A History of Rome During the Later Republic and Early Principate

by A. H. J. Greenidge

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The average, or at least the most powerful, type of a race is stamped on its history. It is perhaps needless to say that no generalisations on character apply to all its individual members.

[2] Even the Hellenes of the West are only a partial exception. It is true that their cities clung to the coast; but the vast inland possessions of states like Sybaris are scarcely paralleled elsewhere in the history of Greek colonisation.

[3] The Latin colony of Aquileia was settled in the former year (Liv. xl. 34 Vellei. 1. 15), the Roman colony of Auximum in the latter (Vellei. l.c.).

[4] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 27. 73 Est operae pretium diligentiam majorum recordari, qui colonias sic idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperii viderentur.

[5] Liv. xxvii. 38; xxxvi. 3; cf. Marquardt Staatsverwaltung 1. p. 51.

[6] The Roman citizen, who entered his name for a Latin colony, suffered the derogation of caput which was known to the later jurists as capitis deminutio minor and expressed the loss of civitas (Gaius i. 161; iii. 56). That a fine was the alternative of enrolment, hence conceived as voluntary, we are told by Cicero (pro Caec. 33. 98 Aut sua voluntate aut legis multa profecti sunt: quam multam si sufferre voluissent, manere in civitate potuissent. Cf. pro Domo 30. 78 Qui cives Romani in colonias Latinas proficiscebantur, fieri non poterant Latini, nisi erant auctores acti nomenque dederant).

[7] Liv. xxxix. 23.

[8] Liv. xxxvii. 4.

[9] Liv. xlii. 32 Multi voluntate nomina dabant, quia locupletes videbant, qui priore Macedonico bello, aut adversus Antiochum in Asia, stipendia fecerant.

[10] For the assignations viritim in the times of the Kings see Varro R.R. i. 10 (Romulus); Cic. de Rep. ii. 14. 26 (Numa); Liv. 1. 46 (Servius Tullius). That the Cassian distribution was to be [Greek: kat andra] is stated by Dionysius (viii. 72, 73). On the whole subject see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 75. He has made out a good case for the land thus assigned being known by the technical name of viritanus ager. See Festus p. 373; Siculus Flaccus p. 154 Lachm. We shall find that this was the form of distribution effected by the Gracchi.

[11] For the settlement in the land of the Volsci see Liv. v. 24; for that made by M. Curius in the Sabine territory, Colum. i. praef. 14; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 33.

[12] Cato ap. Varr. R.R. i. 2. 7 Ager Gallicus Romanus vocatur, qui viritim cis Ariminum datus est ultra agrum Picentium; cf. Cic. Brut. 14. 57; de Senect. 4. 11; Val. Max. v. 4. 5.

[13] Liv. xlii. 4 (173 B.C.); cf. xli. 16.

[14] The other sources were the portoria and the vicesima libertatis. Even at a period when the revenues from the provinces were infinitely larger than they were at the present time Cicero could write, with reference to Caesar's proposal for distributing the Campanian land, Portoriis Italiae sublatis, agro Campano divisor, quid vectigal superest domesticum praeter vicensimam? (Cic. ad Att. ii. 16. i).

[15] See the map attempted by Beloch in his work Der Italische Bund unter Roms Hegemonie.

[16] Vellei. ii. 7. See ch. iv., where the attitude of the senate towards the proposals for transmarine settlement made by Caius Gracchus is described.

[17] Polyb. xxxii. 11.

[18] Besides the continued war in Spain from 145 to 133 there were troubles in Macedonia (in 142) and in Sicily during this period of comparative peace. Circa 140-135 commences the great slave rising in that island, and in the latter year the long series of campaigns against the free Illyrian and Thracian peoples begins.

[19] The officia of the villicus have become very extensive even in Cato's time (Cato R.R. 5). Their extent implies the assumption of very prolonged absences on the part of the master.

[20] Lucullus paid 500,200 drachmae for the house at Misenum which had once belonged to Cornelia. She had purchased it for 75,000 (Plut. Mar. 34). Marius had been its intermediate owner. Even during his occupancy it is described as [Greek: polytelaes oikia tryphas echousa kai diaitas thaelyteras hae kat andra polemon tosouton kai strateion autourgon.]

[21] Diod. xxxvii. 3.

[22] Sulla rented one of the lower floors for 3000 sesterces (Plut. Sulla 1).

[23] The coenaculum is mentioned by Livy (xxxix. 14) in connection with the year 186 B.C. It is known both to Ennius (ap. Tertull. adv. Valent. 7) and to Plautus (Amph. iii. 1. 3).

[24] Festus p. 171. The insula resembled a large hotel, with one or more courts, and bounded on all sides by streets. See Smith Dict. of Antiq. (3rd ed.) i. p. 665.

[25] Val. Max. viii. 1. damn. 7 Admodum severae notae et illud populi judicium, cum M. Aemilium Porcinam (consul 137 B.C.) a L. Cassio (censor 125 B.C.) accusatum crimine nimis sublime extructae villae in Alsiensi agro gravi multa affecit. The author does not sufficiently distinguish between the censorian initiative and the operation of the law. The passage is important as showing the existence of an enactment on the height of buildings. See Voigt in Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2, p. 394, and cf. Vellei. ii. 10. Augustus limited the height of houses to 70 feet (Strabo v. p. 235).

[26] Diodor. v. 40 (The Etruscans) [Greek: en … tais oikiais ta peristoa pros tas ton therapeuonton ochlon tarachas exeuron euchraestian.] See Krause Deinokrates p. 528.

[27] In spite of the plural form fauces (Vitruv. vi. 3. 6) may denote only a single passage. See Marquardt Privatl. p. 240; Smith and Middleton in Smith Dict. of Antiq. i. p. 671.

[28] For this atriensis, the English butler, the continental porter, see the frequent references in Plautus (e.g., Asin. ii. 2. 80 and 101; Pseud. ii. 2. 15), Krause Deinokrates p. 534 and Marquardt Privatl. p. 140.

[29] Plin. H.N. xxxv. 6 Stemmata vero lineis discurrebant ad imagines pictas. It is not known at what period the imagines were transferred from the Atrium to the Alae.

[30] Overbeck Pompeii p. 192; Krause Deinokrates p. 539.

[31] For the practice started, or developed, by Caius Gracchus of receiving visitors, some singly, others in smaller or larger groups, see Seneca de Ben. vi. 34. 2 and the description of Gracchus' tribunate in chapter iv.

[32] Festus p. 357 (according to Mommsen, Abh. der Berl. Akad. Phil.-hist. Classe, 1864 p. 68). Tablinum proxime atrium locus dicitur, quod antiqui magistratus in suo imperio tabulis rationum ibi habebant publicarum rationum causa factum locum; Plin. H.N. xxxv. 7 Tabulina codicibus implebantur et monimentis rerum in magistratu gestarum. Marquardt, however (Privatl. p. 215) thinks that the name tablinum is derived from the fact that this chamber was originally made of planks (tablinum from tabula, as figlinum from figulus).

[33] The earliest instances of extreme extravagance in the use of building material—of the use, for instance, of Hymettian and Numidian marble—are furnished by the houses of the orator Lucius Licinius Crassus (built about 92 B.C.) and of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 78 B.C. This growth of luxury will be treated when we come to deal with the civilisation of the Ciceronian period.

[34] As Krause expresses it (Deinokrates p. 542), at the final stage we find a Greek "Hinterhaus" standing behind an old Italian "Vorderhaus".

[35] The case mentioned by Juvenal (xi. 151)

Pastoris duri hic est filius, ille bubulci.
Suspirat longo non visam tempore matrem,
Et casulam, et notos tristis desiderat haedos,

must have been of frequent occurrence as soon as the urban and rustic familiae had been kept distinct.

[36] Suetonius says (de Rhet. 3) of L. Voltacilius Pilutus, one of the teachers of Pompeius, Servisse dicitur atque etiam ostiarius vetere more in catena fuisse.

[37] For these atrienses, atriarii, admissionales, velarii see Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 108.

[38] Diod. xxxvii. 3; Sallust (Jug. 85) makes Marius say (107 B.C.) Neque pluris pretii coquum quam villicum habeo. Livy (xxxix. 6) remarks with reference to the consequences of the return of Manlius' army from Asia in 187 B.C. Tum coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse; et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta.

[39] Plin. H.N. xviii. 108 Nec coquos vero habebant in servitiis eosque ex macello conducebant. The practice is mentioned by Plautus (Aul. ii. 4. 1; iii. 2. 15).

[40] Condus promus (Plaut. Pseud. ii. 2. 14).

[41] Wallon op. cit. ii. p. 111.

[42] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3. 5.

[43] Polyb. xxxii. 11; Diodor. xxxvii. 3.

[44] Diod. l.c.

[45] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 143 Invenimus legatos Carthaginiensium dixisse nullos hominum inter se benignius vivere quam Romanos. Eodem enim argento apud omnes cenitavisse ipsos.

[46] Val. Max. ii. 9, 3.

[47] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 141.

[48] Vellei. i. 13.

[49] Polyb. xl. 7.

[50] Liv. xxxix. 6 Lectos aeratos … plagulas … monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. Tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta addita epulis. Cf. Plin, H.N. xxxiv. 14.

[51] Polyb. ix. 10 [Greek: Rhomaioi de metakomisantes ta proeiraemena tais men idiotikais kataskenais tous auton ekosmaesan bious, tais de daemosiais ta koina taes poleos.] Another great raid was that made by Fulvius Nobilior in 189 B.C. on the art treasures of the Ambraciots (Signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, Liv. xxxviii. 9).

[52] Plin. H.N. xv. 19 Graeci vitiorum omnium genitores.

[53] Cic. pro Arch. 3. 5 Erat Italia tum plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum … Itaque hunc (Archiam) et Tarentini et Regini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt: et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt.

[54] Cic. de Rep. ii. 19. 34 Videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Cicero is speaking of the very earliest Hellenic influences on Rome, but his description is just as appropriate to the period which we are considering.

[55] Plut. Paul. 28.

[56] Sulla brought back the library of Apellicon of Teos, Lucullus the very large one of the kings of Pontus (Plut. Sulla 26; Luc. 42; Isid. Orig. vi. 5). Lucullus allowed free access to his books. Here we get the germ of the public library. The first that was genuinely public belongs to the close of the Republican era. It was founded by Asinius Pollio in the Atrium Libertatis on the Aventine (Plin. H.N. vii. 45; Isid. Orig. vi. 5).

[57] Macrob. Sat. iii. 14. 7.

[58] Dionys. vii. 71.

[59] They had made contributions in 186 B.C. towards the games of Scipio Asiaticus (Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 138).

[60] Livy (xl. 44) after describing the senatus consultum, in which occur the words Neve quid ad eos ludos arcesseret, cogeret, acciperet, faceret adversus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset, adds Decreverat id senatus propter effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Sempronii aedilis, qui graves non modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis sed etiam provinciis externis fuerant.

[61] The effect was still worse when a rich man avoided it. Cic. de Off. ii. 17. 58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Sulla said that the people would not give him the praetorship because they wished him to be aedile first. They knew that he could obtain African animals for exhibition (Plut. Sulla 5).

[62] Cic. in Verr. v. 14. 36.

[63] Liv. x. 47; xxvii. 6.

[64] Liv. xxiii. 30.

[65] Liv. xxx. 39.

[66] Plin. H.N. xviii. 286.

[67] Mommsen Röm. Münzw. p. 645.

[68] Liv. xxxvi. 36. On these festivals see Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals pp. 72. 91. 70. The Megalesia seem to have fallen to the lot of the curule aediles (Dio. Cass. xliii. 48), the others to have been given indifferently by either pair.

[69] Val. Max. ii. 4-7; Liv. Ep. xvi. It was exhibited in the Forum Boarium by Marcus and Decimus Brutus at the funeral of their father.

[70] Compare Livy's description (xli. 20) of the adoption of Roman gladiatorial shows by Antiochus Epiphanes—Armorum studium plerisque juvenum accendit.

[71] Polyb. xxx. 13.

[72] Liv. xxxix. 22.

[73] Liv. xliv. 18.

[74] Dig. 21. 1. 40-42 (from the edict of the curule aediles) Ne quis canem, verrem vel minorem aprum, lupum, ursum, pantheram, leonem … qua vulgo iter fiet, ita habuisse velit, ut cuiquam nocere damnumve dare possit.

[75] Cic. de Off. ii. 17. 60 Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria. He adds the pious but unattainable wish Tamen ipsa et ad facultates accomodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. Compare the remarks of Pöhlmann on the subject in his Geschichte des antiken Communismus und Sozialismus ii. 2. p. 471.

[76] Mommsen Staatsr. ii., p. 382.

[77] Plut, Ti. Gracch. 14.

[78] Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut, Cat. Maj. 18.

[79] Nitzsch Die Gracchen, p. 128.

[80] Cic. de Off. ii. 22. 76 (Paullus) tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. A deterrent to luxury could still have been created by imposing heavy harbour-dues on articles of value; but this would have required legislation. Nothing is known about the Republican tariff at Italian ports. The percentage may have been uniform for all articles.

[81] Liv. xxxiv. cc. 1-8; Val. Max. ix. 1. 3; Tac. Ann. iii. 33.

[82] Macrob. Sat. iii. 17; Festus pp. 201, 242; Schol. Bob. p. 310; Meyer Orat. Rom. Fragm. p. 91.

[83] This date (161) is given by Pliny (H.N. x. 139); Macrobius (Sat. iii. 17. 3) places the law in 159.

[84] Gell. ii. 24; Macrob. Sat. iii. 17; Plin. H.N. x. 139; Tertull. Apol. vi. The ten asses of this law are the Fanni centussis misellus of Lucilius.

[85] It seems that we must assume formal acceptance on the part of the allies in accordance with the principle that Rome could not legislate for her confederacy, a principle analogous to that which forbade her to force her franchise on its members (Cic. pro Balbo 8, 20 and 21).

[86] We may compare the enactment of 193 B.C., which was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents (Liv. xxxv. 7 M. Sempronius tribunus plebis … plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset).

[87] The Lex Licinia, which is attributed by Macrobius (l.c.) to P. Licinius Crassus Dives, perhaps belongs either to his praetorship (104 B.C.) or to his consulship (97 B.C.).

[88] Gellius (ii. 24), in speaking of Sulla's experiments, says of the older laws Legibus istis situ atque senio obliteratis.

[89] Exaequatio (Liv. xxxiv. 4).

[90] Cic. de Rep. iii. g. 16; see p. 80.

[91] Compare Tac. Ann. iii. 53. The Emperor Tiberius here speaks of Illa feminarum propria, quis lapidum causa pecuniae nostrae ad externas aut hostilis gentes transferuntur.

[92] The prohibition belongs to the year 229 B.C. (Zonar. viii. 19). For other prohibitions of the same kind dating from, a period later than that which we are considering see Voigt in Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2, p. 376 n. 95.

[93] Earlier enactments had been directed against canvassing, but not against bribery. The simplicity of the fifth century B.C. was illustrated by the law that a candidate should not whiten his toga with chalk (Liv. iv. 25; 433 B.C.). The Lex Poetelia of 358 B.C. (Liv. vii. 16) was directed against personal solicitation by novi homines. Some law of ambitus is known to Plautus (Amph. prol. 73; cf. Trinumm. iv. 3. 26), See Rein Criminalrecht p. 706

[94] Liv. xl. 19 Leges de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt. This was the lex Cornelia Baebia and that it referred to pecuniary corruption is known from a fragment of Cato (ap. Non. vii. 19, s.v. largi, Cato lege Baebia: pecuniam inlargibo tibi).

[95] Obsequens lxxi.

[96] Liv. Ep. xlvii.

[97] Polyb. vi. 56 [Greek: para men Karchaedoniois dora phaneros didontes lambanousi tas archas, para de Rhomaiois thanatos esti peri touto prostimon.]

[98] The position of the ruined patrician will be fully illustrated in the following pages when we deal with the careers of Scaurus and of Sulla.

[99] Liv. xxxiv. 52.

[100] Liv. xxxix. 7.

[101] Liv. xxxviii. 9.

