A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. 1 / With a Linguistic, Historic and Ethnographic Introduction

by Albert S. Gatschet

III. THE CREEK INDIANS.

The Creek Indians or Maskoki proper occupy, in historic times, a central position among the other tribes of their affiliation, and through their influence and physical power, which they attained by forming a comparatively strong and permanent national union, have become the most noteworthy of all the Southern tribes of the United States territories. They still form a compact body of Indians for themselves, and their history, customs and antiquities can be studied at the present time almost as well as they could at the beginning of the nineteenth century. But personal presence among the Creeks in the Indian Territory is necessary to obtain from them all the information which is needed for the purposes of ethnologic science.

There is a tradition that when the Creek people incorporated tribes of other nations into their confederacy, these tribes never kept up their own customs and peculiarities for any length of time, but were subdued in such a manner as to conform with the dominant race. As a confirmation of this, it is asserted that the Creeks annihilated the Yámassi Indians completely, so that they disappeared entirely among their number; that the Tukabatchi, Taskígi and other tribes of foreign descent abandoned their paternal language to adopt that of the dominant Creeks.

But there are facts which tend to attenuate or disprove this tradition. The Yuchi, as well as the Naktche tribe and the tribes of Alibamu descent[86] have retained their language and peculiar habits up to the present time, notwithstanding their long incorporation into the Creek community. The Hitchiti, Apalatchúkla and Sawokli tribes, with their branch villages, have also retained their language to this day, notwithstanding their membership in the extensive confederacy, a membership which must have lasted for centuries; and in fact we cannot see how the retention of vernacular speech could hurt the interests of the community even in the slightest way. There were tribes among the Maskoki proper, which were said to have given up not only their own language, but also their customs, at a time which fell within the remembrance of the living generation. Among their number was the Taskígi tribe,[87] on the confluence of Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers, whose earlier language was probably Cheroki. But, on the other side, a body of Chicasa Indians lived near Kasíχta in historic times, which during their stay certainly preserved their language as well as their traditional customs. From Em. Bowen's map it appears that Chicasa Indians also lived on Savannah river (above the Yuchi) for some time, and many Cheroki must have lived within the boundaries of the consolidated Creek confederacy. The more there were of them, and the nearer they were to their own country, the more it becomes probable that they preserved their own language and paternal customs. The existence of Cheroki local names amid the Creek settlements strongly militates in favor of this; we have Etowa, Okóni, Chiaha, Tamá`li, Átasi, Taskígi, Amakalli.

In the minds of many of our readers it will ever remain doubtful that the Creek tribes immigrated into the territories of the Eastern Gulf States by crossing the Lower Mississippi river. But there is at least one fact which goes to show that the settling of the Creeks proceeded from west to east and southeast. The oldest immigration to Chatahuchi river is that of the Kasíχta and Kawíta tribes, both of whom, as our legend shows, found the Kúsa and the Apalatchúkla with their connections, in situ, probably the Ábiχka also. If there is any truth in the Hitchiti tradition, the tribes of this division came from the seashore, an indication which seems to point to the coast tracts afterwards claimed by the Cha'hta. All the other settlements on Chatahuchi river seem younger than Kasíχta and Kawíta, and therefore the Creek immigration to those parts came from Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers. At one time the northern or Cheroki-Creek boundary of the Coosa river settlements was Talatígi, now written Talladega, for the name of this town has to be interpreted by "Village at the End," itálua atígi. If the name of Tallapoosa river, in Hitchiti Talepúsi, can be derived from Creek talepú`la stranger, this would furnish another indication for a former allophylic population in that valley; but `l rarely, if ever, changes into s. The Cheroki local names in these parts, and east from there, show conclusively who these "strangers" may have been.

It appears from old charts, that Creek towns, or at least towns having Creek names, also existed west of Coosa river, as on Canoe creek: Litafatcha, and on Cahawba river: Tálua hádsho, "Crazy Town," together with ruins of other villages above this.

THE CREEK SETTLEMENTS.

The towns and villages of the Creeks were in the eighteenth century built along the banks of rivers and their smaller tributaries, often in places subject to inundation during large freshets, which occurred once in about fifteen years. The smallest of them contained from twenty to thirty cabins, some of the larger ones up to two hundred, and in 1832 Tukabatchi, then the largest of all the Creek settlements, harbored 386 families. Many towns appeared rather compactly built, although they were composed of irregular clusters of four to eight houses standing together; each of these clusters contained a gens ("clan or family of relations," C. Swan), eating and living in common. The huts and cabins of the Lower Creeks resembled, from a distance, clusters of newly-burned brick kilns, from the high color of the clay.[88]

It will be found appropriate to distinguish between Creek towns and villages. By towns is indicated the settlements which had a public square, by villages those which had none. The square occupied the central part of the town, and was reserved for the celebration of festivals, especially the annual busk or fast (púskita), for the meetings of chiefs, headmen and "beloved men," and for the performance of daily dances. Upon this central area stood the "great house," tchúka `láko, the council-house, and attached to it was a play-ground, called by traders the "chunkey-yard." Descriptions of these places will be given below.

Another thoroughgoing distinction in the settlements of the Creek nation was that of the red or war towns and the white or peace towns.

The red or kipáya towns, to which C. Swan in 1791 refers as being already a thing of the past, were governed by warriors only. The term red refers to the warlike disposition of these towns, but does not correspond to our adjective bloody; it depicts the wrath or anger animating the warriors when out on the war-path. The posts of their cabin in the public square were painted red on one side.

The present Creeks still keep up formally this ancient distinction between the towns, and count the following among the kipáya towns:

Kawíta, Tukabátchi, `Lá-`láko, Átasi, Ka-iläídshi, Chiáha, Úsudshi, Hútali-huyána, Alibamu, Yufala, Yufala hupáyi, Hílapi, Kitcha-patáki.

The white towns, also called peace towns, conservative towns, were governed by civil officers or míkalgi, and, as some of the earlier authors allege, were considered as places of refuge and safety to individuals who had left their tribes in dread of punishment or revenge at the hand of their pursuers. The modern Creeks count among the peace towns, called tálua-míkagi towns, the following settlements:

Hitchiti, Okfúski, Kasíχta, Ábi'hka, Abiχkúdshi, Tálisi, Oktcháyi, Odshi-apófa, Lutchapóka, Taskígi, Assi-lánapi or Green-Leaf, Wiwúχka.

