you admit freely foreign producers to compete with me. You raise the cost of living to me by the imposition of taxes to foster your trades; yet you reduce my means of living by suffering immigration which tends to reduce the level of wages.’ Here is friction, and friction which is already producing sparks. It is not difficult to foresee the result. The working-classes cannot continue to burn the candle at both ends for ever. It is not practicable for any country in these days to prohibit, or even to restrict, the importation of human beings. Nor can America say: ‘We will receive any number of farm-labourers, or miners, or anybody disposed to squat in the backwoods and open up our country; but we will draw the line at mechanics or any form of skilled labour which we can ourselves produce to the extent of our requirements.’ The effect of the supply of foreign labour would have been more apparent ere this but for the suicidal policy of the American trades-unions, which practically prohibit the evolution of domestic skill, by forbidding apprenticeship to crafts. But, nevertheless, the effect must eventually be to diminish ‘the reward of labour.’