[102] For the later history of the aurum coronarium see Marquardt Staatsverw. ii. p. 295. It was developed from the triumphales coronae (Festus p. 367) and is described as gold Quod triumphantibus … a victis gentibus datur and as imposed by commanders Propter concessam vitam (al. immunitatem) (Serv. Ad. Aen. viii. 721).

[103] Liv. xxi. 63 (218 B.C.) Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris vectandos; quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus.

[104] It was antiqua et mortua (Cic. in Verr. v. 18. 45).

[105] Cicero (Parad. 6. 46) speaks of those Qui honeste rem quaerunt mercaturis faciendis, operis dandis, publicis sumendis. Compare the category of banausic trades in de Off, 1. 42. 150, although in the Paradoxa the contrast is rather that between honest and vicious methods of money-making. Deloume (Les manieurs d'argent à Rome pp. 58 ff.) believes that the fortune of Cicero swelled through participation in publica.

[106] Plut. Cato Maj. 21.

[107] Plut. Crass. 2.

[108] Plut. Cato Maj. 21. Cato employed this method of training as a means of increasing the peculium of his own slaves. But even the peculium technically belonged to the master, and it is obvious that the slave-trainer might have been used by others as a mere instrument for the master's gain.

[109] Plat. l.c. [Greek: haptomenos de syntonoteron porismou taen men georgian mallon haegeito diagogaen hae prosodon.]

[110] Plaut. Trinumm. Prol. 8:

Primum mihi Plautus nomen Luxuriae indidit:
Tum hanc mihi gnatam esse voluit Inopiam.

[111] Liv. xxxiv. 4 (Cato's speech in defence of the Oppian law) Saepe me querentem de feminarum, saepe de virorum, nec de privatorum modo, sed etiam magistratuum sumptibus audistis; diversisque duobus vitiis, avaritia et luxuria, civitatem laborare. Compare Sallust's impressions of a later age (Cat. 3) Pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant.

[112] Polyb. vi. 56.

[113] Polyb. xxiv. 9.

[114] Cato ap. Gell. xi. 18. 18. The speech was one De praeda militibus dividenda.

[115] We first hear of a standing court for peculatus in 66 B.C. (Cic. pro Cluent. 53. 147). It was probably established by Sulla.

[116] Rein Criminalr. pp. 680 ff.; Mommsen Röm. Forsch. ii. pp. 437 ff.

[117] Liv. xxxvii. 57 and 58 (190 B.C.).

[118] See especially the case of Pleminius, Scipio's lieutenant at Locri (204 B.C.), who, after a committee had reported on the charge, was conveyed to Rome but died in bonds before the popular court had pronounced judgment (Liv. xxix. 16-22).

[119] Liv. xlii. 1 (173 B.C.) Silentium, nimis aut modestum aut timidum Praenestinorum, jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.

[120] For such requisitions see Plut. Cato Maj 6 (of Cato's government of Sardinia) [Greek: ton pro autou strataegon eiothoton chraesthai kai skaenomasi daemosiois kai klinais kai himatiois, pollae de therapeia kai philon plaethei kai peri deipna dapanais kai paraskeuais barhynonton.]

[121] Liv. xxxii. 27 Sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati (198 B.C.).

[122] The Lex de Termessibus (a charter of freedom given to Termessus in Pisidia in 71 B.C.) enjoins (ii. l. 15) Nei … quis magistratus … inperato, quo quid magis iei dent praebeant ab ieisve auferatur nisei quod eos ex lege Porcia dare praebere oportet oportebit. This Porcian law was probably the work of Cato (Rein Criminalr. p. 607).

[123] Liv. xxxviii. 43; xxxix. 3; Rein, l.c.

[124] Liv. xliii. 2.

[125] Cic. Brut. 27. 106; de Off. ii. 21. 75; cf. in Verr. iii. 84. 195; iv. 25. 56.

[126] Liv. xli. 15. (176 B.C.) Duo (praetores) deprecati sunt ne in provincias irent, M. Popillius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam pacare &c…. Probata Popillii excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret. Citerior Hispania obvenerat. Ceterum aut ire jussus aut jurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi…. Praetores ambo in eadem verba jurarunt. I have seen the passage cited as a proof that governors would not go to unproductive provinces; but Sardinia was a fruitful sphere for plunder, and the excuses may have been genuine. That of Popillius seems to have been positively patriotic.

[127] Liv. xlii. 45 Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.

[128] Cic. in Verr. v. 48. 126 (70 B.C.) Patimur … multos jam annos et silemus cum videamus ad paucos homines omnes omnium nationum pecunias pervenisse.

[129] For the principle see Gaius iii. 151-153.

[130] Polybius (vi. 17), after speaking of various kinds of property belonging to the state, adds [Greek: panta cheirizesthai symbainei ta proeiraemena dia tou plaethous, kai schedon hos epos eipein pantas endedesthai tais onais kai tais ergasiais tais ek touton].

[131] Polyb. vi. 17. The senate can [Greek: symptomatos genomenou kouphisai kai to parapan adynatou tinos symbantos apolysai taes ergonias]. Thus the senate invalidated the locationes of the censors of 184 B.C. (Liv. xxxix. 44 Locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset.)

[132] In 169 B.C. it was the people that released from an oppressive regulation (Liv. xliii. 16). In this case a tribune answered the censor's intimation, that none of the former state-contractors should appear at the auction, by promulgating the resolution Quae publica vectigalia, ultro tributa C. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset. Ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue jus esset.

[133] Deloume op. cit. pp. 119 ff. Polybius (vi. 17) has been quoted as an authority for the distinction between these two classes. He says [Greek: oi men gar agorazousi para ton timaeton autoi tas ekdoseis, oi de koinonousi toutois, oi d' enguontai tous aegorakotas, oi de tas ousias didoasi peri touton eis to daemosion.] The first three classes are the mancipes, socii and praedes. In the fourth the shareholders (participes or perhaps adfines, cf. Liv. xliii. 16) are found by Deloume (p. 120); but the identification is very uncertain. The words may denote either real as opposed to formal security or the final payment of the vectigal into the treasury. A better evidence for the distinction between socii and shareholders is found in the Pseudo-Asconius (in Cic. in Verr. p. 197 Or.) Aliud enim socius, Aliud particeps qui certam habet partem et non _in_divise agit ut socius. The magnas partes (Cic. pro Rab. Post. 2. 4) and the particulam (Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) of a publicum, need only denote large or small shares held by the socii. Dare partes (Cic. l.c.) is to "allot shares," but not necessarily to outside members. Apart from the testimony of the Pseudo-Asconius and the mention of adfines in Livy the evidence for the ordinary shareholder is slight but by no means fatal to his existence.

[134] E.g. by loan to a socius at a rate of interest dependent on his returns, perhaps with a pactum de non petendo in certain contingencies.

[135] These are, in strict legal language, the true publicani; the lessees of state property are publicanorum loco (Dig. 39. 4, 12 and 13).

[136] Later legal theory assimilated the third with the first class. Gaius says (ii. 7) In eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur. But the theory is not ancient-perhaps not older than the Gracchan period. See Greenidge Roman Public Life p. 320. From a broad standpoint the first and second classes may be assimilated, since the payment of harbour dues (portoria) is based on the idea of the use of public ground by a private occupant.

[137] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 31. 84.

[138] Thédenat in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.

[139] Compare Cunningham Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects vol. i. p. 162.

[140] Cic. in Verr. ii. 55. 137; iii. 33. 77; ii. 13. 32; 26. 63.

[141] Ibid. ii. 13. 32.

[142] Liv. xxv. 3.

[143] Liv. xxiii. 49.

[144] Liv. xxiv. 18; Val. Max. v. 6. 8.

[145] Plut. Cato Maj. 19.

[146] Liv. xliii. 16.

[147] Cic. Brut. 22. 85 Cum in silva Sila facta caedes esset notique homines interfecti insimulareturque familia, partim etiam liberi, societatis ejus, quae picarias de P. Cornelio, L. Mummio censoribus redemisset, decrevisse senatum ut de ea re cognoscerent et statuerent consules. For the value of the pine-woods of Sila see Strabo vi. 1. 9.

[148] Liv. xlv. 18 Metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationesque praediorum rusticorum tolli placebat. Nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse, et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut jus publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. The praedia rustica were probably public domains, that might have formed part of the crown lands of the Macedonian Kings and would now, in the natural course of events, have been leased to publicani.

[149] It might happen that the interest of the negotiator was opposed to that of the publicanus. The former, for instance, might wish portoria to be lessened, the latter to be increased (Cic. ad Att. ii. 16. 4). But such a conflict was unusual.

[150] Cato R.R. pr. 1. Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem quaerere, nisi tam periculosum sit, et item fenerari, si tam honestum sit. Majores nostri sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto pejorem civem existimarint feneratorem quam furem, hinc licet existimare. Cf. Cic. de Off. i. 42. 150. Improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum.

[151] Cic. de Off. ii. 25. 89. Cum ille … dixisset "Quid fenerari?" tum Cato "Quid hominem," inquit, "occidere?"

[152] For such professional money-lenders see Plaut. Most. iii. 1. 2 ff.; Curc. iv. 1. 19.

[153] Liv. xxxii. 27.

[154] On the history and functions of the bankers see Voigt Ueber die
Bankiers, die Buchführung und die Litteralobligation der Römer (Abh. d.
Königl. Sächs. Gesell. d. Wissench.; Phil. hist. Classe, Bd. x);
Marquardt Staatsverw, ii. pp. 64 ff.; Deloume Les manieurs d'argent à
Rome, pp. 146 ff.

[155] Plin. H.N. xxi. 3. 8.

[156] Cf. Cic. de Off, iii. 14. 58. Pythius, qui esset ut argentarius apud omnes ordines gratiosus….

[157] Yet the two never became thoroughly assimilated. The argentarius, for instance, was not an official tester of money, and the nummularii appear not to have performed certain functions usual to the banker, e.g. sales by auction. See Voigt op. cit. pp. 521. 522.

[158] Plaut. Cure. iv. 1. 6 ff.

Commonstrabo, quo in quemque hominem facile inveniatis loco.
* * * * *
Ditis damnosos maritos sub basilica quaerito.
Ibidem erunt scorta exoleta, quique stipulari solent.
* * * * *
In foro infumo boni homines, atque dites ambulant.
Sub veteribus, ibi sunt qui dant quique accipiunt faenore.

[159] To be bankrupt is foro mergi (Plaut. Ep. i. 2. 16), a foro fugere, abire (Plaut. Pers. iii. 3. 31 and 38).

[160] Cic. de Off. ii. 24. 87. Toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius a quibusdam optumis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus … disputatur. For Janus medius and the question whether it means an arch or a street see Richter Topogr. der Stadt Rom. pp. 106. 107.

[161] Liv. xxxix. 44; xliv. 16. The Porcian was followed by the Fulvian Basilica (Liv. xl. 51). The dates of the three were 184, 179, 169 B.C. respectively.

[162] Deloume op. cit. pp. 320 ff.; Guadet in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Basilicae.

[163] Large transport ships could themselves come to Rome if their build was suited to river navigation. In 167 B.C. Aemilius Paulus astonished the city with the size of a ship (once belonging to the Macedonian King) on which he arrived (Liv. xlv. 35). On the whole question of this foreign trade see Voigt in Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2, pp. 373-378.

[164] Voigt op. cit. p. 377 n. 99.

[165] Compare Cunningham Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects vol. i. p. 165, "It is only under very special conditions, including the existence of a strong government to exercise a constant control, that free play for the formation of associations of capitalists bent on securing profit, is anything but a public danger. The landed interest in England has hitherto been strong enough to bring legislative control to bear on the moneyed men from time to time…. The problem of leaving sufficient liberty for the formation of capital and for enterprise in the use of it, without allowing it licence to exhaust the national resources, has not been solved."

[166] Plut. Numa 17. On the history of these gilds see Waltzing Corporations professionelles chez les Remains pp. 61-78.

[167] The praetor was Rutilius (Ulpian in Dig. 38. 2. 1. 1), perhaps P. Rutilius Rufus, the consul of 105 B.C. (Mommsen Staatsr. in. p. 433). See the last chapter of this volume. For the principle on which such operae were exacted from freedmen see Mommsen l.c.

[168] Inliberales ac sordidi quaestus (Cic. de Off. i. 42. 150).

[169] Gell. vii. (vi.) 9; Liv. ix. 46; Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 497.

[170] Cf. Cic. de Off. i. 42. 151 Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agricultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius.

[171] See de Boor Fasti Censorii. A disturbing element in this enumeration is the uncertainty of numerals in ancient manuscripts. But the fact of the progressive decline is beyond all question. No accidental errors of transcription could have produced this result in the text of Livy's epitome.

[172] Liv. Ep. xvi.

[173] Ibid. lvi.

[174] Ibid. xlvi. xlviii.

[175] Euseb. Arm. a. Abr. 1870 Ol. 158.3 (Hieron. Ol. 158.2 = 608 A.U.C.).

[176] Liv. Ep. lvi.

[177] Eorum qui arma ferre possent (Liv. i. 44); [Greek: ton echonton taen strateusimon haelikian] (Dionys. xi. 63); [Greek: ton en tais haelikiais] (Polyb. ii. 23).

[178] Besides the proletarii all under military age would be excluded from these lists. Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. p. 411) goes further and thinks that the seniores are not included in our lists.

[179] The limit to the incidence of taxation was a property of 1500 asses (Cic. de Rep. ii. 22. 40), the limit of census for military service was by the time of Polybius reduced to 4000 asses (Polyb. vi. 19). Gellius (xvi. 10. 10) gives a reduction to 375 asses at a date unknown but preceding the Marian reform. Perhaps the numerals are incorrect and should be 3,750.

[180] Liv. xl. 38.

[181] Gell. i. 6. Cf. Liv. Ep. lix.

[182] See Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 276.

[183] Concubinatus could not, by the nature of the case, become a legal conception until the Emperor Augustus had devised penalties for stuprum. It was then necessary to determine what kind of stuprum was not punishable. But the social institution and its ethical characteristics, although they may have been made more definite by legal regulations, could not have originated in the time of the Principate. For the meaning of paelex in Republican times see Meyer Der römische Konkubinat and a notice of that work in the English Historical Review for July 1896.

[184] Cunningham Western Civilisation p. 156. Cf. Soltau in Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums p. 318.

[185] Plin. H.N. xviii. 3. 22; Varro R.R. i. 1. 10.

[186] Colum. 1. 1. 18. The Latin translation was probably made shortly after the destruction of Carthage, circa 140 B.C. (Mahaffy The Work of Mago on Agriculture in Hermathena vol. vii. 1890). Mahaffy believes that the Greek translation by Cassius Dionysius (Varro R.R. i. 1. 10) was later, and he associates it with the colonies planted by C. Gracchus in Southern Italy.

[187] Saturnia in 183 (Liv. xxxix. 55), Graviscae in 181 (Liv. xl. 29), Luna in 180 and again in 177 (Liv. xli. 13; Mommsen in C.I.L. i. n. 539). See Marquardt Staatsverw, i. p. 39.

[188] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 198.

[189] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 198.

[190] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[191] Varro R.R. ii. 5. II Pascuntur armenta commodissime in nemoribus, ubi virgulta et frons multa. Hieme secundum mare, aestu abiguntur in montes frondosos.

[192] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 16.

[193] Nitzsch op. cit. p. 17.

[194] Cic. de Off. ii. 25. 89. So in Cato's more reasoned estimate (R.R. i. 7) of the relative degrees of productivity, although vinea comes first (cf. p. 80) yet pratum precedes campus frumentarius.

[195] App. Hannib. 61.

[196] App. l.c.; Gell. x. 3. 19.

[197] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 193 So zerfiel denn Mittelitalien in zwei scharf-getheilte Hälften, den ackerbauenden Westen und den viehzuchttreibenden Osten; jener reich an Häfen, von Landstrassen durchschnitten, in einer Menge von Colonien oder einzelnen Gehöften von Römischen Ackerbürgern bewohnt; dieser fast ohne Häfen, nur von einer Küstenstrasse durchschnitten, für den grossen Römer der rechte Sitz seiner Sclaven und Heerden. Cf. p. 21. For the pasturage in Calabria and Apulia see op. cit. pp. 13 and 193.

[198] Liv. xxviii. II; cf. Luc. Phars. i. 30.