Quite different from the above list is the one of the white towns given by Col. Benj. Hawkins in 1799, which refers to the Upper Creeks only: Okfúski and its branch villages (viz: Niuyáχa, Tukabátchi Talahássi, Imúkfa, Tutokági, Atchinálgi, Okfuskū′dshi, Sukapóga, Ipisógi); then Tálisi, Átasi, Fus'-hátchi, Kulúmi. For this list and that of the kipáya towns, cf. his "Sketch," p. 51. 52.

The ancient distinction between red and white towns began to fall into disuse with the approach of the white colonists, which entailed the spread of agricultural pursuits among these Indians; nevertheless frequent reference is made to it by the modern Creeks.

Segmentation of villages is frequently observed in Indian tribes, and the list below will give many striking instances. It was brought about by over-population, as in the case of Okfúski; and it is probable that then only certain gentes, not a promiscuous lot of citizens, emigrated from a town. Other causes for emigration were the exhaustion of the cultivated lands by many successive crops, as well as the need of new and extensive hunting grounds. These they could not obtain in their nearest neighborhood without warring with their proprietors, and therefore often repaired to distant countries to seek new homes (Bartram, Travels, p. 389). The frequent removals of towns to new sites, lying at short distances only, may be easily explained by the unhealthiness of the old site, produced by the constant accumulation of refuse and filth around the towns, which never had anything like sewers or efficient regulations of sanitary police.

The distinction between Muscogulge and Stincard towns, explicitly spoken of in Wm. Bartram's Travels (see Appendices), refers merely to the form of speech used by the tribes of the confederacy. This epithet (Puants in French) may have had an opprobrious meaning in the beginning, but not in later times, when it simply served to distinguish the principal people from the accessory tribes. We find it also used as a current term in the Naktche villages.

Bartram does not designate as Stincards the tribes speaking languages of another stock than Maskoki, the Yuchi, for instance; not even all of those that speak dialects of Maskoki other than the Creek. He calls by this savorous name the Muklása, Witúmka, Koassáti, Chíaha, Hitchiti, Okóni, both Sáwokli and a part of the Seminoles. He mentions the towns only, and omits all the villages which have branched off from the towns.

The present Creeks know nothing of such a distinction. Although I do not know the Creek term which corresponded to it in the eighteenth century, it is not improbable that such a designation was in vogue; for we find many similar opprobrious epithets among other Indians, as Cuitlateca or "excrementers" in Mexico; Puants or Metsmetskop among the Naktche[89]; Inkalik, "sons of louse-eggs" among the Eskimo; Kā′katilsh or "arm-pit-stinkers" among the Klamaths of Southwestern Oregon; Móki or Múki, "cadaverous, stinking," an epithet originally given to one of the Shínumo or Móki towns for lack of bravery, and belonging to the Shínumo language: múki dead.

The plural forms: tchilokóga and tchilokogálgi designate in Creek persons speaking another than the Creek language; tchilókäs I speak an alien language. "Stincards" would be expressed in Creek by ísti fámbagi. Of all the gentes of the Chicasa that of the skunk or hushkoni was held in the lowest esteem, some of the lowest officials, as runners, etc., being appointed from it; therefore it can be conjectured that from the Chicasa tribe a term like "skunks," "stinkards," may have been transferred and applied to the less esteemed gentes of other nations.

ALPHABETIC LIST OF TOWNS AND VILLAGES.

In this alphabetic list of ancient Creek towns and villages I have included all the names of inhabited places which I have found recorded before the emigration of the people to the Indian Territory. The description of their sites is chiefly taken from Hawkins' "Sketch," one of the most instructive books which we possess on the Creeks in their earlier homes. Some of these town names are still existing in Alabama and Georgia, although the site has not unfrequently changed. I have interspersed into the list a few names of the larger rivers. The etymologies added to the names contain the opinions of the Creek delegates visiting Washington every year, and they seldom differed among each other on any name. The local names are written according to my scientific system of phonetics, the only change introduced being that of the palatal tch for ch.

[LIST OF CREEK SETTLEMENTS.]

Ábi'hka, one of the oldest among the Upper Creek towns; the oldest chiefs were in the habit of naming the Creek nation after it. Hawkins speaks of Abikúdshi only, not of Abi'hka. It certainly lay somewhere near the Upper Coosa river, where some old maps have it. Emanuel Bowen, "A new map of Georgia," has only "Abacouse," and this in the wrong place, below Kúsa and above Great Talasse, on the western side of Coosa river. A town Abi'hka now exists in the Indian Territory. The name of the ancient town was pronounced Ábi'hka, Apíχka and written Obika, Abeka, Abeicas, Abecka, Beicas, Becaes, etc.; its people are called Apiχkanági. Some writers have identified them with the Kúsa and also with the Conshacs, e. g. du Pratz.[90] D. Coxe, Carolana, p. 25, states that "the Becaes or Abecaes have thirteen towns, and the Ewemalas, between the Becaes and the Chattas, can raise five hundred fighting men" (1741). A part of the most ancient Creek customs originated here, as, for instance, the law for regulating marriages and for punishing adultery. The Creek term ábi'hka signifies "pile at the base, heap at the root" (ábi stem, pole), and was imparted to this tribe, "because in the contest for supremacy its warriors heaped up a pile of scalps, covering the base of the war-pole only. Before this achievement the tribe was called sak'hútga door, shutter, or simat'hútga itálua shutter, door of the towns or tribes." Cf. ak'hútäs I close a door, sak'hútga hawídshäs I open a door.

Abikū′dshi, an Upper Creek town on the right bank of Natche (now Tallahatchi) creek, five miles east of Coosa river, on a small plain. Settled from Ábika, and by some Indians from Natche, q. v. Bartram (1775) states, that they spoke a dialect of Chicasa; which can be true of a part of the inhabitants only. A spacious cave exists in the neighborhood.

Ahíki creek, Hitchiti name of the upper course of Hitchiti creek, an eastern tributary of Chatahuchi river. Hawkins (p. 60) writes it Ouhe-gee creek. The name signifies "sweet potato-mother" (áhi, íki), from the circumstance that when planting sweet potatoes (áhi), the fruit sown remains in the ground until the new crop comes to maturity.

