Chancellorsville and Gettysburg / Campaigns of the Civil War - VI

by Abner Doubleday

CHAPTER VIII. MAY FOURTH.—ATTACK ON SEDGWICK'S FORCE.

As Hooker seemed disposed to be inactive, Lee thought he might venture to still further augment the force in front of Sedgwick, with a view to either capture the Sixth Corps or force it to recross the river. He therefore directed Anderson to reinforce McLaws with the remainder of his division, leaving only what was left of Jackson's old corps to confront Hooker. Anderson had gone over to the right, opposite the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, and had opened with a battery upon the wagon trains which were parked in that vicinity, creating quite a stampede, until his guns were driven away by the Twelfth Corps. In this skirmish, General Whipple, commanding the Third Division of Sickles' corps, was killed. In the meantime, Early had retaken the heights of Fredericksburg, which were merely held by a picket guard of Gibbon's division, so that, when Anderson arrived and took post on the right of McLaws, parallel to the Plank Road, Sedgwick found himself environed on three sides by the enemy; only the road to Banks' Ford remained open, and even that was endangered by bands of rebels, who roamed about in rear of our forces. At one time it is said they could have captured him and his headquarters. Fortunately the tents which constituted the latter were of so unpretending a character, that they gave no indication of being tenanted by the commanding general.

Hooker had resumed the command, although manifestly incapable of directing affairs; for the concussion must have affected his brain. At all events, although he had almost thirty-seven thousand fresh men, ready and desirous of entering into the combat, and probably only had about seventeen thousand worn out men in front of him, he failed to do anything to relieve Sedgwick's force, which was now becoming seriously compromised. A feeble and ineffectual reconnoissance was indeed attempted, and as that was promptly resisted, Hooker gave up the idea of any advance, and left Sedgwick to get out of the difficulty the best way he could. At 11 A.M., Sedgwick wrote, stating the obstacles which beset him, and requesting the active assistance of the main army. He was directed, in reply, not to attack, unless the main body at Chancellorsville did the same. All remained quiet until 4 P.M. The Sixth Corps were then formed on three sides of a square inclosing Banks' Ford, with the flanks resting on the river. Howe's division faced east toward Fredericksburg, against Early, who confronted him in that direction, and his left stretched out to Taylor's Hill on the Rappahannock. Newton's division, together with Russell's brigade of Brooks' division, faced McLaws on the west, and Brooks' other two brigades—those of Bartlett and Torbert—were opposed to Anderson on the south. The entire line was very long and thin.

Early and McLaws had been skirmishing on their fronts all day, but it was 6 P.M. before everything was in readiness for the final advance. An attempt had, however, been made by Early to turn Howe's left and cut Sedgwick off from the river; but it was promptly met and the enemy were repulsed with a loss of two hundred prisoners and a battle-flag.

Sedgwick felt his position to be a precarious one. His line was six miles long, and he had but about twenty thousand men with which to hold it against twenty-five thousand of the enemy. He thought, too, that reinforcements had come up from Richmond and that the enemy's force far exceeded his own. It was evident he could not recross the river in broad daylight without sacrificing a great part of his corps, and he determined to hold on until night. Benham took the precaution to throw over a second bridge, and this prudent measure, in Sedgwick's opinion, saved his command. Lee, after personally reconnoitring the position, gave orders to break in the centre of the Sixth Corps so as to defeat the two wings, throw them off in eccentric directions, and scatter the whole force. When this was attempted, Sedgwick detached Wharton's brigade from Newton's right, and sent it to reinforce that part of the line. At 6 P.M. three guns were fired as a signal from Alexander's battery and the Confederate forces pressed forward to the attack. Newton's front was not assailed, and the right of Brooks' division easily repulsed the enemy who advanced in that direction, with the fire of the artillery and the skirmish line alone.