[199] Dureau de la Malle (Économie Politique ii. p. 38) compares the precept of the Roman "Quid est agrum bene colere? bene arare. Quid secundum? arare. Tertio stercorare" with the adage of the French farmer "Fumez bien, labourez mal, vous recueillerez plus qu'en fumant mal et en labourant bien".

[200] See Dreyfus Les lois agraires p. 97. Varro (R.R. i. 12. 2) is singularly correct in his account of the nature of the disease that arose from the loca palustria:—Crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos. The passage is cited by Voigt (Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2. p. 358) who gives a good sketch of the evils consequent on neglect of drainage.

[201] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 228.

[202] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[203] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 237.

[204] Polyb. xxxvii. 3.

[205] Polyb. ii. 15.

[206] For such purchases from Sardinia see Liv. xxxvi. 2, from Sicily (at a period later than that which we are considering) Cic. in Verr. iii. 70, 163.

[207] Cf. Cato R.R. i. 3 (In choosing the situation of one's estate) oppidum validum prope siet aut mare aut amnis, qua naves ambulant, aut via bona celebrisque.

[208] For the traditions which assign a very early date for laws dealing with the ager publicus see the following chapter, which treats of the legislation of Tiberius Gracchus.

[209] App, Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek: taes de gaes taes doriktaetou sphisin ekastote gignomenaes taen men exeirgasmenaen autika tois oikizomenois epidiaeroun hae epipraskon hae exemisthoun, taen d' argon ek tou polemou tote ousan, hae dae kai malista eplaethyen, ouk agontes po scholaen dialachein, epekaerytton en tosode tois ethelousin ekponein epi telei ton etaesion karpon].

[210] For the evidence for this and other statements connected with the ager publicus see the citations in the next chapter.

[211] In consequence of the doubtfulness of the traditions concerning early agrarian laws this time cannot even be approximately specified. See the next chapter.

[212] Tradition represents the first laws dealing with the ager publicus (e. g. the supposed lex Licinia) as earlier than the lex Poetelia of 326 B.C., which abolished the contract of nexum.

[213] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8 [Greek: hysteron de ton geitnionton plousion hypoblaetois prosopois metapheronton tas misthoseis eis eautous.]

[214] App. Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek: oi gar plousioi … ta … anchou sphisin, osa te haen alla brachea penaeton, ta men onoumenoi peithoi ta de bia lambanontes, pedia makra anti chorion egeorgoun.] Cf. Seneca Ep. xiv. 2 (90). 39 Licet agros agris adjiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel injuria.

[215] [Greek: pedia makra] (App. l.c.), Plin. H.N. xviii. 6. 35 Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam. (For the expression lati fundi see Siculus Flaccus pp. 157, 161). Frontinus p. 53 Per longum enim tempus attigui possessores vacantia loca quasi invitante otiosi soli opportunitate invaserunt, et per longum tempus inpune commalleaverunt. For the invasion of pasturage see Frontinus p. 48 Haec fere pascua certis personis data sunt depascenda tunc cum agri adsignati sunt. Haec pascua multi per inpotentiam invaserunt et colunt.

[216] In spite of the fertility of the land, the native Gallic population had vanished from most of the districts of this region as early as Polybius' time (Polyb. ii. 35). Cf. Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 60.

[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.

[218] Steinwender Die römische Bürgerschaft in ihrem Verhältnis zum Heere p. 28.

[219] App. Bell. Civ. i. 7.

[220] Polyb. vi. 39.

[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus:—Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse … Duodecim (coloniae) … negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent.

[222] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 194.

[223] Cato R.R. 144 etc.

[224] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 187.

[225] Cato R.R. 5. 136.

[226] Cato R.R. 136 Politionem quo pacto partiario dari oporteat. In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat, satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat … Hordeum quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.

[227] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 188.

[228] Dureau de la Malle Économie Politique ii. pp. 225, 226.

[229] Cato R.R. i. 7 Vinea est prima,… secundo loco hortus inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria silva.

[230] Cic. de Rep. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.

[231] See Cato R.R. 7, 8 for the produce of the fundus suburbanus. Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of the hortus inriguus.

[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2 p. 370). Communities and corporations employed coloni on their agri vectigales (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin. de Cond. Agr. p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).

[233] Liv. xlv. 34.

[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" in Hermathena no. xvi. 1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.

[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.

[236] Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 8. 12 [Greek: hae polemikae physei ktaetikae pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin, hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon.]

[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the East—the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from Malta past Crete and Cyprus.

[238] Wallon Histoire de l'Esclavage ii. p, 45.

[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek: en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous halontas eleutherous homologountes.]

[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos, continues [Greek: hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore, katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai.]

[241] Plut. Cato Maj. 4.

[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of the prices given in Plautus are as follows:—A child, 600 denarii, a nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000. Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions 6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.

[243] Ter. Andria ii. 6. 26.

[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents (villici, villicae, procuratores) experience may have been an element in the prices which they fetched.

[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.

[246] Plut. Cato Maj. 21.

[247] Cato R.R. 56, 57.

[248] Ibid. 2.

[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the functions of villicus and those of procurator. The former still controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Müller's Handbuch iv. 2 p. 368.

[250] Colum. i. 6.

[251] An inspection of all the ergastula of Italy was ordered by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 32) and Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 8). Columella (i. 8) recommends inspection by the master.

[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3). See Thédenat in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.

[253] Plaut. Most. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.

[254] For the distinction between the vincti and soluti see Colum. i. 7.

[255] Varro R.R. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to believe that these had not developed some kind of training.

[256] Varro R.R. ii. 10. 7.

[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.

[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.

[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them as nationis eius. He has just mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.

[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.

[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.

[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[263] Bücher Die Aufstände der unfreien Arbeiter p. 34. Cf. Soltau in Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums p. 326.

[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.

[265] Mahaffy l.c.

[266] Cf. Bücher op. cit. p. 79.

[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3—(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.

[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.

[269] Diod. l.c.

[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on the administration of the island must always have been great. But Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is true only of the period preceding the second servile war.

[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).

[272] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 228.

[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek: hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes taes naesou.]

[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek: oud estin eipein … hosa enybrizon te kai enaeselgainon.]

[275] [Greek: planon te apekaloun] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).

[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.

[277] Ibid. 2. 39.

[278] Ibid., 2, 24.

[279] Liv. Ep. lv.; App. Syr. 68. Cf. Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 288.

[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the tragic poet of Eretria.

[281] [Greek: kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).

[282] Ibid. 2. 42.

[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.

[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum—nec nominare ipsos pudebit—castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P. Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: epi tae prophasei ton drapeton] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48). Wallon (Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. Ep. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This Mamertium oppidum of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (Mamertinorum oppidum, Bücher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schäfer, however (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (Murgentinum oppidum).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 ext. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the lex Rupilia see Cic. in Verr. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16. 39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek: epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 203.

[302] Cic. Brut. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. Inst. Or. i. 1. 6; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1.

[303] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[305] Nitzsch Die Gracchen pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou] (money penalties) [Greek: pollakis … thanatou de krinei monos].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (circa 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood. Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4.

[314] Cic. pro Cael. 14. 34; Suet. Tib. 2.

[315] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv. 2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4 [Greek: tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, the teichos was probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 244); cf. App. Lib. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 7; cf. App. Iber. 83; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 280; Long Decline of Rom. Rep. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 7 [Greek: ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d' allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion.] Cf. Cic. de Off. iii. 30. 109.

[321] Cic. Brut. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. de Har. Resp. 20. 43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C. Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. Inst. Or. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass. frg. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. Acad. Prior. ii. 5. 13 Duo … sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 9.

[328] App. Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek: esemnologaese peri tou Italikou genous]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 9.

[331] App. Bell. Civ. i. 9; cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law having dealt with the land question is Varro (R.R. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. Cam. 39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment punishes intent (for the Rhodians were charged with having intended hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following reductio ad absurdum of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau Das Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla … agrum Campanum attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus, which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed in the extant Lex agraria (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C. Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur…. The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (ad Att. 1. 19. 4) of his own attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuus p. 229.

[339] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 9 [Greek: anekainize ton nomon maedena ton pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton]. Liv. Ep. lviii. Ne quis ex publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, Bell, Civ. 1. 11 [Greek: ekeleue tous plousious … mae, en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin, ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea]. If [Greek: aneu timaes] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to the timae mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a valuation to be received by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean "without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, Ti. Gracch. 9 [Greek: ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant Lex Agraria (C. I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis … agri jugra Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. Bell. Civ. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, Bell. Civ. i. 10

[348] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek: prosetithei … taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. Bell. Civ. i. 21). See Mommsen Staatsr. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the plebeian assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. de Leg. Agr, ii. 7. 16).

[349] App. Bell, Civ. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides] would naturally be the municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria l. 31); but Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the civitates foederatae are here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the municipia to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship, still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron, oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen anepitaedeion.]

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai thalattan.]

[358] App. Bell. Civ. i. 12.

[359] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10 [Greek: paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous]. Plutarch is apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the timae (c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 12. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 11) preserves a tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of the possessores who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree, carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: Mallios kai phoulbios] (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 11). Schäfer (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 12 oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai.

[365] App. l. c.

[366] App. l. c.

[367] Or in contio held before the meeting. The scene is described in Plut. Ti. Gracch, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon.]

[369] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen Staatsr. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (Bell. Civ. 1. 13); Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. Iber. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. Ep. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear as III vir a. d. a. (Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae, C.I.L. 1. 197; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 9; cf. Lex Acilia Repetundarum 1. 13, C.I.L. i. 198; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn. 552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 13.

[378] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[381] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 315.

[382] Liv. Ep. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali fuisset divideretur. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (Brut. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus. Brut. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. De Leg. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit; quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (pro Mil. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. Quaest. Rom. Section 81.

[388] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[389] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 15.

[390] App. Bell. Civ. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: authis allois nomois anelambane to plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison arithmon.] Dio Cass. Frg. 88 [Greek: ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes epi tous hippeas metaege] (Cf. Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19). What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt. According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies. The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt Staatsverw. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by Gracchus is unknown.

[394] Lex Acilia ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. de Fin. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv. ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv. xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae civitatem.

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention, of the Gracchan legislation when he says (de Rep. iii. 29. 41) Ti. Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. Bell. Civ. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 505.

[401] Dio Cass. frg. 88 [Greek: epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (fr. 22) [Greek: koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein]; but tradition held that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 13. The scene is thus described by Asellio (a contemporary):—Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat, produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5). Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. Ti. Gracch., 16.

[407] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou] (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 17).

[409] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16.

[410] Richter Topographie p. 128.

[411] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 18.

[412] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[413] App. Bell. Civ. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19) the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid … res publica detrimenti capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19 [Greek: epei … prodidosin ho archon taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite.] The most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7): —In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant, cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit, consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero…. Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods. Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[420] [Cic.] ad Herenn, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] ad Herenn. iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:—Iste spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat, relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16.

[423] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[424] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16 [Greek: kai pantas autous nyktos exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou]. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64 (Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. C. Gracch. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro dijudicatae (cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20; App. Bell. Civ. i. 17). Cic. de Rep. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20 [Greek: tautaen protaen historousin en Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono politon diakrithaenai.]

[428] Sall. Jug. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent … Cf. Vellei. ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. de Amic. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.

[431] Cic. de Amic. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington Fastes p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica … ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. in Cat. i. 1. 3; Val. Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21; App. Bell. Civ. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A. I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P. Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These termini suggest the limites Graccani of the Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian assignments under the leges Semproniae (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. Ep. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae. App. Bell. Civ. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac., C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A. (cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. Ep. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor Fasti Censorii.

[442] Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. Bell. Civ. i. 18 [Greek: amelounton de ton kektaemenon autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (de Condic. Agr. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R., quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes…. The passage seems to state that some agri which owed vectigal to communities belonged to the Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption, although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. Bell. Civ. i 19.

[447] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21. Hom. Od. i. 47.

[448] Cic. Phil. xi. 8. 18; Liv. Ep. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. Ep. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. de Amic. 25. 95 Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius. Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas! … Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. de Or. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti. Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium," inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos adduxi." Cf. Cic, pro Mil. 3. 8; Liv. Ep. lix; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21.

[451] App. Bell. Civ. i. 19 [Greek: ho d' es tous polemous autois kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein … oknaese.]

[452] Liv. Ep. lvii.

[453] App. Bell. Civ. i 19.

[454] Liv. Ep. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. de Amic. 3. 12.

[460] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[461] Plut. Rom. 27 [Greek: oi men automatos onta physei nosodae kamein legousin.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. C. Gracch. 10 [Greek: kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou zaetoumenou genaetai.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita est quaestio. Cf. Liv. Ep. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. ad Cic. Milon. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21. 3, ad Q. fr. ii 3. 3, de Or. ii. 40. 170. Cf. de Amic. 12. 41.

[469] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20 [Greek: hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito.] For the theory of suicide cf. Plut. Rom. 27 [Greek: oi d' auton hyph' eautou pharmakois apothanein (legousin).]

[472] Schol. Bob. in Milon, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. de Leg. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. Ep. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. Civ. i. 21 [Greek: kai gar tis haedae nomos ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek panton epilegesthai.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute majority required for election (explere tribus), any one—even a tribune already in office—should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. Bell. Civ. i 21 [Greek: kai tines esaegounto tous symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes ton chorion taen politeian.]

[479] Cic. de Off. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros…. Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law see Cic. Brut. 28. 109:—Fuit … M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C. Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni Müller) et peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".

[481] App. Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek: Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti hypaekoon esomenous]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius Flaccus consul, … cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a rogatio to grant voting rights to the municipia of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit … Flaccus in totius amplissimi ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 21.

[484] App. Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek: esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian exepemphthae dia tode].

[485] Liv. Ep. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. Ep. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90; Plut. C. Gracch. 3; [Cic.] ad Herenn. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino … consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. C. Gracch. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's death in 172 B.C. See F. Köpp De Attali III patre in Rhein. Mus. xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa Real, Enc. p. 2170, and for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. de Frat. Amor. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix. 34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2. The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by inscriptions (Fränkel Inschriften von Pergamon nn. 214 ff., 224, 225, 248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king [Greek: ho tadelphon nios] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: ho theios mon] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fränkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa Real. Enc. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172; Ussing Pergamos p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. Macrob. 12. He was sixty-one years old at his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success, as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fränkel Inschr. von Pergamon n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek: aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton hupenantion] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.

[504] Liv. Ep. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2; Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14; Eutrop. iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App. Mithr. 62.

[505] Sall. Hist. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphum duxere.

[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription (Fränkel Inschr. von Pergamon n. 249). The inscription records a resolution taken by the [Greek: daemos] on the proposal of the [Greek: strataegoi]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [Greek: dei de epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion]). Pergamon has by the death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177), been left "free" (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek: apoleloipen taen patrida haemon eleutheran)]. The first result of this freedom is that the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights are given to Paroeci (i.e. incolae) and (mercenary) soldiers; the rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:—freedmen, royal and public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc., Ussing Pergamos p. 55.

[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may have been courteous enough to recognise the "freedom" of the city from this point of view. See p. 177.

[508] Liv. Ep. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.

[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus, qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as "Eumenis filius". Strabo (xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek: dokon tou genous einai tou ton basileon].

[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.

[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek: to paraplaesion de] (to the slave revolt in Sicily) [Greek: gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis peribalonton].

[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek: eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep' eleutheria katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese]. For the view that Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god of Syria, see Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 1; Bücher op. cit. pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the slave revolts, see Mahaffy in Hermathena xvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.

[514] Strabo l.c.

[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.

[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek: euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis]. Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.

[519] Cic. Phil. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.

[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).

[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret. Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali, multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit, pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.

[522] Cf. Liv. Ep. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea factum erat, extra Italiam profectus….

[523] Quinctil, Inst. Or. xi. 2. 50.

[524] Gell. i. 13.

[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).

[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui successor Crasso veniebat.

[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[528] Val. Max. l.c. Cf. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius (iv. 20) states that Crassus's head was taken to Aristonicus, his body buried at Smyrna.

[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in potestatem suam redegit.

[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv. Ep. lix.

[531] Justin. l.c.