Alabama river is formed by the junction of Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers; pursues a winding course between banks about fifty feet high, and joins Tombigbee river about thirty miles above Mobile bay, when it assumes the name of Mobile river. Its waters are pure, its current gentle; it runs about two miles an hour, and has 15-18 feet depth in the driest season of the year. Boats travel from the junction to Mobile bay in about nine days, through a fertile country, with high, cleared fields and romantic landscapes (Hawkins). The hunting grounds of the Creeks extended to the water-shed between the Tombigbee and the Coosa and Alabama rivers.

Amakalli, Lower Creek town, planted by Chiaha Indians on a creek of that name, which is the main water-course of Kitchofuni creek, a northern affluent of Flint river, Georgia. Inhabited by sixty men in 1799. The name is not Creek; it seems identical with Amacalola, the Cheroki name of a picturesque cascade on Amacalola creek, a northern affluent of Etowa river, Dawson county, Georgia. The derivation given for it is: ama water, kalola sliding, tumbling.

Anáti tchápko or "Long Swamp," a Hillabi village, ten miles above that town, on a northern tributary of Hillabi creek. A battle occurred there during the Creek or Red Stick war, January 24th, 1814. Usually written Enotochopko. The Creek term anáti means a brushy, swampy place, where persons can secrete themselves.

Apalatchúkla, a Lower Creek town on the west bank of Chatahuchi river, 1½ miles below Chíaha. In Hawkins' time it was in a state of decay, but in former times had been a white or peace town, called (even now) Itálua `láko "large town," and the principal community among the Lower Creek settlements. The name was abbreviated into Palatchúkla, and has also been transferred to the Chatahuchi river; that river is now called Apalachicola below its confluence with the Flint river. Cf. Sawokli-údshi. Bartram (Travels, p. 522) states: The Indians have a tradition that the vast four-square terraces, chunk yards, etc., at Apalachucla, old town, were "the ruins of an ancient Indian town and fortress." This "old town" lay one mile and a half down the river from the new town, and was abandoned about 1750 on account of unhealthy location. Bartram viewed the "terraces, on which formerly stood their town-house or rotunda and square or areopagus," and gives a lucid description of them. About fifty years before his visit a general killing of the white traders occurred in this town, though these had placed themselves under the protection of the chiefs (Travels, pp. 388-390). Concerning the former importance of this "white" town, W. Bartram (Travels, p. 387) states, that "this town is esteemed the mother town or capital of the Creek confederacy; sacred to peace; no captives are put to death or human blood spilt there; deputies from all Creek towns assemble there when a general peace is proposed." He refers to the town existing at the time of his visit, but implicitly also to the "old Apalachucla town." The ancient and correct form of this name is Apalaχtchúkla, and of the extinct tribe east of it, on Apalache bay, Apaláχtchi. Judge G. W. Stidham heard of the following etymology of the name: In cleaning the ground for the town square and making it even, the ground and sweeping finally formed a ridge on the outside of the chunk-yard or play-ground; from this ridge the town was called apálaχtch'-ukla. More upon this subject, cf. Apalachi. An Apalachicola Fort on Savannah river is mentioned on p. [20].

Apatá-i, a village of the Lower Creeks, settled by Kasí'hta people on Big creek or Hátchi `láko, twenty miles east of Chatahuchi river, in Georgia. The name refers to a sheet-like covering, from apatáyäs I cover; cf. patákäs I spread out; the Creek word apatá-i signifies any covering comparable to wall-papers, carpets, etc. The town of Upotoy now lies on Upotoy creek, Muscogee county, Alabama, in 32° 38´ Lat.

Ássi-lánapi, an Upper Creek town, called Oselanopy in the Census list of 1832. It probably lay on Yellow Leaf creek, which joins Coosa river from the west about five miles below Talladega creek. From it sprang Green-leaf Town in the Indian Territory, since láni means yellow and green at the same time. Green is now more frequently expressed by páhi-láni.

Átasi, or Átassi, an Upper Creek town on the east side of Tallapoosa river, below and adjoining Kalibi hátchi creek. It was a miserable-looking place in Hawkins' time, with about 43 warriors in 1766. Like that of all the other towns built on Tallapoosa river, below its falls, the site is low and unhealthy. The name is derived from the war-club (ă′tăssa), and was written Autossee, Ottossee, Otasse, Ot-tis-se, etc. Battle on November 29th, 1813. A town in the Indian Territory is called after it A′tĕsi, its inhabitants Atĕsálgi. "A post or column of pine, forty feet high, stood in the town of Autassee, on a low, circular, artificial hill." Bartram, Travels, p. 456. Cf. Hu`li-Wá'hli.

Atchina-álgi, or "Cedar Grove," the northernmost of all the Creek settlements, near the Hillabi-Etowa trail, on a side creek of Tallapoosa river and forty miles above Niuya'áχa. Settled from Lutchapóga.

Atchina Hátchi, or "Cedar Creek," a village settled by Indians from Ka-iläídshi, q. v. on a creek of the same name.

Chatahuchi, a former town of the Lower Creeks, on the headwaters of Chatahuchi river. Probably abandoned in Hawkins' time; he calls it "old town Chatahutchi;" cf. Chatahuchi river. Called Chata Uche by Bartram (1775), Chatahoosie by Swan (1791).

Chatahuchi river is the water-course dividing, in its lower portion, the State of Alabama from that of Georgia. On its banks were settled the towns and villages of the Lower Creeks. Its name is composed of tchátu rock, stone and hútchi marked, provided with signs, and hence means: "Pictured Rocks." Rocks of this description are in the bed of the river, at the "old town Chatahuchi," above Hú`li-täíka (Hawkins, p. 52). Other names for this river were: Apalachukla river (Wm. Bartram), Cahouita or Apalachoocoly river (Jefferys' map in John Bartram's report).

Che`láko Nini, or "Horse-Trail," a Lower Creek town on the headwaters of Chatahuchi river, settled by Okfuski Indians. Mentioned in 1832 as Chelucconinny. Probably identical with Okfuski Nini; see Okfuskúdshi, and: Indian Pathways.

Chíaha, or Tchíaha, Chehaw, a Lower Creek town just below Ósotchi town and contiguous to it, on western bank of Chatahuchi river. The Chíaha Indians had in 1799 spread out in villages on the Flint river, of which Hawkins names Amakalli, Hótali-huyána; and at Chiahúdshi. Here a trail crossed the Chatahuchi river (Swan, 1791). A town of the same name, "where otters live," existed among the Cheroki. An Upper Creek town of this name, with twenty-nine heads of families, is mentioned in the Census list of 1832 (Schoolcraft IV, 578).

