Wallace; or, the Life and Acts of Sir William Wallace, of Ellerslie

by active 1470-1492 Blind Hary

NOTES TO THE SEVENTH BOOK.

Than demyt he, the fals Sotheroun amang,

How thai best mycht the Scottis barownis hang.

For gret bernys that tyme stud in till Ayr,

Wrocht for the king, quhen his lugyng wes thar;

Byggyt about, that no man entir mycht,

Bot ane at anys, nor haiff off othir sicht.

Thar ordand thai thir lordis suld be slayne.—V. 23.

Here the Minstrel introduces his account of the savage transaction ascribed to Edward I., in causing the greatest part of the barons of the west of Scotland to be hanged, without trial, under the semblance of peace; and of the vengeance taken by Wallace, in what has been usually called “the burning of the Barns of Ayr.”

Before examining this account, I may observe, that instead of For gret bernys, as in MS., Edit. 1594 reads, Four greit barnis; and that of 1620, to the same purpose, Foure greit barnes. Perhaps I ought to have adopted this reading, especially as the conjunction for, with which ver. 25 commences, does not seem necessary as marking the connection with the words preceding.

The story of the destruction of these buildings, and of the immediate reason of it, is supported by the universal tradition of the country to this day; and local tradition is often entitled to more regard than is given to it by the fastidiousness of the learned. Whatever allowances it may be necessary to make for subsequent exaggeration, it is not easily conceivable that an event should be connected with a particular spot, during a succession of ages, without some foundation.

Sir D. Dalrymple deems this story “inconsistent with probability.” He objects to it, because it is said “that Wallace, accompanied by Sir John Graham, Sir John Menteth, and Alexander Scrymgeour, constable of Dundee, went into the west of Scotland to chastise the men of Galloway, who had espoused the part of the Comyns and of the English;” and that, “on the 28th August 1298, they set fire to some granaries in the neighbourhood of Ayr, and burned the English cantoned in them.” Annals, I. 255, N. Here he refers to the relations of Arnold Blair, and to Major, and produces three objections to the narrative. One of these is, that “Comyn, the younger of Badenoch was the only man of the name of Comyn who had any interest in Galloway, and he was at that time of Wallace’s party.” The other two are; that “Sir John Graham could have no share in the enterprize, for he was killed at Falkirk, 22d July, 1298;” and that “it is not probable that Wallace would have undertaken such an enterprize immediately after the discomfiture at Falkirk.” Although it had been said by mistake that Graham and Comyn were present, this could not invalidate the whole relation; for we often find that leading facts are faithfully narrated in a history, when there are considerable mistakes as to the persons said to have been engaged.

But although our annalist refers both to Major and Blair, it is the latter only who mentions either the design of the visit paid to the west of Scotland, or the persons who are said to have been associates in it. The whole of Sir David’s reasoning rests on the correctness of a date, and of one given only in the meagre remains ascribed to Arnold Blair. If his date be accurate, the transaction at Ayr, whatever it was, must have taken place thirty-seven days afterwards. Had the learned writer exercised his usual acumen here, had he not been resolved to throw discredit on this part of the history of Wallace; it would have been most natural for him to have supposed that this event was post-dated by Blair. It seems, indeed, to have been long before the battle of Falkirk. Blind Harry narrates the former in his Seventh, the latter in his Eleventh Book. Sir David himself, after pushing the argument from the date given by Blair as far as possible, virtually gives it up, and makes the acknowledgment which he ought to have made before. “I believe,” he says, “that this story took its rise from the pillaging of the English quarters, about the time of the treaty of Irvine, in 1297, which, as being an incident of little consequence, I omitted in the course of this history.” Here he refers to Hemingford, T. I. p. 123.