[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata velocitate contendit.

[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.

[534] Vellei. ii. 4.

[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to Rome by Perperna.

[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit, mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma violasset.

[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek: Manion d' Akyllios, epelthon hypatos meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon taes politeias schaema.]

[538] An inscription with the words [Greek: Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou hypato(s) Rhomaion] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).

[539] Where the rights of city-states were in question the lines of demarcation between "province" and "protectorate" were necessarily vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.

[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at Ephesus. See Waddington Fastes p. 674.

[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to the reckoning of the Fasti). See Fasti triumph, in C.I.L. i.

[542] Waddington Fastes pp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).

[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (in Pis. 35. 86).

[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.

[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann in Philologus 1847 p. 642.

[546] Forbiger Handb. der All. Geogr. ii. p. 338.

[547] Reinach Mithridate Eupator p. 43.

[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.

[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin. H.N. xxxiii. ii. 148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam…. At eadem Asia donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.

[550] Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia i. 2, pp. 423, 762; Reinach. Mithridate Eupator p. 457.

[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see Waddington Fastes l. c.

[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones (Hor, Od. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from Ihne Rom. Gesch. v., p. 76).

[553] Liv. Ep. lix; App. Illyr. 10, Bell. Civ. i. 19; Plin. H.N. iii. 19. 129; Fasti triumph. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.

[554] Liv. Ep. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian. xv. 12. 5.

[555] Liv. Ep. lx; Plut. C. Gracch. 1. 2.

[556] Fasti Triumph. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos. ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)

[557] Plut. C. Gracch. 2.

[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.

[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa Real. Enc. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares of the Romans, [Greek: Gymnaesiai, Baliareis] of the Greeks) see the same author's Römische Heerschaft in Westeuropa 208 ff.

[560] Strabo iii. v. 1.

[561] Diod. v. 17. 4.

[562] Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa Real. Enc. l. c.

[563] They also purchased wine. They were so [Greek: philogynai] that they would give pirates three or four men as a ransom for one woman (Diod. v. 17).

[564] Strabo l.c. [Greek: oi katoikountes eiraenaioi … kakourgon de tinon oligon koinonias systaesamenon pros tous en tois pelagesi laestas, dieblaethaesan hapantes, kai diebae Metellos ep' autous ho Baliarikos prosagoreutheis.]

[565] Strabo l.c.

[566] Strabo l.c. [Greek: eisaegage de (Metellos) epoikous trischilious ton ek taes Ibaerias Rhomaion.]

[567] Fasti Triumph. (121 B.C.) Q. Caecilius Q.F.Q.N. Metellus a. dcxxxii Baliaric. procos. de Baliarib.

[568] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 2.

[569] Quae sic ab illo acta esse constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent (Cic. de Or, iii. 56. 214).

[570] Plut. l.c.

[571] Plut. l.c.

[572] Cic. Brut, 33. 125 Sed ecce in manibus vir et praestantissimo ingenio et flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus…. Grandis est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis. His "impetus" is dwelt on in Tac. de Orat. 26.

[573] Cic. Brut. 33. 126 Manus extrema non accessit operibus ejus: praeclare inchoata multa, perfecta non plane. Cf. Tac. de Orat. 18 Sic Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior; sic Graccho politior et ornatior Crassus.

[574] Cic, de Or. iii. 56. 214.

[575] P. 127

[576] Plut. C. Gracch. 1.

[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro suilla humanam trucidet.

[578] Plut. l.c.

[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam quaestor sortitus.

[580] Plut. l.c.

[581] Cic. de Div. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.

[582] Plut. C. Gracch. 2.

[583] Plut. l.c.

[584] Plut. l.c.

[585] Ibid. [Greek: alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta proapostaenai tou archontos].

[586] Cic. Div. in Caec. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici muneris societatem.

[587] A passage from Caius's speech "apud censores" is quoted by Cicero Orat. 70.233.

[588] Plutarch says (C. Gracch. 2) that Caius [Greek: aitaesamenos logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein haedikaesthai ta megista doxas]. The passage seems to imply acquittal by the censors, although [Greek: ton akousanton] suggests the larger audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made before the people.

[589] Gell. xv. 12.

[590] Plut. C. Gracch. 3; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65.

[591] Plut. l.c.

[592] Plut. l.c.

[593] Cic. pro Rab. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut. C. Gracch. 4 [Greek: (nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen, kat' auton didonta krisin to daemo_.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret. Cic. in Cat. iv. 5. 10; in Verr. v. 63. 163. Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[594] Plut. C. Gracch. 4.

[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 28, 61 Consule me, cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[596] Cic. pro Domo 31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio … tulit. de Leg. iii. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem … incitasset, ferremus. Cf. pro Cluent. 35. 95; de Rep. i. 3.6. For the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.

[597] Cic. post Red. in Sen. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio, nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo populum Romanum est deprecata.

[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek: ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos.] Cf. Plut. C. Gracch. 4.

[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius's account of Rupilius's death (ap. Cic. Tusc. iv. 17.40) with this condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his brother's failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened before Scipio's death (Cic. de Am 20.73). But his brother may have continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius's condemnation.

[600] Plut. C. Gracch. 4 [Greek: (nomon) eisephere … ei tinos archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras archaes metousian einai.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known as abacti (Festus p. 23 Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).

[601] Plut. l.c.

[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein.]

[603] Liv. Ep. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.

[604] Liv. Ep. lx.; Oros. v. II; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 393.

[605] Plut. C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon tois penaesi taen agoran.] App. Bell. Civ. i. 21 [Greek: sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum plebi dari instituerat. Liv. Ep. lx Leges tulit, inter quas frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob. p. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet. Cf. Mommsen Die römischen Tribus pp. 179 and 182.

[606] Mommsen (Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less than half. The average market-price of the modius is difficult to fix. A low price seems to have been about 12 asses the modius. See Smith and Wilkins in Smith _Dict. of Antiq. i. p. 877. For occasional sales below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin. H.N. xviii. 3. 17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.

[607] Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat aerarium.

[608] Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.

[609] Cic. de Off. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio; exhauriebat igitur aerarium: pro Sest. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C. Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large sine labore. Cf. Brut. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: to koinon tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.

[610] Plut. C. Gracch. 6 [Greek: egrapse de kai … kataskeuazesthai sitobolia.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.

[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus xxxv. 25 [Greek: tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen politeian].

[612] Plut. C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon].

[613] [Greek: kai neoteron eton heptakaideka mae katalegesthai stratiotaen] (Plut. l.c.).

[614] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ton de nomon … ho men haen klaerouchikos hama nemon tois penaesi taen daemosian.] Liv. Ep. lx Tulit … legem agrariam, quam et frater ejus tulerat. Vellei. ii. 6 (C. Gracchus) dividebat agros, vetabat quemquam civem plus quingentis jugeribus habere, quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat. Cf. Cic. de Leg. Agr. i. 7. 21; ii. 5. 10; Oros. v. 12; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[615] Lex Agraria (C.I.L. i. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) 1. 6. See p. 113, note 2.

[616] In 125 B.C. the census had been 394, 726 (Liv. Ep. lx), in 115 it was 394, 336 (Liv. Ep. lxiii). See de Boor Fasti Censorii.

[617] Herzog Staatsverf. i. p. 466.

[618] In 142 B.C. (Cic. de Fin. ii. 16. 54).

[619] Polyb. vi. 14.

[620] Cic. pro Mur. 28. 58; pro Font. 13. 38; Brut. 21. 81; Div. in Caec. 21. 69; Tac_. Ann_ 111. 66. Valerius Maximus (viii. 1. 11) can scarcely be correct in saying that the trial took place apud populum. It seems to have been a trial for extortion.

[621] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22. Cf. Cic. Div. in Caec. 21. 69 [Ascon.] in loc.; App. Mithr. 57.

[622] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22 [Greek: oi te presbeis oi kat auton eti parontes syn phthono tauta permontes ekekragesan.]

[623] Plut, C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de dikastikos (nomos) ho to pleiston apekopse taes ton synklaetikon dynameos … ho de priakosious ton hippeon proskatelexen antois ousi triakosiois kai tas kriseis koinas ton hexakosion epoiaese]. Cf. Compar. 2. Liv. Ep. lx Tertiam (legem tulit) qua equestrem ordinem, tunc cum senatu consentientem, corrumperet: "ut sexcenti ex equitibus in curiam sublegerentur: et quia illis temporibus trecenti tantum senatores erant, sexcenti equites trecentis senatoribus admiscerentur": id est, ut equester ordo bis tantum virium in senatu haberet.

[624] Vellei. ii. 6 C. Gracchus … judicia a senatu transferebat ad equites. (Cf. ii. 13. 32). Tac. Ann. xii. 60 Cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione judiciorum locaretur. Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 34 Judicum autem appellatione separare eum (equestrem) ordinem primi omnium instituere Gracchi, discordi popularitate in contumeliam senatus. Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25; xxxvii. 9; App. Bell. Civ. 1. 22.

[625] The qualifications of the Gracchan jurors were probably identical with those required for jurors under the extant lex Repetundarum (C.I. L. i. n. 198; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 10) which is probably the lex Acilia (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 17. 51; cf. Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.). The conditions fixed by this law are as follows (ll. 12, l3):—Praetor quei inter peregrinos jous deicet, is in diebus x proxumeis, quibus h. l. populus plebesve jouserit, facito utei CDL viros legat, quei in hac civit[ate … dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., iii vir cap., tr. mil. l. iv primis aliqua earum, iii vi]rum a. d. a. siet fueri[tve, queive mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit, queive quaestione joudicioque puplico conde]mnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum legei non liceat, queive minor anneis xxx majorve annos lx gnatus siet, queive in u[rbem Romam propiusve urbem Romam passus M domicilium non habeat, queive ejus magistratus, quei supra scriptus est, pater frater filiusve siet, queive ejus, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve siet, queive trans mar]e erit. (Cf. ll. 16, 17). Unfortunately the main qualification for the jurors, which was stated after the words "in hac civitate," has been lost.

[626] Plut. C. Gracch. 6 [Greek: kakeino tous krinountas ek ton hippeon hedoken (ho daemos) katalexai].

[627] The lex Acilia says "within ten days of its becoming law" (p. 214, note 2). If Plutarch (l.c.) is right about Gracchus selecting the original judices, the provision of this lex shows that it cannot be, as some have thought, the law which first created the Gracchan jurors. It must have been passed subsequently to Gracchus's own lex judiciaria.

[628] In the Ciceronian period we find a knight as a judex in a civil case (Cic. pro Rosc. Com. 14. 42), but it is not probable that senators were ever excluded from the civil bench. See Greenidge Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time p. 265.

[629] Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38.

[630] Cic. pro Cluent. 56. 154 Lege … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia (i.e. the law mentioned in note 4) … intellegebant … ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri. Livius Drusus in 91 B.C. attempted to fix a retrospective liability on the equestrian jurors (Cic. pro Rab. Post 7. 16). Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 35. Yet Appian elsewhere (Bell. Civ. i. 22) says that the equites obviated trials for bribery [Greek: synistamenoi sphisin autois kai biazomenoi]. It is possible that prosecutions for corruption before the judicia populi are meant. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[631] Cic. pro Cluent. 55. 151 Hanc ipsam legem NE QUIS JUDICIO CIRCUMVENIRETUR C. Gracchus tulit; eam legem pro plebe, non in plebem tulit. Postea L. Sulla … cum ejus rei quaestionem hac ipsa lege constitueret, … populum Romanum … alligare novo quaestionis genere ausus non est. 56. 154 Illi non hoc recusabant, ea ne lege accusarentur … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia … intellegebant enim ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri.

[632] Gell. 1. xx. 7; Justin. Inst. iv. 5. 2.

[633] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22.

[634] App. l.c. [Greek: kataegorous te enetous epi tois plousiois epaegonto].

[635] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10 Ego ipse, qui aput vos verba facio, uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo facilius vestra commoda et rem publicam administrare possitis, non gratis prodeo.

[636] Vellei. ii. 6. 3 Nova constituebat portoria.

[637] Cf. App. Bell. Civ. v. 4 (M. Antonius to the Asiatics) [Greek: ous … eteleite phorous Attalo, methaekamen hymin, mechri, daemokopon andron kai par' haemin genomenon, edeaese phoron, epei de edeaesen … merae pherein ton ekastote karpon epetazamen].

[638] Fronto ad Verum p. 125 (Naber) Gracchus locabat Asiam. Cic. in Verr. iii. 6. 12 Inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias, judices, in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum … aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.

[639] Decumani, hoc est, principes et quasi senatores publicanorum (Cic. in Verr. ii. 71. 175).

[640] Polyb. vi. 17.

[641] Schol. Bob. p. 259 Cum princeps esset publicanorum Cn. Plancii pater, et societas eadem in exercendis vectigalibus gravissimo damno videretur adfecta, desideratum est in senatu nomine publicanorum ut cum iis ratio putaretur lege Sempronia, et remissionis tantum fieret de summa pecunia, quantum aequitas postularet, pro quantitate damnorum quibus fuerant hostili incursione vexati (60 B.C.; cf. Cic. ad Att. i. 17. 9).

[642] Varro ap. Non. p. 308 G. Equestri ordini judicia tradidit ac bicipitem civitatem fecit discordiarum civilium fontem. Cf. Florus ii. 5 (iii. 17).

[643] Diod. xxxvii. 9 [Greek: apeilousaes taes synklaetou polemon to Grakcho dia taen metathesin ton kritaerion, tetharraekotos outos eipen hoti kan apothano, ou dialeipso to eiphos apo taes pleuras ton synklaetikon diaeraemenos.] Diodorus has preserved the utterance in a more intelligible form than Cicero (de Leg. iii. 9. 20 C. vero Gracchus … sicis iis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem rei publicae statum permutavit?).

[644] Cic. pro Domo 9, 24 Tu provincias consulares, quas C. Gracchus, qui unus maxime popularis fuit, non modo non abstulit a senatu, sed etiam, ut necesse esset quotannis constitui per senatum decretas lege sanxit, eas lege Sempronia per senatum decretas rescidisti. Sall, Fug. 27 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Cic. de Prov. Cons. 2. 3 Decernendae nobis sunt lege Sempronia duae (provinciae). Cf. ad Fam. i. 7. 10; pro Balbo 27. 61.

[645] Cic. de Prov. Cons. 7. 17.

[646] The colonists were to be [Greek: oi chariestatoi ton politon] (Plut. C. Gracch. 9).

[647] Liv. Ep. lx Legibus agrariis latis effecit ut complures coloniae in Italia deducerentur. Cf. Plut. C. Gracch, 6. App. Bell. Civ. 1. 23; Foundations at Abellinum, Cadatia, Suessa Aurunca etc. are attributed to a lex Sempronia or lex Graccana in Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici Lachmann) pp. 229, 233, 237, 238; cf. pp. 216, 219, 228, 255. It is difficult to say whether they were products of the Gracchan agrarian or colonial law. In either case, these foundations may have been subsequent to his death, as neither law was repealed.

[648] Vellei. 1. 15 Et post annum (i.e. a year after the foundation of Fabrateria, see p. 171) Scolacium Minervium, Tarentum Neptunia (coloniae conditae sunt).

[649] Forbiger Handb. der Alt. Geogr. ii. p. 503.

[650] L'Année Epigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31.

[651] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[652] Vellei. ii. 6 Novis coloniis replebat provincias. This may be wrong as a fact but true as an intention.

[653] Vellei. ii. 7.

[654] Plut. C. Gracch. 10 [Greek: Rhoubrion ton synarchonton henos oikizesthai Karchaedona grapsantos anaeraemenaen hypo Skaepionos]…. Lex Acilia 1. 22 Queive 1. Rubria in. vir col. ded. creatus siet fueritve. Cf. Lex Agraria 1. 59. Oros. v. 12 L. Caecilio Metello et Q. Titio (Scr. T. Quinctio) Flaminino coss. Carthago in Africa restitui jussa vicensimo secundo demum anno quam fuerat eversa deductis civium Romanorum familiis, quae eam incolerent, restituta et repleta est. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 21.

[655] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[656] Mommsen l.c. This was the tenure afterwards called that of the jus Italicum.

[657] Liv. Ep. ix; App. Bell. Civ. i. 24.