Chiahū′dshi, or "Little Chíaha," a Lower Creek town planted by Chíaha Indians in a pine forest one mile and a half west of Hitchiti town. Cf. Hitchiti, pp. [77]. sqq.

Chíska talófa, a Lower Creek town on the west side of Chatahuchi river. Morse, Report, p. 364, refers to it under the name of "Cheskitalowas" as belonging to the Seminole villages. Is it Chisca, or "Chisi provincia", visited by the army of H. de Soto in 1540? Hawkins states that Chiske talófa hatche was the name given to Savannah river (from tchíska base of tree).

Coosa River, (1) an affluent of Alabama river in Eastern Alabama, in Creek Kusa-hátchi, runs through the roughest and most hilly district formerly held by the Creek Indians. "It is rapid, and so full of rocks and shoals that it is hardly navigable even for canoes": Swan, in Schoolcraft V, 257. Cusawati is an affluent of Upper Coosa river, in northwestern Georgia, a tract where Cheroki local names may be expected.

(2) A water-course of the same name, Coosawhatchie, passes southeast of Savannah City, South Carolina, into the Atlantic ocean. For the etymology, see Kúsa.

Fin'-hálui, a town of the Lower Creeks or Seminoles. The name signifies a high bridge, or a high foot-log, and the traders' name was "High Log" (1832).

A swamp having the same name, Finholoway Swamp, lies in Wayne county, between the lower Altamaha and Satilla rivers, Georgia.

Fish-Ponds, or Fish-Pond Town; cf. `Lá`lo-kálka.

Flint River, in Creek `Lonotíska hátchi, an eastern Georgian affluent of Chatahuchi river, and almost of the same length. Creeks, Yuchi and Seminole Indians were settled on it and on its numerous tributaries, one of which is `Lónoto creek, also called Indian creek, Dooley county, Georgia. From `lónoto flint.

Fort Toulouse; cf. Taskígi. This fort was also called, from the tribe settled around it, Fort Alibamu, Fort Albamo, Fort Alebahmah, Forteresse des Alibamons. Abandoned by the French in 1762.

Fusi-hátchi, Fus'-hátchi, or "Birdcreek," a town of the Upper Creeks, built on the right or northern bank of Tallapoosa river, two miles below Hu`li-Wáli. Remains of a walled town on the opposite shore.

Hátchi tchápa, or "Half-way Creek," a small village settled in a pine forest by Ka-iläídshi Indians, q. v.

Hickory Ground; cf. Odshi-apófa.

Hillabi, pronounced Hî′lapi, an Upper Creek town on Ko-ufadi creek, which runs into Hillabi creek one mile from the village. Hillabi creek is a western tributary of Tallapoosa river, and joins it eight miles below Niuyáχa. The majority of the Hillabi people had settled in four villages of the vicinity in 1799, which were: `Lánudshi apála, Anáti tchápko, Ístudshi-läíka, Úktaha `lási.

A battle took place in the vicinity on November 18th, 1813. Though the name is of difficult analysis, it is said to refer to quickness, velocity (of the water-course?)

Hitchiti, a Lower Creek town with branch villages; cf. Hitchiti, p. [77] sqq.

Hitchitū′dshi; cf. Hitchiti, p. [77].

Hótali-huyána, a Lower Creek town, planted by Chiaha Indians on the eastern bank of Flint river, six miles below the Kitchofuni creek junction. Ósotchi settlers had mingled with the twenty families of the village. The name means: "Hurricane Town," for hútali in Creek is wind, huyána passing; it therefore marks a locality once devastated by a passing hurricane. Called Tallewheanas, in Seminole list, p. [72].

Hu`li-täíga, a Lower Creek village on Chatahuchi river, planted by Okfuski Indians. Bartram calls it Hothtetoga, C. Swan: Hohtatoga (Schoolcraft, Indians V, 262); the name signifies "war-ford," military river-passage.

Hul′i-Wá'hli, an Upper Creek town on the right bank of Tallapoosa river, five miles below Átasi. This town obtained its name from the privilege of declaring war (hú`li war, awá'hlita to share out, divide); the declaration was first sent to Tukabatchi, and from there among the other tribes. The town bordered west on Atas'-hátchi creek. The name is written Clewauley (1791), Ho-ithle-Wau-lee (Hawkins), Cleu-wath-ta (1832), Cluale, Clewulla, etc.

Ikanatcháka, or Holy Ground, a town on the southern side of Alabama river, built on holy ground, and therefore said to be exempt from any possible inroads of the white people. Weatherford, the leader of the insurgent Creeks, and their prophet Hilis'-háko resided there; the forces gathered at this place by them were defeated December 23d, 1813. From íkana ground, atcháka beloved, sacred.

Ikan'-hátki, or "white ground," a Sháwano town just below Kulumi, and on the same side of Tallapoosa river. "Cunhutki speaks the Muscogulge tongue"; W. Bartram (1775).

Imúkfa, an Upper Creek town on Imukfa creek, west of Tallapoosa river. Near this place, in a bend or peninsula formed by the Tallapoosa river, called Horse Shoe by the whites, the American troops achieved a decisive victory over the Red Stick party of the Creek Indians on March 25th, 1814, which resulted in the surrender of Weatherford, their leader, and put an end to this bloody campaign. Not less than five hundred and fifty-seven Creek warriors lost their lives in this battle. The term imúkfa is Hitchiti, for (1) shell; (2) metallic ornament of concave shape; Hawkins interprets the name by "gorget made of a conch." In Hitchiti, bend of river is hátchi paχútchki; ha'htchafáshki, hatsafáski is river-bend in Creek. Tohopeka is another name for this battle-field, but does not belong to the Creek language.

Intatchkálgi, or "collection of beaver dams," a Yuchi town of Georgia settled twenty-eight miles up Opil-`láko creek, a tributary of Flint river. A square was built by the fourteen families of this town in 1798. Tátchki means anything straight, as a dam, beaver dam, line, boundary line, etc., íkan'-tátchka survey-line; the above creek was probably Beaver-dam creek, an eastern tributary of Flint river, joining it about 32° 15´ Lat.

Ipisógi, an Upper Creek town upon Ipisógi creek, a large eastern tributary of Tallapoosa river, joining it opposite Okfuski. Forty settlers in 1799. Cf. Pin-hóti.

