FOOTNOTES:
[217] Slaughter, 107-08. This was "the first minute battalion raised within this Commonwealth." (Memorial of Thomas Marshall to the Virginia Legislature for military "emoluments"; MS. Archives, Va. St. Lib.) Appendix IV.
[218] Washington to Mason, April 5, 1769; Writings: Ford, ii, 263.
[219] Meade, ii, 219.
[220] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 286.
[221] Ib.
[222] Statement of eye-witness. (Binney, in Dillon, iii, 287.)
[223] Ib., 288.
[224] In all descriptions of Marshall, it is stated that his eyes were black and brilliant. His portraits, however, show them as dark brown, but keen and piercing.
[225] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 287-88.
[226] Ib.
[227] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 288.
[228] Not only do we find Marshalls, father and sons, taking gallant part in the Revolutionary War, but, thereafter, advocates of war with any country when the honor or interest of America was at stake.
[229] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 288.
[230] Infra, chap. IV.
[231] Slaughter, 107-08. But Binney's informant says that it was twenty miles from the court-house. (Binney, in Dillon, iii, 286.)
[232] Slaughter, 107-08; and certificate of J. Marshall in pension claim of William Payne; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938½, Pension Bureau.
[233] Slaughter, 107-08.
[234] Ib.
[235] Campbell, 607-14.
[236] Slaughter, 107-08; certificate of J. Marshall in pension claim of David Jameson; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 5607, Pension Bureau.
[237] Only the Tories and the disaffected were frightened by these back-countrymen. Apparently Slaughter took this for granted and failed to make the distinction.
[238] "The people hearing that we came from the backwoods, and seeing our savage-looking equipments, seemed as much afraid of us as if we had been Indians," writes the chronicler of that march. But the people, it appears, soon got over their fright; for this frontier soldiery, as one of them relates, "took pride in demeaning ourselves as patriots and gentlemen, and the people soon treated us with respect and great kindness." (Slaughter, 107-08.)
[239] Slaughter, 107-08.
[240] Ib.
[241] Campbell, 633-34; Eckenrode: R. V., 81, 82.
[242] Burk, iv, 85; and Lossing, ii, 535-36.
[243] Marshall, i, 69; and Campbell, 635.
[244] Marshall to Samuel Templeman, Richmond, Sept. 26, 1832, supporting latter's claim for pension; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 6204, Pension Bureau.
[245] For the conduct of the men then in supreme authority in Virginia see Wirt, 166-81; and Henry, i, 333-36; also, Campbell, 636 et seq.; and see Eckenrode: R. V., 75.
[246] Marshall, i, 69; and see Eckenrode: R. V., chap. iii, for the best account that has been given of this important episode. Dr. Eckenrode's narrative is a complete statement, from original sources, of every phase of this initial armed conflict between the patriots and Royalists in Virginia. Also see affidavit of Marshall in pension claim of William Payne, April 26, 1832; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938½, Pension Bureau.
[247] Affidavit of Marshall in pension claim of William Payne, April 26, 1832: MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938½, Pension Bureau.
[248] Memorial of Thomas Marshall. (Supra, and Appendix IV.)
[249] This uniform was rare; it is probable, however, that Thomas Marshall procured it for himself and son. He could afford it at that time, and he was a very proud man.
[250] Chastellux found the army nearly disbanded from necessity in 1782. (Chastellux, translator's note to 60.)
[251] Washington to President of Congress, Jan. 24, 1776; Writings: Ford, iii, 372-73.
[252] Washington to Reed, Feb. 10, 1776; ib., 413.
[253] Washington to Committee of Safety of New York, April 27, 1776; Writings: Ford, iv, 51-52.
[254] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 20, 1776; ib., 422.
[255] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 24, 1776; ib., 439.
[256] Washington to Major-General Lee, Dec. 1, 1776; ib., v, 62.
[257] General Greene to Governor Cooke, Dec. 4, 1776; ib., footnote to 62.
[258] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 12, 1776; Writings: Ford, v, 84.
[259] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 24, 1776; ib., 129-30. While Washington was desperately badly off, he exaggerates somewhat in this despondent report, as Mr. Ford's footnote (ib., 130) shows.
[260] Washington to President of Congress, Nov. 11, 1776; ib., 19.
[261] Washington to John Augustine Washington, Nov. 19, 1776; Writings: Ford, v, 38-39.
[262] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 8, 1776; ib., iv, 397.