[658] Plut. C. Gracch. 6; App, Bell. Civ, i. 23.

[659] Plut. C. Gracch. 7.

[660] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 402.

[661] These are apparently the Viasii vicani of the lex Agraria. Sometimes the service was performed by personal labour (operae), at other times a vectigal was demanded. See Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[662] Cic. ad Fam. viii. 6. 5; cf. Mommsen l.c.

[663] This was prohibited by a lex Licinia and a lex Aebutia which Cicero (de Leg. Agr. ii. 8. 21) calls veteres tribuniciae. But it is possible that they were post-Gracchan. See Mommsen Staatsr. ii. p. 630.

[664] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek: ho de Grakchos kai hodous etemnen ana ten Italian makras, plaethos ergolabon kai cheirotechnon hyph' eauto poionmenos, hetoimon es ho ti keleuoi]

[665] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[666] Cic. Brut. 26, 100.

[667] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 158.

[668] Plut. C. Gracch. 6.

[669] Seneca de Ben, vi. 34. 2 Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox Livius Drusus instituerunt segregate turbam suam et alios in secretum recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.

[670] The name of the law was probably lex de sociis et nomine Latino. See Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[671] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek: kai tous Latinous epi panta ekalei ta Rhomaion, hos ouk euprepos sygnenesi taes boulaes antistaenai dynamenaes; ton de heteron symmachon hois ouk ezaen psaephon en tais Rhomaion cheirotoniais pherein, edidous pherein apo toude, epi to echein kai tousde en tais cherotioniais ton nomon auto syntelountas]. The words [Greek: psaephon k.t.l.] refer to the limited suffrage granted to Latin incolae (Liv. xxv. 3. 16); but the voting power of his new Latins would be so small that the motive attributed to this measure by Appian is improbable. See Strachan-Davidson in loc. Other accounts of Gracchus's proposal ignore this distinction between Latins and Italians, e.g. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 5) describes his law as [Greek: isopsaephous toion tois politais tous Italiotas] and Velleius says (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis.

[672] If we may trust Velleius (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis. Cisalpine Gaul was not yet a separate province, but it was not regarded as a part of Italy. The Latin colonies between the Padus and the Rubicon would certainly have received Roman rights, and this may have been the case with a Latin township north of the Padus such as Aquileia. But it is doubtful whether Latin rights would have been given to the towns between the Padus and the Alps. These Transpadani received Latinitas in 89 B.C. (Ascon. in Pisonian. P. 3).

[673] C. Gracch. ap, Gell. x. 3. 3.

[674] Fann. ap. Jul. Victor 6. 6. A speech of Fannius as consul against Caius Gracchus is also mentioned by Charisius p. 143 Keil.

[675] Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[676] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23.

[677] Plut. C. Gracch. 12 [Greek: antexethaeken ho Gaios diagramma kataegoron ton hypaton, kai tois symmachois, an menosi, boaethaesein epangellomenos.] The invective may have been directed against Fannius, According to Appian (l.c.) both consuls had been instructed by the senate to issue the edict.

[678] If it had been hampered in this way, the judicial protection of peregrini against the judgments of the Praetor Peregrinus would have been impossible.

[679] Plut. C. Gracch. 12.

[680] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23.

[681] [Sall.] de Rep. Ord. ii. 8 Magistratibus creandis haud mihi quidem apsurde placet lex quam C. Gracchus in tribunatu promulgaverat, ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. Ita coaequatus dignitate pecunia, virtute anteire alius alium properabit.

[682] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[683] Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate (Cic. Brut. 28. 109) [Greek: haethei de kai logo kai plouto tois malista timomenois kai dynamenois apo touton enamillos] (Plut. C. Gracch. 8).

[684] Suet. Tib. 3 Ob eximiam adversus Gracchos operam "patronus senatus" dictus.

[685] Plut. C. Gracch. 9.

[686] App. Bell. Civ i. 35.

[687] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[688] Plut. C. Gracch. 9 [Greek: Libios de kai taen apophoran tautaen] (which had been imposed by the Gracchan laws) [Greek: ton neimamenon aphairon haeresken autois]. The tense of neimamenon seems to show that the Gracchan as well as the Livian settlers are meant. See Underhill in loc. In any case, the reimposition of the vectigal on the allotments by the law of 119 (App. Bell. Civ. i. 27) proves that it had been remitted before this date.

[689] [Greek: hopos maed' epi strateias exae tina Latinon rhabdois aikisasthai] (Plut. C. Gracch. 9).

[690] The lex Acilia Repetundarum grants them the right of appeal as an alternative to citizenship as a reward for successful prosecution. Cf. the similar provision in the franchise law of Flaccus (p. 168).

[691] Plut. C. Gracch. 9.

[692] Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 24) says that Gracchus was accompanied by Fulvius Flaccus. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 10) implies that the latter stayed at Rome.

[693] App. l.c. Appian represents this measure as having been proposed after the return of the commissioners to Rome. The words of Plutarch (C. Gracch. 8) [Greek: apaertaesato to plaethos … kakon … epi koinoniai politeias tous Latinous] probably refer to an invitation of the Latins to share in these citizen colonies.

[694] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[695] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[696] Plut. C. Gracch. 11.

[697] App. Bell. Civ. i. 24. According to Appian, the wolf event occurred after Gracchus had quitted Africa.

[698] Plut. C. Gracch. 11.

[699] Plut. C. Gracch. 12.

[700] Ibid. [Greek: synetyche d' auto kai pros tous synarchontas en orgae genesthai. synarchontas] here is not limited to his colleagues in the tribunate.

[701] [Greek: exemisthoun] (Plut. l.c.), probably to contractors who would sublet the seats.

[702] Beesly The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla p. 53.

[703] [Greek: psaephon men auto pleiston genomenon, adikos de kai kakourgos ton synarchonton poiaesamenon taen anagoreusin kai anadeixin]. (Plut. l.c.)

[704] Cic. in Pis. 15. 36; Varro R.R. iii. 5. 18.

[705] [Greek: hos Sardonion gelota gelosin, ou gignoskontes hoson autois skotos ek ton auton perikechytai politeumaton.] (Plut. l.c.)

[706] Cic. pro Caec. 33. 95; pro Domo 40. 106.

[707] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65.

[708] Cornelia ap. Corn. Nep. fr. 16 Ne id quidem tam breve spatium (sc. vitae) potest opitulari quin et mihi adversere et rem publicam profliges? Denique quae pausa erit? Ecquando desinet familia nostra insanire? Ecquando modus ei rei haberi poterit? Ecquando desinemus et habentes et praebentes molestiis insistere? Ecquando perpudescet miscenda atque perturbanda re publica?

[709] [Greek: hos dae theristas] (Plut. C. Gracch. 13).

[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had "sacrificed" [Greek: (thysantos)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned the meeting.

[711] App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[712] Plut. C. Gracch. 13; App. Bell. Civ. i. 25; [Victor] de Vir. III. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him as "praeco Opimii consulis". Cf. Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 103.

[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit. Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[714] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[715] App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[716] App. l.c.

[717] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[718] Cic. Phil. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf. in Cat. i. 2. 4; iv. 5. 10. Plut. C. Gracch. 14 [Greek: eis to bouleutaerion apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous.]

[719] Plut. l.c.

[720] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26.

[721] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[722] Ibid. 15.

[723] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26.

[724] Cf. Bardey Das sechste Consulat des Marius p. 61.

[725] Plut. l.c.

[726] Plut. C. Gracch. 16; App. l.c.

[727] Plut. l.c.

[728] Plut. l.c.

[729] Cic. in Cat. iv. 6. 13.

[730] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26. Plut. (C. Gracch. 16) states that Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek: eis ti balaneion]).

[731] Dionys. viii. 80.

[732] Plut. l.c.

[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65; Oros, v. 12. Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.

[734] Plut. l.c.

[735] [Victor] l.c.

[736] Translated "Grove of the Furies" by Plutarch; cf. Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (Varro L. L. vi. 19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See Richter Topographie p. 271.

[737] Plut. C. Gracch. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.

[738] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[739] Oros. v. 12.

[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit, ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt. Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted the quaestio see Sall. Jug. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.

[741] Plut. l.c.

[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia's dowry; yet Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.

[743] In Plutarch's Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek: ergon aponoias] (vecordiae) [Greek: naon homonoias] (concordiae) [Greek: poiei].

[744] Cf. Neumann Geschichte Roms. p. 259.

[745] Plut, C. Gracch, 18.

[746] Plut. C, Gracch, 19.

[747] Plin. H.N. xxxiv. 6. 31.

[748] Hence the establishment of the praefecti jure dicundo, sent to the burgess colonies and municipia.

[749] Arist. Pol. iv. 6, p. 1292 b.

[750] The choice of the month of July as the date for elections seems to be post-Sullan. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 583. During the Jugurthine War consular elections took place, as we shall see, in the late autumn or even in the winter.

[751] Suet. Caes. 42.

[752] If some of the Gracchan assignments were thirty jugera each (p. 115). The larger assignments of earlier times had been from seven to ten jugera. See Mommsen in C.I. L. i. pp. 75 foll.

[753] Liv. Ep. lxi L. Opimius accusatus apud populum a Q. Decio tribuno plebis quod indemnatos cives in carcerem conjecisset, absolutus est. "In carcerem conjicere" does not express the whole truth. A magistrate could imprison in preparation for a trial. The words must imply imprisonment preparatory to execution and probably refer to death in the Tullianum.

[754] Cic. de Orat. ii. 30. 132; Part. Orat. 30, 104. In the latter passage Opimius is supposed to say "Jure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa." Decius is supposed to answer "Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine judicio jure ullo necare potuisti." The cardinal question therefore is "Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare?" Cf. Cic. de Orat. ii. 39. 165 Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: Sei consul est qui consuluit patriae, quid aliud fecit Opimius?

[755] Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 67. 140 (Opimium) flagrantem invidia propter interitum C. Gracchi semper ipse populus Romanus periculo liberavit.

[756] Cic. Brut. 34. 128 L. Bestia … P. Popillium vi C. Gracchi expulsum sua rogatione restituit. Cf. post Red. in Sen. 15. 38; post Red. ad Quir. 4.10.

[757] Cic. in Cat. iv. 6, 13; Phil. viii. 4. 14.

[758] Val. Max. v. 3. 2. The colouring of the story is doubted by Ihne (Rom. Gesch. v. p. 111). He thinks that perhaps Lentulus went to Sicily to restore his shattered health.

[759] Cic. de Orat. ii. 25. 106; 39. 165; 40. 170.

[760] Ibid. ii. 39. 165.

[761] Cic. Brut. 43. 159 Crassus … accusavit C. Carbonem, eloquentissimum hominem, admodum adulescens. Cf. de Orat. i. 10. 39.

[762] Valerius Maximus (vi. 5. 6) tells the story that a slave of Carbo's brought Crassus a letter-case (scrinium) full of compromising papers. Crassus sent back the case still sealed and the slave in chains to Carbo.

[763] Mommsen, Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4.

[764] Cic. in Verr. iii. i. 3 Itaque hoc, judices, ex … L. Crasso saepe auditum est, cum se nullius rei tam paenitere diceret quam quod C. Carbonem unquam in judicium vocavisset.

[765] Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21. 3 (C. Carbo) accusante L. Crasso cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. 6) implies that Carbo was sent into exile. But the two stories are not necessarily inconsistent.

[766] Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 35) says that the younger Livius Drusus (91 B.C.) [Greek: ton daemon … hypaegeto apoikiais pollais es te taen Italian kai Sikelian epsaephismenais men ek pollou, gegonuiais de oupo]. These colonies could only have been those proposed by his father.

[767] Mommsen in C.I.L. 1 pp. 75 ff. Cf. p. 227. We have no record of the tenure by which Romans held their lands in such settlements as Palma and Pollentia (p. 189). They too may have been illustrations of what was known later as the jus Italicum.

[768] We know that the corn law of C. Gracchus was repealed or modified by a lex Octavia. Cic. Brut. 62. 222 (M. Octavius) tantum auctoritate dicendoque valuit, ut legem Semproniam frumentariam populi frequentis suffragiis abrogaverit. Cf. de Off. ii. 21. 72. But the date of this alteration is unknown and it may not have been immediate. If it was a consequence of Gracchus's fall, as is thought by Peter (Gesch. Roms. ii. p. 41), the distributions may have been restored circa 119 B.C. (see p. 287). We shall see that in the tribunate of Marius during this year some proposal about corn was before the people (Plut. Mar. 4).

[769] App. Bell. Civ. i. 27 [Greek: nomos te ou poly hysteron ekyrhothae, taen gaen, hyper haes dietheronto, exeinai pipraskein tois echousin.]

[770] App. l.c. [Greek: kai euthus oi plousioi para ton penaeton eonounto, hae taisde tais prophasesin ebiazonto.]

[771] The law permitting alienation may have been in 121 B.C. The year 119 or 118 B.C. ([Greek: pentekaideka maliosta etesin apo taes Grakchou nomothesias]) is given by Appian (l.c.) for one of the two subsequent laws which he speaks of. It is probably the date of the first of these, the one which we are now considering.

[772] App. l.c. [Greek: Sporios Thorios daemarchon esaegaesato nomon, taen men gaen maeketi sianemein, all' einai ton echonton, kai phorous hyper autaes to daemo katatithesthai, kai tade ta chrhaemata chorein es dianomas.]

[773] If Gracchus's corn law was abolished or modified immediately after his fall, the corn largesses may now have been restored or extended. Cf. p. 306.

[774] Some such guarantee may be inferred from a passage in the lex Agraria (l. 29) Item Latino peregrinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio [cos. in eis agris id facere … ex lege plebeive sc(ito) exve foedere licuit.]

[775] Cic. Brut. 36. 136 Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere dicendi, is qui agrum publicum vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali levavit. Cf. de Orat. ii. 70. 284. Appian, on the other hand; makes Sp. Thorius the author of the law preceding this (p. 285). It is possible that Cicero may be mistaken, but, if he is correct, the fragments of the agrarian law which we possess may be those of the lex Thoria, the name given to it by its earlier editors. For a different view see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[776] App. Bell Civ. i. 27 [Greek: tous phorous ou poly hysteron dielyse daemarchos heteros.]

[777] The latest years to which it refers are those of the censors of 115 and the consuls of 113, 112 and 111. The harvest and future vintage of 111 are referred to (1. 95), and it has, therefore, been assigned to some period between January 1 and the summer of this year. See Rudorff Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius and cf. Mommsen l.c. It is a curious fact, however, that a law dealing with African land amongst others should have been passed in the first year of active hostilities with Jugurtha. From this point of view the date which marks the close of the Jugurthine war, suggested by Kiene (Bundesgenossenkrieg p. 125), i.e., 106 or 105 B.C., is more probable. But the objection to this view is that the law contains no reference to the censors of 109. See Mommsen l.c.

[778] Ager compascuus. See Mommsen l.c. and Voigt Ueber die staatsrechtliche possessio und den ager compascuus der röm. Republik.

[779] The pastores also must often have been too indefinite a body to make it possible to treat them as joint owners.

[780] The tribune L. Marcius Philippus, when introducing an agrarian law in 104 B.C., made the startling statement "Non esse in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem haberent" (Cic. de Off. ii. 21, 73). If there was even a minimum of truth in his words, the expression "qui rem haberent" must mean "moneyed men," "people comfortably off."

[781] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[782] Kiene also thinks (Bundesgenossenkrieg p. 146) that the right given by the law of exchanging a bit of one's own land for an equivalent bit of the public domain, which became private property, was reserved solely for the citizen.

[783] Cic. Brut. 26. 102; de Orat. ii. 70. 281; de Fin. i. 3. 8.

[784] Vellei. ii. 8; Cic. in Verr. iii 80. 184; iv. 10. 22.

[785] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72 Consul legem de sumptibus et libertinorum suffragiis tulit.

[786] Liv. xlv, 15.

[787] [Victor] l.c..

[788] Plin. H.N. viii. 57. 223.

[789] Cassiodor. Chron. L. Metellus et Cn. Domitius censores artem ludicram ex urbe removerunt praeter Latinum tibicinem cum cantore et ludum talarium. The ludus talarius in its chief form was a game of skill, not of chance. The reference here may be to juggling with the tali on the stage, not to the pursuit of the game in domestic life.