Hemingford says, that “many of the Scots and men of Galloway had in a hostile manner made prey of their stores, having slain more than five hundred men, with women and children.” Whether he means to say that this took place at Ayr, or at Irvine, seems doubtful. But here, I think, we have the nucleus of the story. The barns, according to the diction of Blind Harry, seem to have been merely “the English quarters,” erected by order of Edward for the accommodation of his troops. Although denominated barns by the Minstrel, and horreas by Arnold Blair, both writers seem to have used these terms with great latitude, as equivalent to what are now called barracks. It is rather surprising, that our learned annalist should view the loss of upwards of five hundred men, besides women and children, with that of their property, “as an incident of little consequence,” in a great national struggle.

Major gives nearly the same account with that of Blair. Speaking of Wallace, he says: “Anglorum insignes viros apud horrea Aerie residentes de nocte incendit, et qui a voraci, flamma euaserunt ejus mucrone occubuerunt.” Fol. LXX.

There is also far more unquestionable evidence as to the cause of this severe retaliation than is generally supposed. Lord Hailes has still quoted Barbour as an historian of undoubted veracity. Speaking of Crystal of Seton, he says:—

It wes gret sorow sekyrly,

That so worthy persoune as he

Suld on sic maner hangyt be.

Thusgate endyt his worthynes.

And off Cranford als Schyr Ranald wes,

And Schyr Bryce als the Blar,

Hangyt in till a berne in Ar.

The Bruce, III. 260. V. Note.

This tallies very well with the account given by the Minstrel.

Four thousand haill that nycht was in till Ayr.

In gret bernyss, biggyt with out the toun,

The justice lay, with many bald barroun.

Wallace, VII. 334.

The testimony of the Complaynt of Scotland, a well known national work, written A. 1548, concurs. Speaking of the king of England, the writer says:

“Ony of you that consentis til his fals conques of your cuntre, ye sal be recompenssit as your forbears var at the blac perliament at the bernis of Ayre, quhen kyng Eduard maid ane conuocatione of al the nobillis of Scotland at the toune of Ayre, vndir culour of faitht and concord, quha comperit at his instance, nocht heffand suspitione of his tresonabil consait. Than thai beand in his subiectione vndir culour of familiarite, he gart hang, cruelly and dishonestly, to the nummer of sexten scoir of the maist nobillis of the cuntre, tua and tua ouer ane balk, the quhilk sextene scoir var cause that the Inglismen conquest sa far vithtin your cuntre.” Compl. Scotl. p. 144.

The author refers to this as a fact universally acknowledged among his countrymen, although, it must be recollected, no edition of the Life of Wallace was printed for more than twenty years after this work was written. He introduces it again, as a proof of treachery and cruelty, which still continued to excite national feeling.

“Doubtles thai that ar participant of the cruel inuasione of Inglis men contrar thar natyue cuntreye, ther craggis sal be put in ane mair strait yoik nor the Samnetes did to the Romans, as kyng Eduard did til Scottis men at the blac parlament at the bernis of Ayr, quhen he gart put the craggis of sexten scoir in faldomis of cordis, tua and tua, ouer ane balk, of the maist principal of them,” &c. Ibid. p. 159, 160.

Schir Ranald fyrst, to mak fewté for his land,

The knycht, went in, and wald na langar stand.—

Schyr Bryss the Blayr next with his eyme in past;

On to the ded thai haistyt him full fast.—V. 205.

Schir Ranald is Sir Reginald Craufurd of Loudoun, maternal uncle to Wallace. He was heritable sheriff of the county of Ayr. The granddaughter, the heiress of the property, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell, the son of Sir Donald of Redcastle, from whom the noble family of Loudoun is descended. Reginaldus de Craveford is one of the persons chosen on the part of Robert Bruce to judge between him and John Baliol, as to their respective claims, A. 1292. V. Fœdera, II. 555. But whether this was the Ranald here mentioned, or his father, who was then alive, is doubtful; because our author gives the name of Ranald to his father, while others call him Hugh. John and Hugh de Craufurd are mentioned in two rescripts of Edward I., as barons received under his protection, A. 1255. Ibid. I. 559. 567.