[263] Washington to John Augustine Washington, Sept. 22, 1776; ib., 429.
[264] Washington to Lund Washington, Sept. 30, 1776; Writings: Ford, iv, 457-59.
[265] Washington to John Augustine Washington, Feb. 24, 1777; ib., v, 252. The militia officers were elected "without respect either to service or experience." (Chastellux, 235.)
[266] Kapp, 115.
[267] The Crisis: Paine; Writings: Conway, i, 175.
[268] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 66.
[269] The militia were worse than wasteful and unmanageable; they deserted by companies. (Hatch, 72-73.)
[270] Washington to Wharton, Oct. 17, 1777: Writings: Ford, vi, 118-19.
[271] Ib.
[272] Washington to John Augustine Washington, Oct. 18, 1777; ib., 126-29.
[273] Livingston to Washington, Aug. 12, 1776; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, i, 275.
[274] Lee to Washington, Nov. 12, 1776; ib., 305.
[275] Sullivan to Washington, March 7, 1777; ib., 353-54.
[276] Schuyler to Washington, Sept. 9. 1776; ib., 287.
[277] Smith to McHenry, Dec. 10, 1778; Steiner, 21.
[278] Chastellux, 44; and see Moore's Diary, i, 399-400; and infra, chap. IV.
[279] Washington to Livingston, Dec. 31, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 272.
[280] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777; ib., 260; and see ib., 267.
[281] Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., 1890-91 (2d Series), vi, 79. Most faces among the patriot troops were pitted with this plague. Washington was deeply pockmarked. He had the smallpox in the Barbadoes when he was nineteen years old. (Sparks, 15.)
[282] Weedon, Jan. 6, 1778, 183.
[283] Hatch, 135; and Kapp, 109.
[284] Proc., Mass. Hist. Soc. (2d Series), vi, 93.
[285] Ib. Entries of desertions and savage punishment are frequent in Wild's Diary; see p. 135 as an example. Also see Moore's Diary, i, 405.
[286] Weedon, 14.
[287] Ib., Sept. 3, 1777, 30.
[288] Ib., Sept. 15, 1777, 52. And see Sept. 6, p. 36, where officers as well as privates are ordered "instantly Shot" if they are "so far lost to all Shame as basely to quit their posts without orders, or shall skulk from Danger or offer to retreat before orders."
[289] Livingston to Webb, May 28, 1781; Writings: Ford, ix, footnote to 267.
[290] One reason for the chaotic state of the army was the lack of trained officers and the ignorance of the majority of common soldiers in regard to the simplest elements of drill or discipline. Many of the bearers of commissions knew little more than the men; and of such untrained officers there was an overabundance. (Hatch, 13-15.) To Baron von Steuben's training of privates as well as officers is due the chief credit for remedying this all but fatal defect. (Kapp, 126-35; also infra, chap. IV.)
[291] For statement of conditions in the American army throughout the war see Hatch; also, Bolton.
[292] The States were childishly jealous of one another. Their different laws on the subject of rank alone caused unbelievable confusion. (Hatch, 13-16. And see Watson, 64, for local feeling, and inefficiency caused by the organization of the army into State lines.)
[293] Hatch says that Connecticut provided most bountifully for her men. (Hatch, 87.) But Chastellux found the Pennsylvania line the best equipped; each Pennsylvania regiment had even a band of music. (Chastellux, 65.)
[294] "The only garment they possess is a blanket elegantly twined about them. You may judge, sir, how much this apparel graces their appearance in parade." (Inspector Fleury to Von Steuben, May 13, 1778; as quoted in Hatch, 87.)
[295] Diary of Joseph Clark; Proceedings, N.J. Hist. Soc. (1st Series), vii, 104. The States would give no revenue to the general Government and the officers thought the country would go to pieces. (Hatch, 154.)
[296] Heitman, 285.
[297] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 284.
[298] Washington to Committee of Congress, July 19, 1777; Writings: Ford, v, 495.
[299] Washington to President of Congress, Aug. 23, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 50; also see Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 126.
[300] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 126.
[301] Ib., 127.
[302] On this subject see Waldo's poem, Hist. Mag., vii, 274; and Clark's Diary, Proc., N.J. Hist. Soc., vii, 102.
[303] Weedon, Aug. 23, 1777, 19.
[304] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 127.
[305] Ib., 128; and see Trevelyan, iv, 226.