Istapóga, an Upper Creek settlement not recorded in the earlier documents; a place of this name exists now east of Coosa river, Talladega county, Alabama. The name, usually written Eastaboga, signifies: "where people reside" (ísti people; apókita to reside).

Ístudshi-läíka, or "child lying there," a Hillabi village, on Hillabi creek, four miles below Hillabi town. It owes its name to the circumstance that a child was found on its site.

Ka-iläídshi, an Upper Creek town, on a creek of the same name, which joins Oktchóyi creek, a western tributary of Tallapoosa river, joining it fifteen miles above Tukabatchi. The two villages, Atchina Hátchi and Hátchi tchápa, branched off from this town. The name was variously written Ki-a-li-ge, Kiliga, Killeegko, Kiolege, and probably referred to a warrior's head dress: íka his head; iläídshäs I kill.

Kan'-tcháti, Kansháde, "Red dirt," "Red earth," an Upper Creek town, mentioned in 1835 as "Conchant-ti." Conchardee is a place a few miles northwest of Talladega.

Kasí'hta, a Lower Creek town on the eastern bank of Chatahuchi river, two and a half miles below Kawíta Talahássi; Kasí'hta once claimed the lands above the falls of the Chatahuchi river on its eastern bank. In this town and tribe our migration legend has taken its origin. Its branch settlements spread out on the right side of the river, the number of the warriors of the town and branches being estimated at 180 in 1799; it was considered the largest among the Lower Creeks. The natives were friendly to the whites and fond of visiting them; the old chiefs were orderly men, desirous and active in restraining the young "braves" from the licentiousness which they had contracted through their intercourse with the scum of the white colonists. Hawkins makes some strictures at their incompetency for farming; "they do not know the season for planting, or, if they do, they never avail themselves of what they know, as they always plant one month too late" (p. 59). A large conical mound is described by him as standing on the Kasí'hta fields, forty-five yards in diameter at its base, and flat on the top. Below the town was the "old Cussetuh town," on a high flat, and afterwards "a Chicasaw town" occupied this site (p. 58). A branch village of Kasí'hta is Apatá-i, q. v. The name Kasí'hta, Kasiχta, is popularly explained as "coming from the sun" (hă′si) and being identical with hasí'hta. The Creeks infer, from the parallel Creek form hasóti, "sunshine," that Kasí'hta really meant "light," or "bright splendor of the sun;" anciently, this term was used for the sun himself, "as the old people say." The inhabitants of the town believed that they came from the sun. Cf. Yuchi. A place Cusseta is now in Chatahuchi county, Georgia, 32° 20´ Lat.

Kawäíki, a town of the Lower Creeks, having forty-five heads of families in 1832. Kawäíki Creek is named after quails.

Kawíta, a Lower Creek town on the high western bank of Chatahuchi river, three miles below its falls. The fishery in the western channel of the river, below the falls, belonged to Kawíta, that in the eastern channel to Kasí'hta. In Hawkins' time (1799) many Indians had settled on streams in the vicinity, as at Hátchi íka, "Creek-Head." Probably a colony of Kawíta Talahássi.

Kawíta Talahássi, "old Kawíta Town," a Lower Creek town two miles and a half below Kawíta, on the western side of the river, and half a mile from it. Old Kawíta town was the "public establishment" of the Lower Creeks, and in 1799 could raise sixty-five warriors; it was also the seat of the United States agent. Kawíta Talahássi had branched off by segmentation from Kasí'hta, as shown in the migration legend, and itself has given origin to a village called Witúmka, on Big Yuchi creek. The town was a political centre for the nation, and is referred to by the traveler Wm. Bartram (1775), p. 389. 463, in the following terms: "The great Coweta town, on Chatahuchi or Apalachucly river, twelve miles above Apalachucla town, is called the bloody town, where the micos, chiefs and warriors assemble, when a general war is proposed, and here captives and state malefactors are put to death. Coweta speaks the Muscogulgee tongue." Colden, Five Nations, p. 5, mentions an alliance concluded between the Iroquois of New York and the Cowetas; but here the name Cowetas is used in the wider sense of Creek Indians or Lower Creek Indians. The Creek form is Kawítalgi, or ísti Kawítalgi. Written Caouita by French authors. Cf. Apalatchúkla.

Kitcho-patáki, an Upper Creek town, now name of a Creek settlement in the Indian Territory. From kítchu "maize-pounding block of wood"; patáki "spreading out." Kitchopatáki creek joins Tallapoosa river from the west a few miles below Okfuskee, in Randolph county, Alabama.

Koassáti, an Upper Creek town. Cf. special article on this tribe, pp. [89]. [90].

Kulumi, Upper Creek town on right side of Tallapoosa river, small and compact, below Fusi-hátchi and contiguous to it. A conical mound, thirty feet in diameter, was seen by Hawkins, opposite the "town-house." A part of the inhabitants had settled on Likasa creek. The signification of the name is unknown, but it may have connection with a'hkolúmäs I clinch (prefix a- for áni I). Of the "old Coolome town," which stood on the opposite shore of Tallapoosa river, a few houses were left at the time of Bartram's visit, c. 1775 (Travels, p. 395).

Kúsa, (1) an old capital of the Creek people, referred to as Coça by the historians of de Soto's expedition, on the eastern bank of Coosa river, between Yufála and Natche creeks, which join Coosa river from the east, a quarter of a mile apart.[91] The town stood on a high hill in the midst of a rich limestone country, forty miles above Pakan-Talahássi and sixty above Taskígi, q. v. Bartram saw it (1775), half deserted and in ruins. "The great and old beloved town of refuge, Koosah, which stands high on the eastern side of a bold river, about two hundred and fifty yards broad, that runs by the late dangerous Alebahma fort, down to the black poisoning Mobille, and so into the gulph of Mexico:" Adair, History, p. 395. This town, which was also, as it seems, the sojourning place of Tristan de Luna's expedition (1559), must have been one of the earliest centres of the Maskoki people, though it does not appear among its "four leading towns". Its inhabitants may at one time have been comprised under the people of the neighboring Abi'hka town, q. v. Kósa is the name of a small forest-bird, resembling a sparrow; but the name of the town and river could possibly be an ancient form of ō′sa, ōsá, 'osá poke or pokeweed, a plant with red berries, which grows plentifully and to an enormous height throughout the South. Cf. Coosa river. It is more probable, however, that the name is of Cha'hta origin; cf. (3).