The main effort of the evening was made by Early's division, which advanced in columns of battalions, to turn Howe's left, and cut that flank off from the river. Howe's artillery, under charge of Major J. Watts de Peyster, a mere youth, was admirably posted and did great execution on these heavy columns. De Peyster himself rode out and established a battery, a considerable distance in advance of the main line, and the enemy pressed forward eagerly to capture it; after doing so they were suddenly confronted by several regiments in ambush, which rose up and delivered a fire which threw Hays' and Hoke's brigades into great confusion, and caused them to make a precipitate retreat. An attack against Howe's right was also repulsed. In the ardor of pursuit, Howe swung that flank around and captured the 8th Louisiana Regiment, but in doing so, he exposed his rear to Gordon, who came down a ravine behind him, so that he was compelled to fall back and take up a new line. Howe had carefully selected a reserve position and made dispositions to hold it. Fresh assaults on his left finally forced General Neill to retreat to it with his brigade. The enemy followed him up promptly, but were driven back in disorder by Grant's Vermont brigade, two regiments of Newton's division and Butler's regular battery of the 2d United States Artillery. Newton thinks this last attack on Howe was local and accidental, for as the other divisions were not assailed, a concentrated attack on Howe would have destroyed him.

Darkness at last put an end to the strife. Newton, being an engineer officer by profession, had previously been sent by Sedgwick to select a new line to cover the bridges, and the army was ordered to fall back there. It did so without confusion, the roads having been carefully picketed. Brooks took position on Newton's left, after which Howe's division, whose right flank for a time had been "in the air," withdrew also an hour later than the others, and prolonged the line to the left. Howe complained that he was deserted by Sedgwick, but the latter appears to have sent Wheaton's brigade and other reinforcements to aid his retreat. The movement to the rear was favored by the darkness and a thick fog, which settled over the valleys, but did not extend to the high ground. As Benham and Sedgwick, who were classmates at West Point, walked on the slope of the hill where the men were lying—the crest above being held by thirty-four guns on the opposite side of the river—Benham cautioned Sedgwick not to recross under any circumstances without his entire command, nor without Hooker's express sanction, advice which Sedgwick was wise enough to follow.

The enemy did not assail the new position or attempt to interfere with the crossing which soon after took place. When it was nearly concluded, an order came from Hooker countermanding it, but it was then too late to return.

Howe thinks Sedgwick should not have crossed, as the last attack on the left, which was the vital point, had been repulsed. This may be so, in the light of after-consideration, but it was very doubtful at the time, and as Sedgwick had lost a fraction under five thousand men in these operations, and was acting under the false information that additional forces had come up from Richmond, he felt that he had fully borne his share of the burden, and that it was better to place his corps beyond the risk of capture, than to run the chances of renewing the battle. It would, undoubtedly, have been of immense advantage to the cause if he could have continued to hold Taylor's Hill, which dominated the country round, and was the key of the battle-field; for in that case Hooker might have withdrawn from Lee's front and joined Sedgwick, which would have been attaining the object for which our main army left Falmouth, and made the turning movement. He would thus have gained a strategic if not a tactical victory; his shortcomings would have been forgotten, and he would have been regarded as one of the greatest strategists of the age. Hooker, however, had left so many things undone, that it is by no means certain he would have carried out this policy, although he expressed his intention to do so. Sedgwick's movement, in my opinion, added another example to the evil effects of converging columns against a central force.

There is little more to add in relation to Hooker's operations. On the night of the 4th, he called a council of war, and after stating the situation to them, absented himself, in order that they might have full liberty to discuss the subject. Reynolds was exhausted, and went to sleep, saying that his vote would be the same as that of Meade. Meade voted to remain, because he thought it would be impossible to cross in the presence of the enemy. Sickles and Couch voted to retreat. Howard voted to remain, without reference to the situation of the army, because in his opinion his corps had behaved badly, and he wished to retrieve its reputation. Slocum was not present. The final result was that Hooker determined to cross, although the majority of votes were against it. The votes of Meade and Howard, however, were qualified in such a way as to give the impression they were in favor of a retreat.

Owing to a sudden rise in the river the bridges became too short, and there was some doubt as to the practicability of passing over them, but by taking down one, and piecing the others with it, the difficulty was overcome and the army retired, without being followed up, under cover of thirty-two guns posted on the heights on the opposite bank. Meade's corps acted as rear guard.

Hooker left his killed and wounded behind, and had lost 14 guns and 20,000 stand of arms.

It only remains to give a brief statement of the operations of Stoneman's cavalry. These were of no avail as regard the battle of Chancellorsville, for our army was defeated and in full retreat before Lee's main line of communication with Richmond was struck, and then all the damage was repaired in three or four days. There seems to have been a lack of information as to where to strike; for the principal depot of the rebel army was at Guiney's station on the Fredericksburg and Richmond Railroad. The supplies there were but slightly guarded, and could easily have been captured. Had this been done, Lee would have been seriously embarrassed, notwithstanding his victory, and forced to fall back to obtain subsistence.

