XI.
The French claimant to Milan was now the King of France. From this moment the pretensions of Orleans became a factor in European history. The plans of the first Duke of Milan went so grievously astray, that, instead of France and Germany each holding the other in check, for half a century their armies occupied the soil of Lombardy, nor, when they withdrew, was the land left at peace, but, baffled and paralyzed, the helpless prey of Spain.
This Iliad is too important to be contained within the slender limits of an essay. We can but briefly indicate the events which developed and then extinguished the right of the French to Milan. Conquered in 1499, by Louis XII. of France, Lombardy remained for five and twenty years an intermittent province of that kingdom, continually revolting, continually reconquered. During this time several privileges and investitures, extracted from the Emperor, confirmed the victories of France, and annulled the claims of Lodovico Sforza. These investitures are worthy of at least our brief consideration, since, from the moment of their bestowal, the French claim to Milan, already emphasised by the rights of heredity, testamentary bequest, and contract, received the final sanction of the feudal law.
The first of these Imperial investitures was bestowed on King Louis XII. by the hand of Maximilian on April 7, 1505.[[103]] It secured the Duchy of Milan (non obstante priore investitura illustri Ludovico Sfortia prius exhibita) to the King of France and to his sons; or, in default of males, to his daughter Claude. At this time, through the influence of Queen Anne, Claude was most unnaturally betrothed to the permanent enemy of her country, the future Charles V., and in this document he is mentioned as her husband and co-heir—a fact he did not allow to slip. But fortunately the heiress of Brittany, Orleans, and Milan, was not allowed to marry the great rival of France. On June 14, 1509, a second investiture confirmed the inheritance of Claude, and associated with her therein her future husband, Francis of Angoulême, her cousin, equally with herself the offspring of Valentine and Orleans.[[104]] This Imperial document explicitly admits the right of feminine succession to a Lombard fief,[[105]] for Claude, it affirms, is the heiress to Milan through her father, the grandson of Madame Valentine. But it says nothing of the descent of Francis of Angoulême, although it provides that if Claude should die in childhood, and the King have no other children born to take her place, then Francis of Angoulême shall be recognized as in his own right Duke of Milan because he is the heir of the King of France.
These are the rights of Francis I. to Milan, rights absolute and impregnable. But it was only by continual conquest that the French could keep their hold upon the Milanese. For the tendencies of ages go to show us that there is a natural right more potent than the claims of blood, succession, testament, adoption, or investiture. The French dukes of Milan were, in their own dominions, foreigners. And, as the wise Commines foresaw—
“There is no great seniorie but in the end the dominion thereof remaineth to the natural countrymen. And this appeareth by the realm of France, a great part whereof the Englishmen possessed the space of four hundred years, and yet now hold they nothing therein but Calais and two little castles, the defence whereof costeth them yearly a great sum of money. And the self-same appeareth also by the realm of Naples and the Isle of Sicily, and the other provinces possessed by the French, where now is no memorial of their being there, save only their ancestors’ graves.”
It was the fatal battle of Pavia which really lost her Italian dependencies to France. The treaty of Madrid, extorted by compulsion, which proved so powerless to restore to the Emperor Burgundy (already become an integral part of France), resigned to him for ever the dominions of the French in Italy; not, however, without a struggle. No sooner was Francis released from Madrid than he declared that extorted contract void. He despatched protest after protest[[106]] to all the courts in Europe: but what availed to retain his hold on Cognac, proved vain to regain him the Milanese.