[790] Liv. Ep. lxiii.

[791] Fast. triumph.; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72.

[792] Val. Max. vii. 1. 1.

[793] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72.

[794] [Victor] l.c. Ipse primo dubitavit honores peteret an argentariam faceret.

[795] [Victor] l.c. Aedilis juri reddendo magis quam muneri edendo studuit.

[796] Sallust (Jug. 15) gives the following somewhat unkind sketch of the great senatorial champion, "Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, inpiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans". "Inpiger, factiosus" are testimonies of his value to his party. The last words of the sketch are a confession that his reputation may have been blemished by suspicion, but never by proof.

[797] [Victor] l.c. Consul Ligures et Gantiscos domuit, atque de his triumphavit. Cf. Fast. triumph.

[798] [Victor] l.c.

[799] Plut. Mar. 3.

[800] In Velleius ii. 11 the manuscript reading natus equestri loco (corrected into agresti) may be correct.

[801] Plut. Mar. 3.

[802] Plut. Mar. 5.

[803] Ibid. 4.

[804] His military reputation amongst old soldiers had led to his easy attainment of the military tribunate. Sall. Jug. 63 Ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus, facile notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibi peperit.

[805] Plut. Mar. 4.

[806] Plut. l.c. [Greek: nomon tina peri psaephophorias graphontos autou dokounta ton dynaton aphaireisthai taen peri tas kriseis ischyn]. It is possible, however, that kriseis may simply mean "decisions".

[807] Cic. de Leg. iii. 17. 38 Pontes … lex Maria fecit angustos.

[808] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ei me diagrapseie to dogma.]

[809] Plut. l.c. [Greek: nomou … eispheromenou peri sitou dianomaes]. See p. 284.

[810] Plut. Mar 5. Cf. Cic. pro Planc. 21, 51; Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[811] Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[812] Plut. Mar. 5.

[813] [Greek: dikastai] (Plut. l.c.). It seems, therefore, that a special quaestio de ambitu existed at this time. Otherwise, the case would naturally have gone before the Comitia. We can hardly think of a Special Commission.

[814] Plut. Mar. 6 [Greek: en men oun tae strataegia metrios epainoumenon heauton paresche].

[815] Plut. l.c.

[816] Plut. l.c.

[817] Vellei. ii. 7 Porcio Marcioque consulibus deducta colonia Narbo Martius. Cf. i. 15.

[818] This was but a [Greek: phroura Rhomaion] (Strabo iv. 1. 5). It had been established in 122 B.C.

[819] Cic. pro Font. 5. 13 Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum et objectum.

[820] This fact appears from Cic. pro Cluent. 51. 140 (Crassus) in dissuasione rogationis ejus quae contra coloniam Narbonensem ferebatur, quantum potest, de auctoritate senatus detrahit. A rogatio against a project implies something more than opposition to a bill.

[821] Cic. Brut. 43. 160 Exstat in eam legem senior ut ita dicam quam illa aetas ferebat oratio.

[822] Cic. Brut. l.c. Cf. pro Cluent. 51. 140; de Orat. ii. 55. 223; Quinctil. Inst. Or. vi. 3. 44.

[823] The date is unknown, but the lex Servilia repetundarum was probably a product of this tribunate. An approximate date can be assigned to this law, if we believe that it immediately superseded the lex Acilia as the law of extortion, and that the lex Acilia is the lex repetundarum which has come down to us on a bronze tablet (see p. 214); for the latter law must have been abrogated by 111 B.C., since the back of the tablet on which it is inscribed is used for the lex agraria of this year. The side containing the lex Acilia must have been turned to the wall, and this fact seems to prove the supersession of this law by a later one on the same subject. See Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 56.

[824] Peracutus et callidus cum primisque ridiculus (Cic. Brut. 62. 224).

[825] Cic. _pro Rab. Post, 6, 14.

[826] Stercus Curiae (Cic. de Orat. iii. 41. 164).

[827] Cic. Brut. 62. 224 Is … equestrem ordinem beneficio legis devinxerat. Cf. pro Scauro 1. 2. But the law of Glaucia was a lex repetundarum (Ascon. in Scaurian. p. 21; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8; cf. notes 4 and 5), not a lex judiciaria.

[828] Cic. in Verr. i. 9. 26.

[829] Cic. pro Rab. Post. 4. 8. The granting of the civitas to Latins, as a reward for successful prosecution (Cic. pro Balbo 24. 54), was not an innovation due to Glaucia. It appears already in the lex Acilia.

[830] Liv. Ep. lxiii; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 24.

[831] Oros. v. 15.

[832] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 83.

[833] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 83. The manuscript reading is [Greek: barbarou tinos hippikou therapon]. I have adopted Ihne's suggestion of Barrou, which he supports by a reference to Porphyrio ad Hor. Sat. 1. 6. 30—Hic Barrus vilisimmae libidinosaeque admodum vitae fuit, adeo ut Aemiliam virginem Vestae incestasse dictus sit.

[834] Dio Cass. fr. 92.

[835] Macrob. Sat. i. 10. 5.

[836] Ascon. in Milonian. p. 46. Cf. Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 30. 74.

[837] Scopulus reorum (Val. Max. iii. 7. 9).

[838] Ascon. l.c.

[839] Val. Max. l.c. Cum id vitare beneficio legis Memmiae liceret, quae eorum, qui rei publicae causa abessent, recipi nomina vetabat.

[840] Val. Max. vi. 8. 1.

[841] Ascon. l.c. Nimia etiam, ut existimatio est, asperitate usus.

[842] Zumpt Criminalrecht i. p. 117.

[843] Plut. Quaest. Rom., 83 [Greek: duo en andras duo de gynaikas en tae boon agorai legomenae tous men Hellaenas, tous de Galatas, zontas katorhyxan].

[844] Plin. H.N. xxx. 1. 12 DCLVII demum anno urbis Cn. Cornelia Lentulo P. Licinio Crasso consulibus (97 B.C.) senatus consultum factum est ne homo immolaretur.

[845] Plut. l.c.

[846] Obsequens 99 (37) (111 B.C.) Maxima pars urbis exusta cum aede Matris Magnae; lacte per triduum pluit, hostiisque expiatum majoribus, Jugurthinum bellum exortum. The war had been determined on the year before.

[847] Boissière Esquisse d'une histoire de la conquête et de l'administration Romaines dans le Nord de l'Afrique p. 41.

[848] App. Lib. [Greek: apo Maurousion ton okeanoi mechri taes Kyraenaion archaes es ta mesogeia.]

[849] Boissière l.c.

[850] [Greek: ton legomenon Megalon Pedion] (App. Lib. 68).

[851] Tissot Géographie comparée de la province Romaine d'Afrique ii. p. 5.

[852] Plin. H.N. v. 3. 22; v. 4. 25; Ptol. iv. 3. 7.

[853] Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 1-20.

[854] Ibid. ii. p. 20.

[855] Mercier La population indigène de L'Afrique pp. 129, 130; Boissière op. cit. p. 39.

[856] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 400 foll. For the extension of the native Libyan language cf. Boissière, L'Afrique Romaine p. 6.

[857] Tissot op. cit. pp. 403, 404.

[858] Hence the [Greek: Melanogatouloi] and the [Greek: Lenkaithiopes] of Ptolemy (iv. 6. 5 and 6.) See Tissot op. cit. p. 447.

[859] Mercier op. cit. p. 136.

[860] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 414-17.

[861] Boissière (op. cit. p. 101) cites an interesting description of the Kabyle from Le capitaine Rinn. In it occur the following words:—La guerre pour lui (le Kabyle) est une affaire de devoir, de nécessité, de point d'honneur ou de vengeance; ce n'est jamais ni un plaisir, ni une distraction, ni même un état normal; il ne la fait qu'après prévenu son ennemi, et, dans le combat ou après la victoire, il n'a pas de cruauté inutile.

[862] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 417-18.

[863] Polyb. xxxvii. 3; Diod. xxxii. 17.

[864] Plin. H.N. v. 3 22.

[865] Strabo xvii. 3. 13.

[866] Livy says (xxix. 29) that this was the admitted order of succession (ita mos apud Numidas est). The brother of a late king was probably considered to be the most capable successor. An immature son would be passed over. Cf. Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum p. 18.

[867] Liv. Ep. 1.; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 4; Oros. iv. 22.

[868] App. Lib. 106.

[869] App. Hisp. 67; Sall. Jug. 7.

[870] Strabo. xvii. 3. 13; Diod. xxxiv. 35.

[871] Oros. v, 11.

[872] Strabo l.c.

[873] Sall. Jug. 65. 1 Morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta. We are not told that he was in this condition before Micipsa's death; but it is perhaps the reason why the king left him only "heir in remainder" (secundum heredem) to the crown. Another aspirant appears later on in the person of Massiva son of Gulussa (Sall. Jug. 35. i), but this prince may not have been born, or may have been an infant, at the time when Jugurtha was recognised as a possible successor. It is possible that Massiva may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will, although Sallust does not inform us of the fact.

[874] Sall. Jug. 6. 1.

[875] Sall. Jug. 6. 2.

[876] Ibid. 7. 6.

[877] Sall. Jug. 8. 1.

[878] Ibid. 8. 2.

[879] Sall. Jug. 9. 1.

[880] Statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit (Ibid. 9. 3).

[881] Ibid. 10.

[882] Sall. Jug. 11.

[883] Ibid. 12. 3. The site of Thirmida is unknown.

[884] Sallust, using Roman phraseology, says that he had been "proxumus lictor Jugurthae" (l c.). Such a lictor would stand nearest the magistrate, receive his immediate orders and be, therefore, presumably a more trusted and intimate servant.

[885] Sall. Jug. 12.

[886] In duas partis discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem secuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores (Ibid. 13. 1).

[887] Sall. Jug. 13. 4.

[888] Ibid. 13. 6.

[889] Ibid. 14.

[890] Sallust (l.c.) makes Adherbal say "Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, ut regni Numidiae tantum modo procurationem existumarem meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse". The "jus et imperium" have no true application to a protectorate.

[891] Sall. Jug. 15. 1.

[892] Ibid. 15. 2.

[893] Sall. Jug. 16. 2.

[894] Ibid. 16. 3.

[895] Sall. Jug. 16. 5.

[896] Sall. Jug. 20. 4.

[897] Ibid. 20. 7 Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu conparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere.

[898] Ibid. 21. 3.

[899] Sallust says (Jug. 21. 2): Haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit. He apparently underestimates the distance of Cirta from the sea.

[900] Ibid. 21. 2 Ni multitude togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret.

[901] The bridge described by Shaw, constructed on one of the natural arches which connect the two sides of the river bed and presenting two ranges of superposed arcades, is no longer in existence. This bridge attached the south-eastern angle of the town to the heights of Mansoura. See Tissot Géographie comparée ii. p. 393.

[902] Sall. Jug. 21. 3.

[903] Sall. Jug. 21. 4 Postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controvorsiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse.

[904] Is rumor clemens erat (Ibid. 22. 1).

[905] Adherbalis adpellandi copia non fuit (Ibid. 22. 5).

[906] Si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit (Sail. Jug. 22.4).

[907] Ibid, 23. 2 Adherbal … intellegit … penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse.

[908] Sall. Jug. 23. 2.

[909] Ibid. 24.

[910] Sall. Jug. 25. 1.

[911] Ibid. 25. 3 Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum.

[912] Ibid. 25. 4 Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi.

[913] Cujus … nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur (Cic. pro Font. 7, 24).

[914] Sall. Jug. 25. 6 Primo commotus metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis: porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebatur.

[915] Sall, Jug. 25. 10.

[916] Ibid. 25. 11.

[917] Sall. Jug. 26. 1 Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur: de ceteris senatui curae fore.

[918] Ibid. 26. 3 Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat.

[919] Sallust (l.c.) represents him as the author of this massacre; (Jugurtha) omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit. But the attribution may be due to the brevity of the narrative. The leader of a murderous host may easily be credited with the outrages which it commits.

[920] Cic. Brut. 36. 136 Tum etiam C. L. Memmii fuerunt oratores mediocres, accusatores acres atque acerbi. Itaque in judicium capitis multos vocaverunt, pro reis non saepe dixerunt. For his mordant style see Cic. de Orat. ii. 59, 240. The lofty opinion which he was supposed to hold of himself is illustrated in Cic. de Orat. ii. 66, 267 Velut tu, Crasse, in contione "ita sibi ipsum magnum videri Memmium ut in forum descendens caput ad fornicem Fabianum demitteret".

[921] He was already "vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis" (Sall. Jug. 27. 2).

[922] Ibid. 27. 1.

[923] Ibid. 27. 2.

[924] Sall. Jug. 27. 3 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia: Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit.

[925] Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire in animo haeserat (Ibid, 28. 1).

[926] Ibid.

[927] Sall. Jug. 28. 2.

[928] In consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias (Ibid. 28. 5).

[929] Sall. Jug. 28. 4 Calpurnius parato exercitu legal sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat.

[930] Sall. l. c.

[931] The only record of this campaign is contained in the few words of Sallust (Ibid, 28. 7) Acriter Numidiam ingressus est multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.

[932] Possibly not at this time, but the date of its recovery is unknown. The town is in the hands of Metellus during the closing months of his campaign (Sall. Jug. 81. 2). Cf. p. 431.

[933] Sall. Jug. 19. 7 Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. Practically nothing is known of the predecessors of this king. Livy (xxix. 30) mentions an earlier Baga of Mauretania, and perhaps this name is identical with that of Bocchus or [Greek: Bogos]. See Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum. For the earlier history of Mauretania see also Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum. The boundaries of the kingdom were the Atlantic and the Muluccha on the west and east respectively (Liv. xxiv. 49, xxi. 22; Sall. Jug. 110). The southern boundary naturally shifted. At times the Mauretanian kings ruled over some of the Gaetulian tribes, and Strabo (ii. 3.4) makes the kingdom extend at one time to tribes akin to the Aethiopians—presumably to the Atlas range. Elsewhere (xvii. 3. 2) he speaks of it as extending over the Rif to the Gaetulians. See Göbel op. cit. pp. 79-82.

[934] Ibid. 80. 4 Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum.

[935] Sall. Jug. 29. 2 Scaurus … tametsi a principio, plerisque ex factione ejus conruptis, acerrume regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravom abstractus est.

[936] Sall. Jug. 29. 3.

[937] Ibid. 29. 4 Interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam.

[938] Vaga (Bêdja) marks the frontier between the Numidian kingdom and the Roman province—the frontier created in 172 B.C. by the invasions of Masinissa and finally fixed in 146 B.C. The town lay on the west of the Wad Bédja, which joins the Medjerda, and on the right of the road from Carthage to Bulla Regia. There was another Vaga in the heart of Numidia, between the Ampsaga and Thabraca. See Tissot Géographie comparée ii. pp. 6, 302; Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 154.

[939] Long Decline of the Rom. Republic i. p. 400.

[940] Sall. Jug, 29, 5 Rex … pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia fact! sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit.

[941] Ibid. (Rex) quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur.

[942] Ibid. 29. 6.

[943] Bestia's presence was necessary at Rome as his colleague Nasica had died during his tenure of the consulship (Cic. Brut. 34. 128).

[944] Sall. Jug. 30. I Postquam res in Africa gestas, quoque modo actae forent fama divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia.

[945] Sall. Jug. 30. 1 Patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subvorterent parum constabat.

[946] Ibid. 30. 2 Maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque inpediebat.

[947] Ibid. 30. 3.

[948] Ibid. 31.

[949] The best manuscripts read his annis xv in Sall, Jug 31. 2, but xv may be a mistake for xx, which is the reading of some good ones. Twenty years would carry us back to 131 B.C., approximately the date of the fall of Tiberius Gracchus. The year 126 B.C. which the reading xv gives, can hardly be said to mark an epoch in the decline of the liberties of the people.

[950] Sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur (Sall. Jug. 31. 23).

[951] Metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est (Sall_. Jug_. 31. 14.)

[952] Quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae accersebat (Memmius), delicta patefierent (Ibid. 33. i).