[306] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 127-29; ib. (2d ed.), i, 154-56; Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 3, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 64-65.
[307] Story, in Dillon, iii, 335.
[308] Washington to President of Congress, Sept 11, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 69.
[309] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 131; ib. (2d ed.), i, 156. Colonel Harrison, Washington's Secretary, reported immediately to the President of Congress that Maxwell's men believed that they killed or wounded "at least three hundred" of the British. (Harrison to President of Congress, Sept. 11, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, footnote to 68.)
[310] Marshall, i, 156. The fact that Marshall places himself in this detachment, which was a part of Maxwell's light infantry, together with his presence at Iron Hill, fixes his position in the battle of the Brandywine and in the movements that immediately followed. It is reasonably certain that he was under Maxwell until just before the battle of Germantown. Of this skirmish Washington's optimistic and excited Secretary wrote on the spot, that Maxwell's men killed thirty men and one captain "left dead on the spot." (Harrison to the President of Congress, Sept. 11, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, footnote to 68.)
[311] Thomas Marshall was promoted to be lieutenant-colonel Aug. 13, 1776; and colonel Feb. 21, 1777. (Heitman, 285.)
[312] Trevelyan, iv, 230.
[313] Marshall, i, footnote to 158.
[314] Ib. Colonel Thomas Marshall's cool-headed and heroic conduct at this battle, which brought out in high lights his fine record as an officer, caused the Virginia House of Delegates to elect him colonel of the State Regiment of Artillery raised by that Commonwealth three months later. The vote is significant; for, although there were three candidates, each a man of merit, and although Thomas Marshall himself was not an aspirant for the place, and, indeed, was at Valley Forge when the election occurred, twice as many votes were cast for him as for all the other candidates put together. Four men were balloted for, Thomas Marshall receiving seventy-five votes and the other three candidates all together but thirty-six votes. (Journal, H.B. (Nov. 5, 1777), 27.)
[315] Marshall, i, 156; and Trevelyan, iv, 230-31. Washington reported that Wayne and Maxwell's men retreated only "after a severe conflict." (Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 11, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 69.)
[316] Trevelyan, iv, 232.
[317] Marshall, i, 157-58.
[318] Ib.; and see Irving, iii, 200-09.
[319] Marshall, i, 158-59.
[320] Four years afterward Chastellux found that "most of the trees bear the mark of bullets or cannon shot." (Chastellux, 118.)
[321] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 11, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 70.
[322] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 141, and see Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 23, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 81.
[323] Marshall, i, 160.
[324] Marshall, i, 160. When their enlistments expired, the soldiers took the Government's muskets and bayonets home with them. Thus thousands of muskets and bayonets continually disappeared. (See Kapp, 117.)
[325] Marshall, i, 160-61.
[326] Ib.
[327] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 23, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 81-82.
[328] This is an inference, but a fair one. Maxwell was under Wayne; and Marshall was one of Maxwell's light infantry of picked men. (Supra.)
[329] Marshall, i, 161. "The British accounts represent the American loss to have been much larger. It probably amounted to at least three hundred men." (Ib., footnote.)
[330] Ib., and see Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., i, 305.
[331] Marshall repeatedly expresses this thought in his entire account of the war.
[332] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 23, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 80.
[333] Marshall, i, 162.
[334] Ib.
[335] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 23, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 82.
[336] Works: Adams, ii, 437.
[337] Ib.
[338] Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., xvi, 197 et seq.
[339] American officer's description of the battle. (Ib., xi, 330.)
[340] Marshall, i, 168.
[341] Ib., 168-69.
[342] From an American officer's description, in Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., xi, 330.
[343] Ib., 331-32.
[344] Ib.
[345] "The rebels carried off a large number of their wounded as we could see by the blood on the roads, on which we followed them so far [nine miles]." (British officer's account of battle; Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., xvi, 197 et seq.)
[346] Marshall, i, 170-71.
[347] Ib., 181.
[348] Ib., 181-82.
[349] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 287. Marshall omits this sentence in his second edition. But his revised account is severe enough.
[350] The Reverend Jacob Duché, to Washington, Oct. 8, 1777; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, i, 448-58.
[351] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 10, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 238-39.
[352] Clark's Diary, Proc., N.J. Hist. Soc. (1st Series), vii, 102-03. "It seems that the enemy had waited all this time before our lines to decoy us from the heights we possessed." (Ib.)
[353] Marshall, i, 184.
[354] Marshall, i, 184.