Immediately after the battle of Pavia, Charles V. had invested Francesco Sforza II., the son of Il Moro, with the duchy of his fathers. But what should happen on the death of Francesco Sforza, a childless man? Foreseeing this event, the hopes of the king of France were not extinguished; and the ten years between 1530 and 1540 are filled with the various endeavours, menaces, persuasions, by which he strove to obtain from the emperor the Duchy of Milan for the second son of France. Since it was evidently impossible to induce Charles V. to let Milan be an adjunct to the French Crown, the ambition of the king persevered upon a lower level, and a French Duke of Milan became the sum of his desires. At two different moments the realization of this scheme appeared possible. In 1535, after the death of Francesco Sforza II., negotiations were set on foot to obtain the Milanese for Orleans. A document still existing in the National Library at Paris[[107]] proves how lively and how sanguine at this moment was the hope of Francis I. to recover Milan. The king offered a promise never to unite this duchy to the Crown of France, and declared himself ready to expend an immense sum on its investiture. But the Venetians,[[108]] aware of the danger to themselves which a great French state must create in Italy, temporized and manœuvred so well that the matter came to nothing; for Charles V. was in a humour to credit their assertions, that any time was better than time present. The affairs of Italy were dull and dead to him. All his energies were fixed upon the idea of the crusade against Algiers. It was proposed that Orleans should join him in this enterprize,[[109]] and that, hand to hand in this holy fight, emperor and prince might consent to forget the bitter memory of bygone days. But in 1536 the eldest son of Francis died, and Orleans became the Dauphin of France. The schemes, the policy which during several years had endeavoured to secure for the husband of Catherine de’ Medici an Italian principality, collapsed before that unexpected stroke of fate. Orleans was not to be the head of an Italian kingdom reaching from the Alps to Rome, and in 1540 Charles V. invested his own son, Philip of Spain, with the Duchy of Milan. Yet France could not acquiesce in this alienation of her transalpine inheritance, and in 1544 the disastrous treaty of Crépy provided that, in two years from that date, either Milan or the Netherlands should be bestowed upon the third son of Francis. But before the time of the engagement had expired, Prince Charles was dead, and Milan fast in the grasp of the Spaniards.
[49]. J. 409, No. 42. Contrat de Mariage. 42 bis, Vidimus du Contrat et Acte de la remise d’Asti. Pavia, April 8, 1387. 42 ter, Confirmation du Contrat par Clement VII. à Avignon. For further documents on the subject see Carton K. 553.
[50]. Additional MSS., No. 30,669, fo. 215.
[51]. Champollion-Figeac, “Louis et Charles ducs d’Orléans,” p. 253. The will is dated Oct. 17, 1403: Pisa was probably counted in the “autres terres que puis avoir.”
[52]. In the ordinary imperial fiefs, which, even so late as the end of the fourteenth century, still in many cases preserved their original idea of military service granted in return for territorial possessions, a woman could not succeed without direct and especial mention of this fact in the investiture, or in some subsequent privilege. But in a purchased fief daughters were admitted to the succession in default of males. Milan was an imperial fief, derived directly from the emperor, and held by the peculiar sort of tenure known as Fahnlehen, from the homage of a banner or standard paid by its possessor to his feudal lord; it was destined, even if not explicitly reserved, for masculine operation only. Giangaleazzo Visconti paid the enormous price of 100,000 florins (about £50,000 sterling) for the title and investiture, but I am not aware whether this is or is not sufficient to grant the fief the looser privileges of a feudum emptum.
[53]. “Ann. Med.,” in Muratori, “Rer. Ital. Script.” xvi.
[54]. Dumont, ii. clxxxix.
[55]. He was born 24th of November, 1394. See for the release of Orleans the excellent chapter in the Marquis de Beaucourt’s “Histoire de Charles VII.” t. iii., Paris, 1885.
[56]. See M. Leopold Delisle, Collection Bertrand d’Estaing, a long note about F.M. Visconti’s protection of Asti, and secret instruction of Orleans to Cousinot, p. 135-40.
[57]. “The Bastard came with this requisition in the year 1442 to Milan, where I, Secundinus Ventura, saw him” (“Memoriale Secundini Venturæ”). Dunois went twice, February, 1441, and in 1451. In spite of Ventura’s line, the date is fixed by a document communicated to me by Count Albert de Circourt (Pièces Originales Fontanieu, dossier 1185, No. 38)[No. 38)]: “Payez 200 écus d’or à nostre comis et féal frère le bastard d’Orléans sur ung voiage qu’il a fait pour nous au pais de Lombardie partant de nostre dicte ville de Blois au dict mois de Fébrier dernier passé.” Blois 22nd Mai 1441.