[953] Alii perfugas vendere (Sall, Jug, 32.3). Long (Decline of the Rom. Rep. i. p. 406) thinks that this means that they were sold as slaves. But the words are probably to be brought into connection with the terms of the Mamilian commission (Sall. Jug. 40.1) "qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent". Ihne (Röm. Gesch. v. p. 131) seems to regard these perfugae as Roman subjects who had been handed over by Jugurtha.

[954] Quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam ejus experiri mallet (Sall. Jug. 32. 5).

[955] Sall. Jug, 33.7.

[956] Confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat quae supra diximus (Ibid. 33. 2).

[957] Ibid. 33. 2 (Jugurtha) C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cujus inpudentia contra jus et injurias omnis munitus foret.

[958] Sall. Jug. 33. 3.

[959] Producto Jugurtha (Ibid, 33. 4) i.e. led him to the front of the tribunal, or the Rostra if the scene took place in the Forum.

[960] Regem tacere jubet (Sall. Jug. 34.1).

[961] Vicit tamen inpudentia (Ibid.).

[962] Ibid. 34. 2.

[963] Sall. Jug. 35. 2. It is not impossible that he may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will. See p. 323.

[964] Sall. Jug. 35. 6.

[965] Ibid. 35. 7 Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium Bomilcar, comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat.

[966] Sall. Jug. 35. 9.

[967] Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit! (Ibid. 35. 10).

[968] There was still an heir in Gauda—one too who had been recognised in the testament of Micipsa (p. 323); but he may not have been regarded as a suitable candidate.

[969] Sall. Jug. 36. 1 Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium, aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare, ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret.

[970] Cf. Sall. Jug. 36. 1 Armis aut deditione aut quovis modo.

[971] Sall. Jug. 36. 3 Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existumarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent.

[972] His colleague Quintus Minucius Rufus was making war with the barbarians of Thrace (Liv. Ep. lxv; Vellei. ii. 8; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 27).

[973] See cf. Meinel Zur Chronologie des Jug. Krieges p. 11.

[974] Quae dissensio totius anni comitia inpediebat (Sall. Jug. 37. 2).

[975] The tribunician year ended with 9th December, but it is not likely that the consuls of 109, Metellus and Silanus, were elected between this date and 1st January of 109. Had they been, Metellus would have held Numidia and Sp. Albinus would not have been allowed to return there.

[976] Sall. Jug. 37. 3.

[977] There is little probability that the Calama (Gelma) of Orosius (v. 15) and the Suthul of Sallust are identical. Those who have visited the site of Gelma deny that Sallust's description suits this region and think that Suthul was a place near by. Grellois (Ghelma pp. 263 foll.) thinks that Suthul may be placed on a site where now stands the village of Henschir Ain Neschma, one hour's distance from Gelma. See Wilmanns in C.I. L. viii. p. 521.

[978] Sall. Jug. 37. 4.

[979] Vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque quae incepto usui forent properare (Sall. Jug. 37. 4).

[980] Sall. _Jug. 38. 9. The treaty perhaps gave to Jugurtha a specific guarantee of the undisturbed possession of Numidia.

[981] Oros. v. 15.

[982] Sail. Jug. 39. 1.

[983] Sallust (Jug. 39. 2) improperly calls him consul. The only position which he held now was that of proconsul of Numidia.

[984] Senatus ita uti par fuerat decernit, suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri (Sall. Jug. 39. 3).

[985] Sall. Jug. 39. 4.

[986] Sall. Jug. 40. 1.

[987] Occulte per amicos ac maxume per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos inpedimenta parabant (Ibid. 40. 2). For the later relations of the government with the Latins and allies see p. 288.

[988] Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem jusserit, magis odio nobilitatis cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta lubido in partibus erat (Sall. Jug. 40. 3).

[989] Ibid. 40. 4.

[990] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 50.

[991] Sall. Jug. 40. 5 Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et lubidine plebis. Ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

[992] Cic. Brut. 34. 128 Invidiosa lege Mamilia quaestio C. Galbam sacerdotem et quattuor consulates, L. Bestiam, C. Catonem, Sp. Albinum civemque praestantissimum L. Opimium, Gracchi interfectorem, a populo absolutum, cum is contra populi studium stetisset. Gracchani judices sustulerunt. For the condemnation of Opimius cf. pro Sest. 67, 140; for that of Galba, Brut. 33. 127. Here honour is paid to Galba's speech in his defence (Extat ejus peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: qui tanto in honore pueris nobis erat, ut eum etiam edisceremus). Of Galba it is said (l.c.) Hic, qui in collegio sacerdotum esset, primus post Romam conditam judicio publico est condemnatus. He was perhaps a member of the college of pontiffs (Long Decline of the Rom. Rep. i. p. 415). (For the exile of Cato at Tarraco see pro Balbo 11. 28).

[993] Sall. Jug. 43. I; Liv. Ep. lxv.

[994] Sallust's language (Jug. 43. 1) is indeterminate, but suggests the use of the lot—Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat. There are instances in later times of a manipulation of the sortitio. See Cic. ad Fam. v. 2. 3; ad Att. i. 16. 8. This assignment of the provinces followed the treaty of Aulus (l.c.), i.e. it took place early in 109, but not in the very first months of that year, as Spurius Albinus had gone back to Africa as proconsul (p. 373). As we have seen (p. 369) there is no probability that the consuls of 109 were elected in 110. Sallust's words (l.c.) "consules designati" simply mean "appointed consuls" and have no reference to the usual status of "consuls designate".

[995] Polyb. vi. 56.

[996] Cic. pro Balbo 5. 11; ad Att. i. 16. 4; Val. Max. ii. 10. 1. It is supposed that Sicily may have been the province, which he had governed as propraetor, and from which he had returned when he was subjected to this trial. See Drumann Gesch. Roms. ii. p. 31.

[997] Acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata (Sall. Jug. 43. 1).

[998] Ibid. 43. 4.

[999] Sall. Jug. 44. Cf. Val. Max. ii. 7. 2; Frontin. Strat. iv. 1. 2.

[1000] Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse conperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum…. Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit (Sall. Jug. 45).

[1001] Sall. Jug. 46. 1.

[1002] Jugurtha … diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est (Ibid.).

[1003] Sall. Jug. 46. 2.

[1004] Sed Metello jam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse (Ibid. 46. 3).

[1005] Sall. Jug. 46. 5.

[1006] Sall. Jug. 47. 1 Oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Sallust does not say that Italian merchants were still in the town. Their presence in Numidian cities since the massacre at Cirta may be doubted, although the fact that the town was so near the province may have mastered the fears of some of the traders.

[1007] Sall. Jug. 47. 4.

[1008] Ibid. 48. 1 Coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare.

[1009] Tissot Géographie comparée 1. pp. 67-68. I have followed Tissot in his identification of the Muthul with the Wäd Mellag. This view makes Metellus's efforts concentrate for the time on S.E. Numidia. He intended to secure his communications before proceeding farther, whether south or west. The older view, which identified the Muthul with the Ubus (Mannert and Forbiger) would represent Metellus as opening his campaign in the direction of Hippo Regius—Western Numidia would thus be his object and the subsequent campaign about Zama would indicate a change of plan. This is not an impossible view; but there are other indications which favour the hypothesis that the Muthul is the Wäd Mellag. One is that Sicca in its neighbourhood veered round to the Romans after the battle (Sall. Jug. 56. 3). The other is the alleged suitability of this region to the topographical description given by Sallust. Tissot believed that every step in the great battle could be traced on the ground. The "mons tractu pari" is the Djebel Hemeur mta Ouargha, parallel to the course of the Wäd Mellag and extending from the Djebel Sara to the Wäd Zouatin. The hill projected by this chain perpendicularly to the river is the Koudiat Abd Allah, which detaches itself from the central block of the Djebel Hemeur and the direction of which is perpendicular both to the mountain and to the Wäd Mellag. The plain, waterless and desert in the angle formed by the hill and the mountain but inhabited and cultivated in the neighbourhood of the Muthul, is the Fëid-es-Smar, watered in its lower part by two streams which empty into the Wäd Mellag. The distance, however, which separates Djebel Hemeur from the left bank of the Wäd Mellag, is not twenty (the number given by the MSS. of Sallust) but about seven miles. S. Reinach in his edition of Tissot has not reproduced the author's own sketch of the battle of the Muthul, but a map of the district will be found in the Atlas appended to the work (Map xviii., Medjerda supérieure). This map forms the basis of the one which I have given.

[1010] See note 1. One must agree with Tissot that the "ferme milia passuum viginti" of Sallust (Jug. 48. 3) cannot be accepted. Such a distance is impossible from a strategic point of view, as Metellus could never have sent his vanguard such a distance in advance, when he himself was engaged with the enemy. It is also inconsistent with the account of the battle, the details of which obviously show that it took place in a much smaller area. The actual distance between the conjectured sites is about seven Roman miles (note 1. See Tissot op. cit. i. p. 71).

[1011] Sall. Jug. 48.

[1012] This appears from the narrative in Ibid. 52. 5. Even when Jugurtha had advanced some distance to the river, Bomilcar was not actually in touch with the king's forces.

[1013] Sall. Jug. 49. 4.

[1014] Sall. Jug. 49. 4.

[1015] Ibid. 49. 6 Ibi conmutatis ordinibus in dextero latere, quod proxumum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidies aciem instruxit.

[1016] Sall. Jug. 49. 6 Sicuti instruxerat, transvorsis principiis in planum deducit. The word "transvorsis" here probably refers to the direction in which the front rank faced the enemy, and the position may be described in another way by saying that Metellus marched with his front rank sideways to Jugurtha. See Summers in loc.

[1017] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1018] Ibid. 50. 1.

[1019] Sall. Jug. 52. 5.

[1020] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1021] Sall. Jug. 51. 3.

[1022] Sall. Jug. 52.5.

[1023] Aciem quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit (Ibid. 52. 6).

[1024] Sall. Jug. 53. 3.

[1025] Ibid. 53. 5 Instructi intentique obviam procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur.

[1026] Pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores pro praeda fore (Sall. Jug. 54. 1).

[1027] Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque et exercitum more majorum gereret, in advorso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Jugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere (Ibid. 55. 1).

[1028] Sall. Jug. 54. 1.

[1029] Ibid. 54. 3.

[1030] Metellus, ubi videt … minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie, sed alio more bellum gerundum (Ibid. 54. 5).

[1031] Sall. Jug. 54. 6.

[1032] Sall. Jug. 55. 5.

[1033] Sicca is the modern El Kef, but is still called by its inhabitants by its old name of Sicca Veneria (Schak Benar), The name Veneria was derived from a temple of the Punic Aphrodite (cf. Val. Max. ii. 6. 15). Of its strategic importance Tissot says "El Kef is still regarded as the strongest place in Tunis…. The town dominates the great plains of Es-sers, Zanfour, Lorbeus and of the Wäd Mellag, at the same time that it commands one of the principal ways of communication leading from Tunis to Algiers." See Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 197; Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. p. 378. Zama Regia is now identified, not with the place called Lehs, El-Lehs or Eliès (Wilmanns op. cit. p. 210), but with Djiâma. See Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 571, 577-79; Mommsen in Hermes xx. pp. 144-56; Schmidt in Rhein. Mus. 1889 (N. F. 44) pp. 397 foll.

[1034] Sall. Jug. 56. 3.

[1035] Ibid. 56. 2.

[1036] Id oppidum in campo situm magis opere quam natura munitum erat (Ibid. 57. 1).

[1037] Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere, sudes, pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere (Sall. Jug. 57. 5). If ardentia is correct, the sudes and pila must also have been winged with fire. I have interpreted the passage as though ardenti (suggested by Herzog) were the true reading. Summers suggests "picem sulphure mixtam et tela ardentia."

[1038] Ibid. 58. 1.

[1039] Sall. Jug. 59. 1.

[1040] Ibid. 59. 3.

[1041] Sall. Jug. 60. 4.

[1042] Ibid. 61. 1.

[1043] Sall. Jug. 61. 4.

[1044] Sall. Jug. 62, 1.

[1045] Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Jugurtham imperata facturum dice rent (Ibid. 62. 3). The word imperata implies previous negotiations.

[1046] Metellus proper cantos senatorial ordinis ex Hibernia accurse jubet; eorum et variorum, quos ironers defeat, console habet (Ibid. 62. 4).

[1047] Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 146.

[1048] Sall. Jug. 62. 5. Orosius (v. 15. 7) adds that Jugurtha promised corn and other supplies.

[1049] Oros. l.c.

[1050] Sall. Jug. 62. 7.

[1051] Oros. l.c.

[1052] App. Num. 3.

[1053] Its site is unknown.

[1054] Romae senatus de provinciis consults Numidiam Metello decelerare (Sall. Jug. 62. 10). It is possible that the senate merely abstained from making Numidia a consular province. See Summers in loc. and cf. p. 222.

[1055] Etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulate nobilities inter se per manus trade bat. Novas memo tam claries neque tam egregious facts erat, quin is indigenous illo honore et quasi pollutes aerator (Ibid. 63. 6).

[1056] Ibid. 63. 1.

[1057] Sall. Jug. 64. 4.

[1058] Milites quibus in Hibernia preheat lax ore imperio quam antea habere (Ibid. 64. 5).

[1059] Sall. Jug. 64. 5.

[1060] Ibid. 65. 1 Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Unmade quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta.

[1061] Turmam equitum Romanorum (Ibid. 65. 2). It appears, therefore, that equites equo publico, although seldom (if ever) used as cavalry at this time, still formed the escort of generals or princes.

[1062] Equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores (Sall. Jug. 65. 4).

[1063] Sall. Jug. 66. 3.

[1064] Ibid. 67.

[1065] Sall. Jug. 67. 3 Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione an casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus: nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque videtur.

[1066] Ibid. 68. 1.

[1067] Ibid. 68. 4 Equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire et signa occultare jubet.

[1068] Plut. Mar. 8 outos gar ho anaer aen men ek poteron xenos toi Metello kai tote taen epi ton tektonon echon archaen synestrateue.

[1069] Plut. l.c.

[1070] Plut. l.c.

[1071] Sall. Jug. 69. 4 Turpilius … condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas solvit: nam is civis e Latio erat. If the last words mean that Turpilius was a Latin, they may show that the law of Drusus (p. 242), if passed, was no longer respected. If they mean that he was a Roman citizen from a Latin town, they illustrate this law. Appian (Num. 3) says that Turpilius was a Roman ([Greek: andra Rhomaion]).

[1072] Sall. Jug. 70.

[1073] Proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet (Sall. Jug. 70. 6).

[1074] Sall. Jug. 72.

[1075] Ibid. 73.

[1076] Meinel (Zur Chronologie des Jugurth. Krieges p. 13) thinks that the consular elections of 108 did not take place before the winter, and that they may even have drifted over into the following year.

[1077] Plut, Mar. 8.

[1078] Plut. l.c. It is possible that this story and that of Sallust (Jug. 63 see p. 410) about the sacrifice at Utica belong to the same incident. But it is not probable. A man such as Marius would often approach a favourite shrine.

[1079] Liv. Ep. lxv.

[1080] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72; Ammian. xxvii. 3. 9.

[1081] The via Aemilia ([Victor] l.c.; Strabo v. 1. 11).

[1082] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 50.

[1083] Plut. Mar. 8.

[1084] Sall. Jug. 73. 6 Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. The labours, from which the agrestes were drawn, may have been those of early spring, if the elections were delayed until the early part of 107 B.C. (See p. 420, Meinel l.c.)

[1085] Ibid. 73. 7 Sed paulo ante senatus Metello Numidiam decreverat: ea res frustra fuit. The words in italics are not given by the good manuscripts; they are perhaps an interpolation drawn from ch. 62. See Summers in loc. It is possible that some mention of the provinces which the senate had decreed to the new consuls stood here. Mommsen (Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4) thinks that the passage may have contained a statement that the senate had destined Gaul and Italy for the consuls.

[1086] Sall. Fug. 85.

[1087] Ibid. 85. 12 Atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules facti sunt, et acta majorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperint—praeposteri homines: nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.

[1088] Ibid. 84. 2.

[1089] Polyb. vi. 19.2.

[1090] According to Gellius (xvi. 10, 10) 375 asses:—Qui … nullo aut perquam parvo aere censebantur, "capite censi" vocabantur, extremus autem census capite censorum aeris fuit trecentis septuaginta quinque. But this decline from the Polybian census seems incredibly rapid. Perhaps the figure should be 3,750—one closely resembling that given by Polybius. Cf. p. 61.

