FOOTNOTES
[224] It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk: Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many of Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected by an Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that stories of some kind relating to families and localities—especially stories which accounted, or professed to account for local names—were current in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the basis of many of the Fornaldar Sögur, but in all probability these had been familiar to Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, or at least during the tenth century. We have no evidence that they ever gained literary form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson: Old Norske Litteraturs Historie, II., p. 791.)
[225] The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus. Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his words leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories had been carried on by oral tradition.
[226] This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like the Huldre-eventyr of modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the witch Huldr given in Ynglinga Saga (ch. 16), and to the supernatural being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore.
[227] “hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna.” From these words Finnur Jónsson (op. cit., II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a written copy of the saga.
[228] Sturlunga Saga, II., pp. 270-271.
[229] Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha (Sturlunga Saga, Vol. I., p. 19).
[230] Fornaldar Sögur, Vol. II., p. 323.
[231] Harald’s Hardrada Saga, ch. 99 (Fornmanna Sögur, VI., pp. 354-356).
[232] Fóstbroethra Saga, ch. 23.
[233] Njáls Saga (by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154.
[234] Droplaugarsona Saga (Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (Austfirthinga Sögur, ed. Jakobsen).
[235] See pp. 60, 61, ante.
[236] Cf. the references to Hrómundar Saga, pp. 69, 70, ante.
[237] The poem is preserved in the Book of the Dun Cow (twelfth century), but the form of the language in which it is written is considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the verses would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory glosses.
Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville: The Irish Mythological Cycle, p. 96 (Best’s translation): also D. Hyde: A Literary History of Ireland, p. 285.
There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century, runs:—(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi … Rhys takes scitlivissi to be an Irish word, a compound of viss (Ir. fis, ‘knowledge’) and scitl (scetlon, scél, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) and surmises that scitliviss might mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf. Celtic Britain, pp. 313-315.) But scitliviss can also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify us in attaching any great importance to the inscription.
[238] O’Curry: Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., p. 543.
[239] O’Curry: Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History, pp. 243, 583.
[240] Printed in Silva Gadelica (ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. 296-305.
Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking districts of Ireland. (See Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation.
[241] i.e., “son of the honeyed words,” a poet.
[242] O’Curry: Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., pp. 130-135.
[243] Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of Limerick in 976.
[244] War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 98-99.
[245] O’Curry, op. cit., II., p. 128.
[246] Ibid., II., p. 125.
[247] Landnámabók, I., ch. 19.
[248] Kormak’s Saga, ch. 19.
[249] Cf. Landnámabók, II., ch. 16, etc.
[250] Landnámabók, V., ch. 15.
[251] Ib., IV., ch. 11.
[252] Ib., II., ch. 1.
[253] Ib., II., ch. 16.
[254] Ib., II., ch. 16.
[255] Finnur Jónsson, op. cit., II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie: Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., p. 441.
[256] “This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli, son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.” (Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar, appendix. Draumr Thorsteins Síduhalssonar, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.)
[257] Landnámabók, II., ch. 11.
[258] Cf. p. ante.
[259] Cf. p. 66, ante.
[260] Cf. p. 63 ante.
[261] See Kuno Meyer: Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century (Dublin, 1913).