(2) A town, "Old Kúsa" or "Coussas old village," is reported a short distance below Fort Toulouse, on the northern shore of Alabama river, between Taskígi and Koassáti. It was, perhaps, from this place that the Alabama river was, in earlier times, called Coosa or Coussa river, but since Hawkins and others make no mention of this town, I surmise that it was identical with Koassáti, the name being an abbreviation from the latter.

(3) The Kúsa, Cusha or Coosa towns, on the Kúsa Creeks, formed a group of the eastern Cha'hta settlements. From Cha'hta kush reed, cane which corresponds to the kóa, kóe of Creek. Cf. p. [108].

`Lá`lo-kálka, "Fish-Pond Town," or "Fish-Ponds," an Upper Creek town on a small creek forming ponds, fourteen miles above its junction with Alkohátchi, a stream running into Tallapoosa river from the west, four miles above Okfuski. The name is abbreviated from `lá`lo-akálka fish separated, placed apart; from `lá`lo fish, akálgäs I am separated from. This was a colony planted by Oktcháyi Indians, q. v.

`Lánudshi apála, or "beyond a little mountain," a Hillabi place fifteen miles from that town and on the northwest branch of Hillabi creek; had a "town-house" or public square.

`Láp`láko, or "Tall Cane," "Big Reed," the name of two villages of the Upper Creeks, mentioned in 1832. `Láp is a tall cane, from which sarbacanes or blow-guns are made.

`Lè-kátchka, `Li-i-kátchka, or "Broken Arrow," a Lower Creek town on a ford of the southern trail, which crossed Chatahuchi river at this point, twelve miles below Kasi'hta and Kawíta (Swan, 1791). Bartram calls it Tukauska, Swan: Chalagatsca. Called so because reeds were obtained there for manufacturing arrow shafts.

Lutchapóga, or "Terrapin-Resort," an Upper Creek town, probably near Tallapoosa river. The village Atchina-álgi was settled by natives of this town (Hawkins, p. 47), but afterwards incorporated with Okfuski. Also mentioned in the Census list of 1832. A place called Loachapoka is now in Lee county, Alabama, about half-way between Montgomery and West Point. From lútcha terrapin, póka killing-place; póyäs I destroy, kill; póka occurs only in compound words.

H. S. Tanner's map (1827) marks an Indian town Luchepoga on west bank of Tallapoosa river, about ten miles above Tukabátchi Talahássi; also Luchanpogan creek, as a western tributary of Chatahuchi river, in 33° 8´ Lat., just below Chatahuchi town.

Muklása, a small Upper Creek town one mile below Sawanógi and on the same side of Tallapoosa river. In times of freshet the river spreads here nearly eight miles from bank to bank. Bartram states, that Mucclasse speaks the "Stincard tongue," and the list of 1832 writes "Muckeleses." They are Alibamu, and a town of that name is in the Indian Territory. "The Wolf-king, our old, steady friend of the Amooklasah Town, near the late Alebahma" (Adair, History, p. 277). The name points to the Imuklásha, a division of the Cha'hta people; imúkla is the "opposite people," referring to the two iksa, Kasháp-ukla and Úkla iⁿhulá'hta. Cf. Cha'hta, p. [104], and Mugulasha, p. [111]. [112].

Natche (better Náktche), on "Natche creek, five miles above Abikū′dshi, scattering for two miles on a rich flat below the fork of the creek, which is an eastern tributary of Upper Coosa river."[92] Peopled by the remainder of the Naktche tribe on Mississippi river, and containing from fifty to one hundred warriors in 1799. The root tálua was dug by them in this vicinity. Bartram states, that "Natchez speak Muscogee and Chicasaw" (1775).

Niuyáχa, village of the Upper Creeks, settled by Tukpáfka Indians in 1777, twenty miles above Okfuski, on the east bank of Tallapoosa river. It was called so after the Treaty of New York, concluded between the United States Government and the Creek confederacy, at a date posterior to the settlement of this town, August 7th, 1790.

Nofápi creek, an affluent of Yufábi creek. Cf. Yufábi, and Annotations to the Legend.

Odshi-apófa, or "Hickory-Ground," an Upper Creek town on the eastern bank of Coosa river, two miles above the fork of the river; from ō′dshi hickory, ápi tree, stem, trunk, -ófa, -ófan, a suffix pointing to locality. The falls of Coosa river, one mile above the town, can be easily passed in canoes, either up or down. The town had forty warriors at the time of Hawkins' visit (1799). Identical with Little Tálisi; Milfort, p. 27: "le petit Talessy ou village des Noyers." A map of this section will be found in Schoolcraft, Indians, V, 255. Literally: "in the hickory grove."

Okfuski (better Akfáski), an Upper Creek town, erected on both sides of Tallapoosa river, about thirty-five miles above Tukabatchi. The Indians settled on the eastern side came from Chatahuchi river, and had founded on it three villages, Che`láko-Ni′ni, Hul′i-täíga, Tchúka l′áko, q. v. In 1799 Okfuski (one hundred and eighty warriors) with its seven branch villages on Tallapoosa river (two hundred and seventy warriors) was considered the largest community of the confederacy. The shrub Ilex cassine was growing there in clumps. These seven villages were: Niuyáχa, Tukabátchi Talahássi, Imúkfa, Tuχtukági, Atchina-álgi, Ipisógi, Suka-ispóka. The Creek term akfáski, akfúski signifies point, tongue of a confluence, promontory, from ak-down in, fáski sharp, pointed. Tallapoosa river was also called Okfuski river.

Okfuskū′dshi, or "Little Okfuski," a part of a small village four miles above Niuyáχa. Some of these people formerly inhabited Okfuski-Níni, on Chatahuchi river, but were driven from there by Georgian volunteers in 1793. Cf. Che`láko-Níni.

Oki-tiyákni, a lower Creek village on the eastern bank of Chatahuchi river, eight miles below Yufála. Hawkins writes it O-ke-teyoc-en-ni, and Morse, Report, p. 364, mentions among the Seminole settlements, "Oka-tiokinans, near Fort Gaines." Oki-tiyakni, a Hitchiti term, means either whirlpool, or river-bend.

Okmúlgi (1), a Lower Creek town on the east side of Flint river, near Hótali-huyána. The name signifies "bubbling, boiling water," from H. óki water; múlgis it is boiling, in Creek and Hitchiti.