[1091] Cf. Liv. x. 21 (cited by Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 154) Senatus … delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit. See also Gell. l.c. 13. Polybius vi. 19. 3, according to Casaubon's reading (p. 135), cannot be cited in illustration of this point.

[1092] Sall. Jug. 86 2 Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque lubido erat, capite censos plerosque. Val. Max. ii. 3. 1 Fastidiosum dilectus genus in exercitibus Romanis oblitterandum duxit. Cf. Florus i. 36 (iii. 1). 13. The tradition preserved by Plutarch (Mar. 9) that Marius enrolled slaves as well ([Greek: polyn ton aporon kai doulon katagraphon]), is apparently an echo from the time of the civil wars. Plutarch may mean men of servile birth and, though it is noted that freedmen were not employed even on occasional service until 90 B.C. (App. Bell. Civ. i. 49), yet it is possible that Marius's hasty levy may have swept in some men of this standing. But after, as before the time of Marius, free-birth (ingenuitas) continued to be a necessary qualification for service in the legions.

[1093] Sall. Jug. 86. 3.

[1094] Sall. Jug. 86. 3.

[1095] Sall. Jug. 74. 1.

[1096] Ibid. 74. 2.

[1097] Ibid. 75. 1. There are two Thalas in Numidia. The one with which we are here concerned is believed to be that lying east of Capsa (Khafsa), not that near Ammaedara (the latter is probably the Thala of Tac. Ann. iii. 21). Its identification was due to Pelissier who visited the site. It has one of the characteristics mentioned by Sallust, for the existing ruins are situated in a region destitute of water except for one neighbouring fountain. The river from which the Romans drew water and filled their vessels might be the one now called the Wäd Lebem or Leben—the only one in this part of Tunis which does not run dry even in summer. The ruins are of small extent and unimposing, but this feature agrees with the statement of Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) that Thala was one of the towns blotted out by continuous wars in Africa. It was, therefore, not restored by the Romans. It has been doubted whether the name Thala is a proof of the identity of the site with that described by Sallust, since Pelissier says (Rev. Arch. 1847, p. 399) that the place is surrounded by a grove of trees, of the kind known as mimosa gummifera and called thala by the Arabs. The ruins may have drawn their name from these trees. See Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 28 and cf. Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. p. 635.

[1098] Sall. Jug. 75. 9.

[1099] Sall. Jug. 76. 3 Deinde locis ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agere, aggerem jacere et super aggerem inpositis turribus opus et administros tutari.

[1102] The name appears on coins in Punic letters as L B Q I (Movers Die Phönizer II 2. p. 486; Müller Numismatique de l'Afrique II p. 10). Greek writers also call it Neapolis, probably because it was not far from an older town at the mouth of the Cinyps (the Wäd Mghar-el-Ghrin), although others hold that this name designated a particular quarter of the town. The three cities of the Syrtis—Sabrata, Oea and Leptis—were called Tripolis, but do not seem to have been politically connected with one another. Leptis had been stipendiary to Carthage (Liv. xxxiv. 62) and had subsequently been occupied by Masinissa (Liv. l.c.; cf. App. Lib. 106). But the occupation was not permanent or effective. Sallust notes (Jug. 78) that its situation had enabled it to escape Numidian influence.

[1101] Sall. Jug. 77. 3.

[1102] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1103] Forbiger Handb. der alt. Geogr. ii. p. 885.

[1104] Sall. Jug. 80. 2.

[1105] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1106] Ibid. 80. 6 Ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia optinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.

[1107] Sall. Jug. 81. 1.

[1108] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1109] Cf. p. 349.

[1110] Sall. Jug. 81. 2.

[1111] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1112] Ibid. 82. 2.

[1113] Sall. Jug. 83. 1.

[1114] Sall, Jug. 86. 5.

[1115] Ibid. 88. 1.

[1116] Vellei. ii. II Metelli … et triumphus fuit clarissimus et meritum ex virtute ei cognomen Numidici inditum. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 27.

[1117] Sall. Jug. 88. 5.

[1118] Sall. Jug. 88. 3.

[1119] Sallust uses the historic infinitive (Ibid, 89. 1 Consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus), but the reduction of some of these places may perhaps be assumed.

[1120] Cf. p. 426.

[1121] Capsa (Kafsa or Gafsa) may have been once subject to Carthage and have been added to the kingdom of Masinissa after the Hannibalic war. Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) mentions it amongst the ruined towns of Africa, but it revived later on, received a Latin form of constitution under Hadrian, and was ultimately the seat of a bishopric. See Wilmanns in C. I. L. viii. p. 22. Its commercial importance was very great. It was, as Tissot says (Géogr. comp. ii. p. 664), placed on the threshold of the desert at the head of the three great valleys which lead, the one to the bottom of the Gulf of Kabes, the other to Tebessa, the third to the centre of the regency of Tunis. He describes it as one of the gates of the Sahara and one of the keys of Tell, the necessary point of transit of the caravans of the Soudan and the advanced post of the high plateau against the incursions of the nomads. Strabo (l.c.) describes Capsa as a treasure-house of Jugurtha, but it has been questioned whether this description is not due to a confusion with Thala (Wilmanns l.c.).

[1122] Sall. Jug. 89. 6.

[1123] Ibid. 89. 5 Nam, praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa perniciosa, siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Tissot says (op. cit. ii. p. 669) that the solitudes which surround the oasis make a veritable "belt of sands and snakes" (cf. Florus iii. 1. 14 Anguibus harenisque vallatam).

[1124] Sal. Jug. 90. 1.

[1125] Aulus Manlius was sent with some light cohorts to protect the stores at Lares (Ibid. 90. 2). These stores were, therefore, not exhausted.

[1126] The Tana has often been identified with the Wäd Tina, but this identification would take Marius along the coast by Thenae—a course which he almost certainly did not follow. Tissot holds (Géogr. comp. i. p. 85) that Tana is only a generic Libyan name for a water-course. He thinks that the river in question is the Wäd-ed-Derb. (Ibid. p. 86).

[1127] This locus tumulosus (Sall. Jug. 91. 3) is identified by Tissot (op. cit. ii. p 669) with a spur of the Djebel Beni-Younès which dominates Kafsa on the northeast at the distance indicated by Sallust.

[1128] Ibid. 91. 7.

[1129] Sall. Jug. 92. 3.

[1130] Sallust omits all mention of these winter quarters. Such an omission does not prove that he is a bad military historian, but simply that he never meant his sketch to be a military history. But he has perhaps freed himself too completely from the annalistic methods of most Roman historians.

[1131] Sall. Jug. 92. 2.

[1132] The Wäd Muluja. It is called Muluccha by Sallust, [Greek: Molochath] by Strabo (xvii. 3, 9). Other names given to it by ancient authorities are Malvane, [Greek: Maloua], Malva. See Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum pp. 79, 80.

[1133] Bocchus, however, claimed the territory within which Marius was operating (Sall. Jug. 102).

[1134] Ibid. 92. 5.

[1135] Ibid. 93.

[1136] Sall. Jug. 94. 3.

[1137] Sall. Jug. 95. 1.

[1138] Sall, Jug. 95. 1 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret Romae relictus erat.

[1139] Cic. in Verr. iii. 58. 134.

[1140] Cf. Cic. ad Att. vi. 6. 3 and 4.

[1141] Val. Max. vi. 9. 6 C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte obvenisset.

[1142] Plut. Sulla 2.

[1143] Val. Max. l.c.; Plut. Sulla 2.

[1144] Litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissume, eruditus (Sall. Jug. 95. 3).

[1145] Plut. l.c.

[1146] Plut. l.c.

[1147] He was born in 138 B.C. He was entering on his sixtieth year at the time of his death in 78 B.C. (Val. Max. ix. 3. 8). Cf. Vellei. ii. 17 and see Lau Lucius Cornelius Sulla p. 25.

[1148] Sall. Jug. 96.

[1149] Sall. Jug. 97. 2.

[1150] Sallust states later that Cirta was his original aim (Ibid. 102. 1 Pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat); but Marius's plans may have been modified by intervening events.

[1151] Vix decuma parte die reliqua (Ibid. 97. 3).

[1152] Sall, Jug. 98. 1.

[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani … orbis facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.

[1155] Sall. Jug. 99. 1.

[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere (Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.

[1157] Sall. Jug. 101. 2.

[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.

[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 101. 5), but it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.

[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).

[1161] Sall. Jug. 101. 9.

[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to nothing in Sallust and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the recent battles described by Sallust; but there are other details which make the identification impossible.

[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent (Oros. v. 15. 16).

[1164] According to Sallust (Jug. 102. 2.); but the fight which he describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.

[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.

[1166] Sall. Jug. 102. 5.

[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.

[1168] Cf. Sall. Jug. 80. 4. See p. 349.

[1169] Sall. Jug. 102. 15.

[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns (Ibid. 100. 1).

[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.

[1172] Sall. Jug. 104. 3.

[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.

[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca or Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence. If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (Hist. Nat. v. 2. 21) calls "oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae".

[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well, although this is not stated by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 104. 2).

[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.

[1177] Sall. Jug. 105. 1.

[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.

[1179] Sall. Jug. 107, 1.

[1180] Sall. Jug. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. Sulla 3.

[1181] Ibid. 108.

[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sallust (Ibid. 108. 1) when he describes Dabar as Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).

[1183] Sall. Jug. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really proconsul.

[1185] Ibid. 110.

[1186] Sall. Jug. 111.

[1187] Sall. Jug. 111. 2

[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.

[1189] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).

[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sallust says only Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit (Sall. Jug. 113. 6).

[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.

[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:—Regi Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) pronepoti regis Masiniss(ae) pronepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the coloni, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir quinquennalis honoris causa). The only doubt which affects the belief in Gauda's succession arises from a passage in Cic. post Red. ad Quir. 8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) cum parva navicula pervectus in Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset. There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it has been pointed out that Cicero's expression is "ad eos," not "ad eum." The plural probably refers to the whole "domus" of the monarch and would include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum p. 7.

[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with Jugurtha. See Müller Numismatique de l'Afrique. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.; Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6. It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman province (Marquardt Staatsverw. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii. p. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.

[1194] Sall. Jug. 114. 3; Liv. Ep. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. xxxiii p. 290 Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum suum duci jussit … veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? in senatum venit]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story told by Plutarch (Mar. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.

[1195] Plut. Mar. 12.

[1196] Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Südens der Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.

[1197] Plut. Mar. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere necatus est. The word necatus is quite consistent with a death such as that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.

[1198] Plut. l.c.

[1199] Plut. Mar. 10.

[1200] Plut. Sulla 4.

[1201] Plut. Mar. 10; Sulla 3.

[1202] Plut. Sulla 6.

[1203] Ancient writers derive the name from serere and connect it with a story of the family of the Reguli (Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. 3, 20; Verg. Aen. vi. 844; Val. Max. iv. 4. 5). But the name appears on coins as "Saranus" (Eckhel v. p. 146). It seems, however, to be true that the name was borne by, or applied to, C. Atilius Regulus, the consul of 257 B.C. See Klebs in Pauly-Wissowa R. E. p. 2095.

[1204] Cic. pro Planc. 5. 12.

[1205] In the movement connected with the proceedings of Saturninus in 100 B.C. (Cic. pro Rab. 7. 21).

[1206] Eutrop. iv. 27; Val. Max. vi. 9. 13; Fast. triumph.

[1207] Yet no very recent cases repetundarum are known. The last seems to have been the accusation of M. Valerius Messala (Gell. xv. 14). About this time C. Flavius Fimbria was accused by M. Gratidius and acquitted in spite of the hostile evidence of M. Aemilius Scaurus (Cic. pro Font. 11. 24; Brut. 45. 168; Val. Max. viii. 5. 2; Rein Criminalrecht p. 649); but even if, with Rein, we assign this case to 106 and not to a time later than Fimbria's consulship, the judiciary law must have been prepared before the trial.

[1208] Cassiodor. Chron. Per Servilium Caepionem consulem judicia equitibus et senatoribus communicata. Obsequens 101 (39) Per Caepionem cos. senatorum et equitum judicia communicata.

[1209] Tac. Ann. xii. 60 Cum … Serviliae leges senatui judicia redderent.

[1210] Cic. de Inv. i. 49. 92 Offensum est quod corum qui audiunt voluntatem laedit: ut si quis apud equites Romanos cupidos judicandi Caepionis legem judiciariam laudet.

[1211] Pp. 135, 213.

[1212] Cic. Brut. 43, 161; pro Cluent. 51, 140.

[1213] Cic. de Or. ii. 59. 240, 66. 264. It is very probable that this attack on Memmius belongs to the speech on the Servilian law.

[1214] Cic. Brut. 44. 164 Mihi (Ciceroni) quidem a pueritia quasi magistra fuit, inquam, illa in legem Caepionis oratio.

[1215] Cassiod. Chron.; Obsequens 101 (39) (quoted p, 478).

[1216] Cicero, speaking in 70 B.C., says that the Equites had held the courts for nearly fifty years, i.e. up to the date of the lex Cornelia of 81 B.C. (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38).

[1217] [Cic.] ad Herenn. i. 15, 25, iv. 24. 34; de Rep. i. 3. 6; pro Balbo II. 28.

[1218] Cic. de Orat. iii. 8. 29; Brut. 35. 132.

[1219] Cicero, in speaking of the successive defeats of Catulus at the polls, says Praeposuisse (populum Romanum) Q. Catulo, summa in familia nato, sapientissimo et sanctissimo viro, non dico C. Serranum, stultissimum hominem, (fuit enim tamen nobilis,) non C. Fimbriam, novum hominem, (fuit enim et animi satis magni et consilii,) sed Cn. Mallium, non solum ignobilem, verum sine virtute, sine ingenio, vita etiam contempta ac sordida (pro Planc. 5. 12).

[1220] Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The changes introduced into the military system by Rutilius will be explained in the next chapter.

[1221] Ulp. in Dig. xxxviii. 2, i. i. Mommsen (Staatsr. iii. p. 433) thinks that the consul of 105 is the "praetor Rutilius" of Ulpian's account.

[1222] Gaius iv, 35 (Praetor Publius Rutilius), qui et bonorum venditionem introduxisse dicitur. See Bethmann-Hollweg Civilprozess ii. p. 671. Here again the consul of 105 is probably meant.

[1223] Cic. Brut. 30. 113, 114.

[1224] The disaster at Arausio took place on 6th October (Plut. Luc. 27). The consuls for the next year may not yet have been elected, as there was at this time no fixed date for the consular Comitia. Cf. p. 364 and see Sall. Jug. 114.

[1225] Cic. Brut. 34. 129; de Orat. ii. 22. 91.

[1226] Liv. Ep. lvi. (see the next note). For the probable date of this enactment (151 B.C.) see Mommsen Staatsrecht i. p. 521.

[1227] Liv. Ep. lvi Cum bellum Numantinum vitio ducum non sine pudore publico duraret, delatus est ultro Scipioni Africano a senatu populoque Romano consulatus; quem cum illi capere ob legem, quae vetabat quemquam iterum consulem fieri, non liceret, sicut priori consulatu, legibus solutus est.

[1228] Plut. Mar. 12 [Greek: kai to deuteron hypatos apedeichthae, tou men nomou koluontos aponta kai mae dialiponta chronon horismenon authis aireisthai, tou de daemou tous antilegontas ekbalontos.] Plutarch adds that the people recalled the dispensation granted to Scipio when the annihilation of the Carthaginian power was planned. This is perhaps a mistaken reference to the dispensation granted to Scipio in the Numantine war. See Liv. Ep. lvi. (quoted in the last note); Cic. pro Leg. Man. 20. 60 and Mommsen Staatsr. l.c. As to the irregularity involved in Marius's absence, it is questionable whether Plutarch is right in supposing that a personal professio was required at this time. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 504. Possibly the irregularity consisted in the fact that there had been no formal candidature at all. Other references to this election of Marius are to be found in Sall. Jug. 114; Vellei. ii. 12; Liv. Ep. lxvii.

[1229] Sall. Jug. 114, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia.

End of Project Gutenberg's A History of Rome, Vol 1, by A. H. J. Greenidge