Stoneman, upon setting out on the expedition, left one division of 4,000 men under Averell to do the fighting, and dispose of any force that might attempt to interfere with the movements of the main body. Averell accordingly followed W. H. F. Lee's two regiments to Rapidan Station, and remained there skirmishing on the 1st of May. His antagonist then burned the bridge, and fell back on Gordonsville. As Averell was about to ford the river and follow, he received orders from Hooker to return; he came back to Elley's Ford on the 2d, which he reached at half past ten at night. As his return was useless and unnecessary, he has been severely censured, but it was not made of his own volition. Soon after Fitz Hugh Lee made a dash at his camp, but was repulsed. On the 3d Averell made a reconnoissance on Hooker's right, with a view to attack the enemy there, but finding the country impracticable for cavalry, returned to Elley's Ford. Hooker, who was not in the best of humor at the time, became dissatisfied with his operations, relieved him from command, and appointed Pleansonton to take his place.

In the meantime, the main body under Stoneman pressed forward, and reached Louisa Court House early on the morning of the 2d. Parties were at once ordered out to destroy the Virginia Central Railroad above and below that point. One of W. H. F. Lee's regiments drove back a detachment of Union cavalry which was moving on Gordonsville, but reinforcements went forward and Lee was driven back in his turn.

In the evening Stoneman made his headquarters at Thompson's Cross Roads, and from there despatched regiments in different directions to burn and destroy.

One party under Colonel Wyndham, 1st New Jersey, was engaged all day on the 3d in injuring the canal at Columbia, and in attempts to blow up the aqueduct over the Rivanna.

Colonel Kilpatrick moved with his regiment, the 2d New York, across the country, passing within two miles and a half of Richmond, and creating great consternation there. He struck and destroyed a portion of the Fredericksburg Railroad—Lee's main line of supply —on the 4th, at Hungary Station, ten miles from Richmond, and burned Meadow Bridge, over the Chickahominy at the railroad crossing. He then turned north again, crossed the Pamunkey, and ended his long ride at Gloucester Point, which was garrisoned by our troops.

Another regiment—the 12th Illinois, under Colonel Davis—went to Ashland and moved up and down the railroad, doing a good deal of damage. It captured a train full of Confederate wounded and paroled them. After a brief encounter with an infantry and artillery force at Tunstall's Station, it also turned north, and made its way over the Pamunkey and Mattapony rivers to Gloucester Point.

Two regiments, the 1st Maine and 1st Maryland, under General Gregg, started down the South Anna River, burning bridges over common roads and railroads. After destroying Hanover Junction, it returned to headquarters.

One of two other small parties were sent on flying excursions to assist in the work of destruction.

On the 5th, Stoneman started to return, and the entire command with the exception of that portion which was at Gloucester Point, recrossed at Kelly's Ford on the 8th.

The losses in each army were heavy. An extract is here given from the official reports, but it is said the Confederate statement is far from being accurate.

LOSSES AT CHANCELLORSVILLE.

UNION.
Killed and
Wounded. Missing. Total.
First Corps (Reynolds). . . . . 192 100 292
Second Corps (Couch). . . . . . 1,525 500 2,025
Third Corps (Sickles) . . . . . 3,439 600 4,089
Fifth Corps (Meade) . . . . . . 399 300 699
Sixth Corps (Sedgwick). . . . . 3,601 1,000 4,601
Eleventh Corps (Howard) . . . . 568 2,000 2,508
Twelfth Corps (Slocum). . . . . 2,383 500 2,883
Cavalry, etc. . . . . . . . . . 150 150

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,197 5,000 17,197

CONFEDERATE.
Killed and
Wounded. Missing. Total.
Early's Division . . . . . . . 851 500 1,351
A. P. Hill's Division . . . . . 2,583 500? 3,083
Colston's Division . . . . . . 1,868 450? 2,318
Rodes' Division . . . . . . . . 2,178 713 2,891
Anderson's Division . . . . . . 1,180 210 1,390
McLaws' Division . . . . . . . 1,379 380 1,759
Artillery and Cavalry . . . . . 227 227

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,266 2,753 13,019

The following extract from Harpers' "History of the Great Rebellion" states the causes of Hooker's defeat in a very able manner, but I do not agree with the author in his estimate of the great danger Lee ran from the converging columns of Sedgwick and Hooker. It is true Lee tried the same system, and succeeded, by sending Jackson around to attack Hooker's right, but the success was due solely to the utter lack of all preparations on the part of Howard to meet the emergency, and to Hooker's failure to make use of the ample means at his disposal to prevent the junction of Stuart and Anderson.