(2) East of Flint river is Okmúlgi river, which, after joining Little Okmúlgi and Okóni rivers, forms Altamaha river.

Okóni, a small Lower Creek town, six miles below Apalachúkla, on the western bank of Chatahuchi river; settled by immigrants from a locality below the Rock Landing on Okóni river, Georgia. They spoke the "Stincard tongue," and probably were Apalachians of the Hitchiti-Mikasuki dialect. Cf. Cuscowilla, under the head of: Seminole. The name is the Cheroki term ekuóni river, from ékua great, large, viz.: "great water." Bartram, who encamped on the site of the old Okóni town on Okóni river, states (Travels, p. 378), that the Indians abandoned that place about 1710, on account of the vicinity of the white colonists, and built a town among the Upper Creeks. Their roving disposition impelled them to leave this settlement also, and to migrate to the fertile Alachua plains, where they built Cuscowilla on the banks of a lake, and had to defend it against the attacks of the Tomocos, Utinas, Calloosas (?), Yamases and other remnant tribes of Florida, and the more northern refugees from Carolina, all of whom were helped by the Spaniards. Being reinforced by other Indians from the Upper Creek towns, "their uncles," they repulsed the aggressors and destroyed their villages, as well as those of the Spaniards. This notice probably refers to the Indian troubles with the Yámassi, which occurred long before 1710, since inroads are recorded as early as 1687. Hawkins, p. 65, states that the town they formerly occupied on Okóni river stood just below the Rock Landing, once the site of a British post about four miles below Milledgeville, Georgia.

Oktcháyi, an Upper Creek town built along Oktchayi creek, a western tributary of Tallapoosa river. The town, mentioned as Oak-tchoy in 1791, lay three miles below Ka-iläídshi, in the central district. Cf. `La`lo-kálka. Milfort, Mémoire, p. 266. 267, calls the tribe: les Oxiailles.

Oktchayū′dshi, a "little compact town" of the Upper Creek Indians, on the eastern bank of Coosa river, between Otchi-apófa and Taskígi, its cabins joining those of the latter town. Their maize fields lay on the same side of the river, on the Sambelo grounds, below Sambelo creek. They removed their village to the eastern side of Tallapoosa river on account of former Chicasa raids. The name of the town, "Little Oktcháyi," proves it to be a colony or branch of Oktcháyi, q. v.; Pl. Porter says it is a branch of Okfúski.

Opíl'-`láko, or "Big Swamp," from opílua swamp, `láko large. (1) An Upper Creek town on a stream of the same name, which joins Pákan'-Talahássi creek on its left side. The town was twenty miles from Coosa river; its tribe is called Pinclatchas by C. Swan (1791).

(2) A locality west of Kasi′hta; cf. Tálisi.

(3) A stream running into Flint river, Georgia. Cf. Intatchkálgi.

Ósotchi, Ósutchi, Ósudshi, or Úsutchi, a Lower Creek town about two miles below Yuchi town, on the western bank of Chatahuchi river, whose inhabitants migrated to this place in 1794 from Flint river. The town adjoins that of Chiaha; Bartram calls it Hoositchi. The descendants of it and of Chíaha have consolidated into one town in the Creek Nation, Indian Territory. Cf. Hawkins, p. 63.

Padshiläíka, or "Pigeon Roost;" (1) a Yuchi town on the junction of Padshiläíka creek with Flint river, Macon county, Georgia, about 32° 38´ Lat. The village suffered heavily by the loss of sixteen warriors, who were murdered by Benjamin Harrison and his associates; cf. Hawkins, p. 62 sq.

(2) Patsiläíka river was the name of the western branch of Conecuh river, in Southern Alabama, Covington county, which runs into Escambia river and Pensacola bay. From pádshi pigeon, and läíkäs I sit down, am sitting.

Pákan'-Talahássi, Upper Creek town on a creek of the same name, which joins Coosa river from the east, forty miles below Kúsa town. From ipákana, mayapple, itálua town, hássi ancient, in the sense of waste. G. W. Stidham interprets the name: "Old Peach Orchard Town."

Pin'-hóti, or "Turkey-Home," an Upper Creek town on the right side of a small tributary of Ipisógi creek; cf. Ipisógi. The trail from Niuyáχa to Kawíta Talahássi passed through this settlement. From pínua turkey, húti, hóti home.

Pótchus'-hátchi, Upper Creek town in the central district, on a stream of the same name, which joins Coosa river from the northeast, four miles below Pákan'-Talahássi. The town was in Coosa or Talladega county, Alabama, forty miles above the junction; the name signifies "Hatchet-Stream": potchúsua hatchet, ax; hátchi water-course.

Sakapatáyi, Upper Creek town in the central district, now Socopatoy, on a small eastern tributary of Pótchus'-hátchi, or Hatchet creek, Coosa county, Alabama; pronounced also Sakapató-i by Creek Indians. Probably refers to water-lilies covering the surface of a pond, the seeds of them being eaten by the natives; from sakpatágäs I lie inside (a covering, blanket, etc.) A legend, which evidently originated from the name already existing, relates that wayfarers passing there had left a large provision-basket (sáka) at this locality, which was upset and left rotting, so that finally it became flattened out: from patäídshäs I spread out something; patáyi, partic. pass., shaken out.

Sauga Hátchi, Upper Creek town on a stream of the same name, which runs into Tallapoosa river from the east, ten miles below Yufála. In 1799 the thirty young men of this place had joined Tálisi town. Hawkins, p. 49, renders the name by "cymbal creek." Sauga is a hard-shelled fruit or gourd, similar to a cocoa-nut, used for making rattles; saúkäs I am rattling.

Sawanógi, or "Sháwanos," a town settled by Sháwano-Algonkins, but belonging to the Creek confederacy. It stood on the left or southern side of Tallapoosa river, three miles below Likasa creek. The inhabitants (in 1799) retained the customs and language of their countrymen in the northwest, and had joined them in their late war against the United States. Some Yuchi Indians lived among them. The "town-house" was an oblong square cabin, roof "eight feet pitch," sides and roof covered with pine-bark. Cf. Ikan'-hátki.