Schyr Bryss the Blayr was the ancestor of the Blairs of that ilk in Ayrshire. There was a Bryce Blair of Blair in the seventeenth century; whence it appears that this ancient christian name was retained in the family. V. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, p. 203. Nisbet, I. 211.

It deserves observation, that these are the two persons particularly named by Barbour, among those who suffered that cruel martyrdom for liberty which was inflicted by the English tyrant. Syr Brice is the reading of Edit. 1594 and 1620: and I am now convinced that the name ought to have stood Bryce in the Bruce, B. III. ver. 265; as it is corrected in the extract made in the preceding Note. But I was misled by the appearance of the letter y in the MS., which differs so much from its usual form, as at first view to resemble u.

Sir D. Dalrymple remarks; “Barbour says that Sir Brice Blair was executed in company with Sir Reginald Crawfurd; but he erroneously supposes this to have happened in Scotland.” Ann. II. 19, N. Kerr follows him in this assertion. Hist. Bruce, I. 284.

But our worthy senator is so averse to give credit to anything that tends to confirm what he calls “the famous story of the Barns of Air,” that he prefers the single testimony of Matthew of Westminster to that of Barbour; not to mention the later but concurrent one of the Minstrel. The English historian says that Reginald de Crawfurd, with Thomas and Alexander de Brus, “brothers of the pseudo-king,” having been defeated and taken prisoners, were presented to Edward at Carlisle, “wounded and half-dead, and that he immediately ordered their execution;” and that “to this their heads bare witness, being placed on the castle and gates” of that city. Hist. p. 458.

It is surprising, however, that the difference of the dates did not make Sir David hesitate to oppose the united testimony of our oldest Scottish writers on this point; especially as the account given by Matthew of Westminster is, by his own confession, at variance with that of Robert of Langtoft. The butchery at Ayr is said to have taken place, A. 1298; this at Carlisle in the year 1306–7, about nine years after. The fact seems to be, that the Reginald he refers to was the son of the other Reginald who had suffered in “the blac parlament” at Ayr. It was he who left a daughter, his only child and heir, who, as is mentioned above, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell. V. Nisbet’s Ragm. Roll. p. 18.

The third entrit, that peté was for thy,

A gentill knycht, Schyr Neill off Mungumry.—V. 213.

Worthi occurs in the line; but this word being under-doted, gentill appears on the margent. The latter is the reading of Edit. 1594, and of 1620. This person seems to have been one of the family now represented by the Earl of Eglinton. One of this family had the same christian name in the reign of James IV. V. Nisbet, I. 375.

Kerlé turnyt with his mastir agayne,

Kneland and Byrd, that mekill war off mayne.—V. 249.

All the editions have Boyd. It appears, however, from ver. 287, that Boyd was left in the town:

‘Der wicht,’ he said, ‘der God, sen at thou knew

‘Gud Robert Boid, quhar at thou can him se.’

Besides, the name Byrd occurs B. VIII. 233, where the person thus denominated is conjoined with Boyde:

Boyde, Bercla, Byrd, and Lauder, that was wycht.

In Edit. 1594, 1620, and 1648, this is Baird, apparently the ancestor of the Bairds of Newbyth, descended from Baird of Auchmedden, a very ancient family. To this family, as proprietors in Lanarkshire, Fergus, John, and Robert Bard, mentioned in Ragman Roll, are supposed to have belonged. V. Nisbet’s Rem. p. 42. 46. Robert de Boyd was ancestor of the family of Kilmarnock.

At the Roddis thai mak full mony ane,

Quhilk worthy ar, thocht landis haiff thai nane.—V. 403.

This refers to the knights of St. John then made at Rhodes.

In all the warld na grettar payne mycht be,

Than thai with in, insufferit sor to duell, &c.—V. 442.

This, if not from O. Fr. ensuairé, wound up, lapt in, may be equivalent to ensured; as the Minstrel uses sufferance for souerance or assurance.

Till Crage Vuyn with thre hundir he yeid.—V. 649.

To Craghumyre, Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. Cragunyn, 1714; Crage Vyum, Edit. Perth. As this is connected with Lochow, it may be Crage Ewan in Lochdochart, as laid down in Bleau’s Atlas.