[58]. Feb. 23 (The Milanese began the year upon Dec. 25). Osio, vol. iii. cccxviii.
[59]. B. de Mandrot. See also MSS. of Bib. Nat., Lat. 17779, fos. 53-56; and for the correspondence of Pope Felix with his son, Duke Louis of Savoy, upon this subject, an exhaustive article by M. Gaullier in the eighth volume of the “Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.”
[60]. Feb. 14, 1447. Reg. 17, fol. 106, Secreta, Venice. This document records the dismay of Florence and Venice upon learning the league of France and Milan. These two cities with Montferrat, Mantua, Angleria, and the other Lombard powers, joined in a solemn convention to oppose the common enemy and to preserve the peace.
[61]. Desjardins, “Nég. dipl. avec la Toscane,” t. i. p. 60.
[62]. Bibl. Nat. MSS. Ital. 1584, Nos. 21 and 84, quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt in the “Revue des Questions Historiques” for October, 1887.
[63]. “Archivio Storico Lombardo,” Anno iii. fasc. iv.
[64]. Osio, ii. note to p. 2. In the hour of his death, on August 14th, the Duke drew a codicil leaving everything to Alfonso. Two days before he had left Alfonso erede universale, and Bianca erede particolare. Of course in either case she remained mistress of Cremona and Pontremoli.
[65]. Osio quotes this letter, which exists in the Archives of Milan: Fece el Re d’Arragona erede del tutto, non facta mentione veruna di M.B. [Madonna Bianca] ne de la mogliere ne d’altri.... Vegnate pur voi via senza veruna dimora; zonto siate qua lo mezo del giocho e vincto.
[66]. This letter is quoted in M. Gaullieur’s interesting collection of documents from the correspondence of Duke Louis of Savoy, published in the eighth volume of the “Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.” Also in M. de Beaucourt’s “History,” op. cit.
[67]. Secreta, Reg. 17, fol. 171, tergo.
[68]. Sed si in colloquiis fieret mentio per ipsos oratores de serenissimo Rege Francorum, et de Januense, qui occupassent de locis que fuerant quondam ducis, in hoc casu, praticatores ipsi iustificare debeant, in modesta et convenienti forma verborum, factum præfati Regis, et Januensis; videlicet, quod per nos, contra eos, honeste et convenienter fieri non possit.
[69]. Reg. 17, fol. 194, tergo. Dec. 30, 1447.
[70]. Reg. 17, fol. 221, tergo.
[71]. Reg. 17, fol. 220. Secreta del Senato, MS.
[72]. Reg. 18, fol. 3, Secreta del Senato, MS.
[73]. Viollet-le-Duc, “Mobilier Français,” iv. 454.
[74]. Olivier de la Marche, “Mémoires,” livre i. chap. 17.
[75]. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 18, fol. 106, MS.
[76]. Lamansky, “Secrets d’Etat de Venise,” p. 160.
[77]. Gaullieur, op. cit.
[78]. Reg. 18, fol. 83. April 21, 1449. Secreta del Senato, MS.
[79]. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 10, fol. 93. July 3. 1449.
[80]. These four letters are quoted by M. Maurice Faucon from the Milanese Archive in his report of his two missions in Italy in the years 1879 and 1880, pp. 35-37.
[81]. Archives of Genoa. Materie Politiche, mazzo 12, 3. See also Charavay’s “Report on the Italian Letters of Louis XI.,” 1881.
[82]. See the documents in Lamansky, “Secrets d’Etat de Venise,” 161, 14, &c.
[83]. Ghinzone, in the “Archivio Storico Lombardo,” Anno ix, Fasc. 2, 1882, quotes the original documents from the Milanese Archives, Reg. Miss. N. 12, foglio 40. The letters are all of the greatest interest.
[84]. Reg. 20, fol. 1. Secreta del Senato, MS. January 3, 1454.
[85]. Reg. 19, fol. 232. Secreta del Senato, MS. December 11, 1453.