Mr. Alden, the author of the work in question, says:

"There was not, in fact, any moment between Thursday afternoon and Tuesday morning when success was not wholly within the grasp of the Union army. The movement by which Chancellorsville was reached, and the Confederate position rendered worthless, was brilliantly conceived and admirably executed. The initial error, by which alone all else was rendered possible, was that halt at Chancellorsville. Had the march been continued for an hour longer, or even been resumed early in the following morning, the army would have got clear of the Wilderness without meeting any great opposing force, and then it would have been in a position where its great superiority of numbers would have told. The rout of Howard's corps was possible only from the grossest neglect of all military precautions. Jackson, after a toilsome march of ten hours, halted for three hours in open ground, not two miles from the Union lines. A single picket, sent for a mile up a broad road would have discovered the whole movement in ample time for Howard to have strengthened his position, or to have withdrawn from it without loss. The blame of this surprise can not, however, fairly be laid upon Hooker. He had a right to presume that whoever was in command there would have so picketed his lines as to prevent the possibility of being surprised in broad daylight. But even as it was, the disaster to the Eleventh Corps should have had no serious effect upon the general result. That was fully remedied when the pursuit was checked. On Sunday morning Hooker was in a better position than he had been on the evening before. He had lost 3,000 men and had been strengthened by 17,000, and now had 78,000 to oppose to 47,000. The Confederate army was divided, and could reunite only by winning a battle or by a day's march. The only thing which could have lost the battle of that day was the abandonment of the position at Hazel Grove, for from this alone was it possible to enfilade Slocum's line. But surely it is within the limits of military forethought that a general who has occupied a position for two days and three nights should have discovered the very key to that position, when it lay within a mile of his own headquarters. The disabling of Hooker could not, indeed, have been foreseen; but such an accident might happen to any commander upon any field; and there should have been somewhere some man with authority to have, within the space of three hours, brought into action some of the more than 30,000 men within sound, and almost within sight, of the battle then raging. How the hours from Sunday noon till Monday night were wasted has been shown. Hooker, indeed, reiterates that he could not assail the Confederate lines through the dense forests. But Lee broke through those very woods on Sunday, and was minded to attempt it again on Wednesday, when he found that the enemy had disappeared. The golden opportunity was lost, never to be recovered, and the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia gained a new lease of life."

It may not be out of place, as indicating the kind of service in which we were engaged, to quote the following letter, written after the retreat:

"I am so cut, scratched, and bruised that I can hardly hold a pen in my hand. My limbs are covered with swellings from the bites of insects and torn from forcing my way through briers and thorny bushes; my eyes close involuntarily from lack of sleep and excessive fatigue. My legs are cramped from so much riding, and I have not yet succeeded in getting rid of the chill caused by sleeping on the wet ground in the cold rain. My clothes, up to last night, had not been taken off for a week. As I lay down every night with my boots and spurs on, my feet are very much swollen. I ought to be in bed at this moment instead of attempting to write."

The others must have suffered in the same way. Warren, especially, as a medium of communication between Hooker and Sedgwick, made almost superhuman exertions to do without sleep and perform the important duties assigned him.

Each army now felt the need of rest and recuperation, and no military movements of importance took place for several weeks. Soon after the battle of Chancellorsville, Longstreet's two divisions, which had been operating in front of Suffolk, rejoined Lee at Fredericksburg. That portion of Stoneman's cavalry which had taken refuge at Gloucester Point also succeeded, by great boldness and skilful manoeuvring on the part of Colonel Kilpatrick, in outwitting the enemy and getting to Urbanna, after crossing Dragon River, rebuilding a bridge there, and repulsing the rebel forces who tried to prevent them from reaching the Rappahannock. The command, when it arrived at Urbanna, passed over on the ferry-boat, under cover of a gunboat sent there for that purpose, and rejoined the Army of the Potomac at Falmouth, on the 3d of June, bringing in about 200 prisoners, 40 wagons, and 1,000 contrabands, as slaves were usually styled at that time.