Fast vpon Aviss that was bathe depe and braid.—V. 654.

This is obviously the word in MS. But I suspect that it is an error for Awfe, which occurs in Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. It is undoubtedly the river Awe that is meant, whence the name of Lochawe or Lochow.

Dunkan off Lorn his leyff at Wallace ast;

On Makfadyane with worthi men he past.—V. 861.

In MS. it is lyff, apparently denoting life, which would render the passage self-contradictory. In Edit. 1594 and 1620, leiue; 1648, leave. The meaning is; “Duncan asked permission of Wallace to pursue Macfadyane.”

Of nobill blud, and alss haill ancestré.—V. 893.

The term is not ancestré in MS. but may be read imcrasé, imtrasé, uncrasé, or untrasé. But as neither of these give any known sense, I have retained the word which occurs in all the editions. The only word that seems to have any resemblance is O. Fr. entraisser (s’,) s’animer, s’exciter; Gl. Roquefort.

Tharfor I will bot lychtly ryn that cace.—V. 918.

Edit. 1594, rais; i.e. as in Edit. 1648, race; which is a more natural mode of expression.

A trew squier, quhilk Rwan hecht be nayme.—V. 1009.

Ruthuen, Edit. 1594, i. e. Ruthven, the ancestor of the unfortunate family of Gowrie. As it is said that Wallace made him captain and hereditary sheriff of Perth, it deserves observation that his descendants for several generations seem almost exclusively to have possessed authority in that town. V. Cant’s Hist. Perth, vol. II.

At Crummadé feill Inglissmen thai slew.—V. 1085.

This is Cromartie, Edit. 1594, &c.

Hew Kertyngayme the wantgard ledis he,

With twenty thousand off likly men to se.—V. 1171.

This refers to the battle of Stirling-bridge. He is called Kirkinghame in editions. But the person meant was Cressingham, an ecclesiastic, who was the king’s treasurer, “a pompous and haughty man,” says Hemingford, who hurried on the battle in opposition to the counsel of Lundie and others. Hist. p. 118. 127. 129.

In Jedwort wod for saiffgard he had beyne.—

Jedwort thai tuk; and Ruwan lewit he,

At Wallace will captane off it to be.—V. 1277. 1289.

It is Iedbrugh in Edit. 1594 and 1620. The name of this place assumes a great variety of forms; Gedword, Geddeworde, Gedewrde, Geddewerde, Gedworth, Gedeworth, Gedewurth, Gedewrze; Jedworth, Jedwurth, Jedword, Jedwort, Jedewrth, Jedwod, Jeddeburch. V. Macpherson’s Geogr. Illustr. The latter is merely the modern name. The vulgar, and indeed almost universal, pronunciation, q. Jethart, points out what was the original designation. Here were two monasteries, one of them founded so late as A. 1513; the other was established in the year 1147. Another place, not far distant, retains the name of Auld Jedworth. According to Simeon of Durham, these two Jedworths were built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindisfarn, about the year 840. Dec. Script. 13. 28. 119. 121. Simeon writes it Geddeword.

The name, it has been conjectured, might be traced to the Gadeni, a tribe who anciently inhabited the whole tract of country that lies between Northumberland and the river Tiviot. Stat. Acc. I. 1. But the Gadeni have been placed, with far more probability, in Dunbartonshire. V. Pinkerton’s Enquiry, I. p. 35. 224. 320. It is obvious, that the name of the place is formed from that of the stream, which probably claims a British origin. Gwyth signifies a channel or drain. But whatever might be the origin of Ged, or Jed, Ecgred having chosen this river as the seat of his mansion, had given it a name by adding the Saxon term weorth, or worth, denoting a possession, or hamlet; Fundus, praedium; vicus; Lye. In the same manner the names of many places in England have been formed; as Wortham, Worthington, Wandesworth, Kenelworth, &c. Old German wart, and Alemannic werts, signify locus.