[86]. “Secreta,” tome (sic Reg?) xix. fol. 211, under date August 31, 1453, quoted M. Étienne Charavay in his “Rapport sur les Lettres de Louis XI. conservées dans les Archives d’Italie.” The following documents from the Venetian Archives—as yet, I believe, unpublished—form the natural sequel to this interesting letter:
“Senato” I., Reg. 19, fol. 232, under date December 11, 1453.—The Venetians send Venier to ask Savoy to join with them in requesting the Dauphin to invade Italy: “Venier must ascertain the views of the Duke of Savoy as to Sforza, since King René comes into Italy. Let him clearly understand that Sforza is a most ambitious man, and that if he continue to prosper as he does he will certainly turn his thoughts towards Savoy. Venice not only intends to secure her own estate, but for the sake of her friends and allies will as much and as resolutely as possible repress the said Count Francesco Sforza, who may become the Common Enemy. And to this end Venice has determined to request the aid of France, and among others the aid of the Dauphin, asking the said Dauphin for the common good to invade Italy with a force of from 8,000 to 10,000 men. And we of Venice entreat Savoy to send a suitable ambassador along with ours to persuade the said Dauphin to this undertaking. And our intention is to grant the said Dauphin a suitable subvention in money and whatsoever he may conquer from Adda to Ticino, and from Padua to Piacenza, except the domains of Savoy and Montferrat.... Let Venier then discover how many men and of what sort and when Savoy could supply to the field.... And if my Lord Dauphin stand out for the consent of his father, you shall offer on our part to implore it and procure it for him. And if he wish you to go to the King you shall go, and, as best you can, procure his consent.... And if the said King or Dauphin say to you this undertaking regards the Duke of Orleans, say it is true that on the death of Filippo Maria he sent to us notifying his claims (and fain would we see a prince of the house of France on the throne of Milan!), and saying he expected supplies from France, and we assured him of our delight and pleasure; and if indeed the King or the Dauphin, at your instance, will supply the said Lord Duke with an army of from viii. thousand to x. thousand men, we will aid and assist him upon the same terms and conditions as my Lord the Dauphin. And go then to the Duke of Orleans and persuade him to the enterprize.”
Reg. 20, fol. 26, July 23, 1454.—This document concerns a League meant to secure Italian peace by means of an offensive and defensive alliance, against all breakers of the peace, to be made between Venice, Milan, Florence, and Naples. Florence desires an exception in favour of the house of France. At this Milan, much alarmed, desires Venice by a secret and separate agreement to sign the First Clause at least with him. Venice sends ambassadors to Florence and to Milan, pointing out that the First Clause is absolutely necessary, since, without it, there is no reason why the King of Arragon should enter the League. Indeed if an exception be made in favour of France, it will only and justly irritate him, and thus the alliance would bring rather discord than peace into the Peninsula. No specific mention need be made of the house of France, to which Venice entertains the most friendly feelings. But if the First Clause were signed and Arragon induced to enter the League Italy might look forward to many years of peace and tranquillity.
Reg. 20, fol. 103, October 8, 1456.—The Marquis of Varese, ambassador to the Duke of Milan, informs the Venetians that the Doge of Genoa—notwithstanding his open alliance with France and apparent subjection to her—has made a second and secret alliance with Arragon and Milan, in which Venice is prayed to join, against the French. The Venetians reply that, owing to the mutability and diversity of Genoese affairs, it is impossible to give any solid advice.
Reg. 21, fol. 21, October 10, 1465.—The descendants of Valentine Visconti—i.e., the Dukes of Orleans and Brittany and the Count of Angoulême—sent secret ambassadors to Venice to treat concerning the recovery of the Duchy of Milan from the hands of Count Francesco Sforza. Venice replies with compliments, but expresses herself desirous to keep the peace.
Reg. 22, fol. 176, July 28, 1466.—French ambassadors have been received at Venice from Louis XI., King of France. Venice assures him of her excellent disposition towards the new Duke of Milan as well as of her “antiqua benivolentia” towards his father. Venice believes a resumption of the Italian League is not at that moment necessary, extols King Louis for his intention to proceed against the Turk, and congratulates him on the quiet of his realm.
The Latin originals of these documents will be included in the volume of “Pièces Justificatives,” for my History of the French in Italy, 1378-1530.
[87]. Reg. 20, fol. 17, April 26, 1454.—“Ordre à Francesco Veniero de prévenir le dauphin, avec tous les ménagements possible, qu’ils ont faiz la paix avec Francesco Sforza et qu’ils n’ont plus besoin de ses services” (Charavay, loc. cit.).
[88]. Quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt, iv. p. 244, from the “Procès de Mariette.”
[89]. “Procès de Mariette” in the Preuves de Matthieu d’Escouchy, p. 290. See Marquis de Beaucourt, “Histoire de Charles VII.,” pp. 207 et seq.
[90]. March 14, 1451, Amédée of Savoy had promised to assist[assist] the Dauphin against all, “even against the King of France” (Charavay, l. c. p. 34). This had a different aspect after Louis’ coronation.
[91]. Dumont, iii. ccxxviii.
[92]. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 21, folio 21.
[93]. MSS. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 31, fol. 123, tergo.
[94]. Many reasons have been given for the assumption of this surname. As a fact it appears to have been a baptismal name. In February, 1461, Bianca Maria Sforza sent to the shrine of the Santo at Padua the silver image of a child, ex voto for the recovery of her fourth son, Ludovicus Maurus, filius quartus masculus, aged five years. (“Archivio Storico Lombardo,” Anno xiii; Caffi on B.M. Sforza.)
[95]. Reg. 31, fol. 131, tergo.
[96]. Reg. 32, fol. 87.
[97]. The messenger left Florence Oct. 3, 1494. See for further details of these schemes the first vol. of Desjardins’ “Nég. dip. dans la Toscane.”
[98]. The copy is to be found in Corio, 457-59. I do not know where to find the original document, but MSS. copies, evidently from the Archives of Pavia, are to be found among the British Museum documents, Additional MSS., 30, 675. Giovio mentions a report that after the death of Francesco Sforza II., Count Massimiliano Sforza found the deed and restored it to the Emperor. Lodovico il Moro ever insisted that he received Milan, not by succession, but direct from the Emperor. He called himself the fourth, and not the seventh, duke.
[99]. “Era molto odiato dai popoli a cagione dei denari.”—“Bello Gallico,” i. p. 176.
[100]. For this letter, and for the letters of Orleans to Bourbon, quoted from the Library of St. Petersburg, vide vol. ii. of Cherrier’s “Histoire de Charles VIII.,” p. 184, et seq.
[101]. This is the Venetian estimate. Guicciardini says, 300 lances, 3,000 Swiss, and 3,000 Gascons.
[102]. This is the Venetian estimate. For the figures of Giovio and Corio, see Cherrier, ii. 197.
[103]. Luenig, sectio ii. classis i.: “De Ducato Mediolanesi,” xliv.
[104]. See in Luenig, June 14, 1509, No. xlv., and also, with some unimportant variations of text, Bib. Nat. Paris, MS. 2950, Ancien Fonds Français.
[105]. Præfatus rex ex ducibus Mediolani originem trahit, medio illustris quondam dominæ Valentinæ aviæ suæ, filiæ quondam illustris Johannis Galeatii Mediolani ducis.
[106]. See for example “Protestations de François 1er,” Bib. Nat. MS. 2846.
[107]. Bib. Nat. MS. 2846, No. 57: Instruction baillée au Seigneur d’Espercieu après la mort du duc de Milan, Sforce, &c.
[108]. Ibid.: Les Vénitiens ont practiqué bien avant cette mattière et laissent, ce semble, le dict Sieur de Granvelle entendre qu’ils parlent autrement que le roy, par aventure, ne pense; l’ambassadeur parle assez publiquement de diviser le dict estat en plusieurs pièces.
[109]. Ibid.