Sáwokli, or Great Sáwokli, Sá-ukli, a Lower Creek town, six miles below Okóni, on the west bank of Chatahuchi river, and four miles and a half above Wiláni ("Yellow Water") Creek junction. The Hitchiti word sáwi means racoon, úkli town; and both Sáwokli towns spoke the "Stincard tongue" (Bartram). Called Chewakala in 1791; Swaglaw, etc. Among the Hitchiti the míkalgi were appointed from the racoon gens only.

Sawokli-ū′dshi, or "Little Sáwokli," a Lower Creek town on the eastern bank of Chatahuchi river, four miles below Okóni town; contained about twenty families in 1799. About 1865 both Sáwokli towns in the Indian Territory have disbanded into the Tálua `láko; cf. Apalatchúkla.

Suka-ispóka, or Suka-ishpógi, called "Hog Range" by the traders, a small Upper Creek village situated on the western bank of Upper Tallapoosa river, twelve miles above Okfuski; its inhabitants had in 1799 moved, for the larger part, to Imúkfa. It is the place called elsewhere Soguspogus, Sokaspoge, Hog Resort, the name meaning literally: "hog-killing place." Cf. Lutchapóga.

Talatígi, now Talladega, an Upper Creek settlement in the central district east of Coosa river. A battle was fought there November 7th, 1813. The name signifies "border town," from itálua town and atígi at the end, on the border; cf. atígis "it is the last one, it forms the extremity." Cf. Kúsa (1).

Tálisi, abbrev. Tálsi, or: "Old Town," a contraction of the term itálua hássi; a town of the Upper Creeks on the eastern bank of Tallapoosa river, opposite Tukabatchi, in the fork of Yufábi creek. In Hawkins' time the natives of this place had for the larger part left the town and settled up Yufábi creek, and the chief, Hobo-í`li míko, was at variance with the United States and Spanish colonial authorities. The traders' trail from Kasí'hta to the Upper Creek settlements crossed Yufábi creek twice at the "Big Swamp," Opil'-`láko. The Census of 1832 calls Tálisi: "Big Tallassie or the Halfway House."

Tálisi, Little, a town of the Upper Creeks, identical with Odshi-apófa, q. v.

Tallapoosa river, a considerable tributary of Alabama river, full of rocks, shoals and falls down to Tukabatchi town; for thirty miles from here to its junction with the Coosa, it becomes deep and quiet. The Hitchiti form of the name is Talapúsi; cf. Okfuski. A little village named Tallapoosa lies on the headwaters of Tallapoosa river, from which the river perhaps received its name; cf. talepú`li stranger (in Creek).

Tálua `láko, properly Itálua `láko, "the Great Town," the popular name of Apalatchúkla, q. v., the latter being no longer heard at the present time.

Tálua mutchási, (1) The new name for Tukabátchi Talahássi, q. v. It is commonly abbreviated into Talmodshási "Newtown." From itálua town, mutchási new.

(2) A Lower Creek town, on west shore of Chatahuchi river, mentioned by Morse (1822) as: Telmocresses, among the Seminole towns.

Támá`li, a Lower Creek town on Chatahuchi river, seven miles from Odshísi (Morse, Report, p. 364). Hawkins writes it Tum-mult-lau, and makes it a Seminole town. Probably a Cheroki name; there was on the southern shore of Tennessee river, between Ballplay creek and Toskegee, a settlement called Tommotley town in early maps; cf. Jefferys' Atlas of N. America (map of 1762).

Taskígi or Tuskíki, a little, ancient Upper Creek town, built near the site of the former French Fort Toulouse, at the confluence of Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers. It stood on the high shore of Coosa river, forty-six feet above its waters, where the two rivers approach each other within a quarter of a mile, to curve out again. On this bluff are also five conic mounds, the largest thirty yards in diameter at the base. The town, of 35 warriors, had lost its ancient language and spoke the Creek (1799). The noted A. MacGillivray, head chief of the Creeks in the latter part of the eighteenth century, or as he was styled, "Emperor of the Creek Nation," lived at Taskígi, where he owned a house and property along Coosa river, half a league from Fort Toulouse; Milfort, Mémoire, p. 27. On the immigration of the tribe, cf. Milfort, pp. 266. 267.

The name of the town may be explained as: "jumping men, jumpers," from Cr. tāská-is, tā′skäs I jump (tulúp-kalis in Hitchiti); or be considered an abbreviated form of táskialgi warriors; cf. taskáya citizen (Creek), and Hawkins, Sketch, p. 70. But since the town formerly spoke another language, it is, in view of the frequency of Cheroki names in the Creek country, appropriate to regard Taskígi as linguistically identical with "Toskegee," a Cheroki town on Great Tennessee river, southern shore, mentioned by several authors, and appearing on Lieutenant H. Timberlake's map in his Memoir, reproduced in Jefferys' Topography (Atlas) of North America, dated March, 1762.

Tchúka `láko, or "Great Cabin" of the public square, (1) A Lower Creek town on Chatahuchi river, settled by Okfuski Indians.

(2) A place of the same name is mentioned in the Census of 1832 as an Upper Creek town.

Tokogálgi, or "tadpole place," a small Yuchi settlement on Kitchofuni creek, a northern affluent of Flint river, Georgia, which joins it about 31° 40´ Lat. Beaver dams existed on branches of Kitchofuni creek; cf. Hawkins, p. 63. The present Creeks call a tadpole tokiúlga.

Tukabátchi, an Upper Creek town built upon the western bank of Tallapoosa river, and two miles and a half below its falls, which are forty feet in fifty yards. Opposite was Tálisi town, q. v. Tukabatchi was an ancient capital, decreasing in population in Hawkins' time, but still able to raise one hundred and sixteen warriors. The town suffered much in its later wars with the Chicasa. Cf. Hú`li-Wáli. The traders' trail crossed the Tallapoosa river at this place. Bartram (1775) states that Tuccabatche spoke Muscogulge, and the Census of 1832 considers it the largest town among the Creeks, with three hundred and eighty-six houses. Here, as at a national centre, the Sháwano leader, Tecumseh, held his exciting orations against the United States Government, which prompted the Upper Creeks to rise in arms (1813). Tugibáχtchi, Tukipá'htchi, and Tukipáχtchi are the ancient forms of the name (Stidham), which is of foreign origin. The inhabitants believe that their ancestors fell from the sky, or according to others, came from the sun. Another tale is, that they did not originate on this continent; that when they arrived from their country they landed at the "Jagged Rock," tcháto tchaχàχa `láko, and brought the metallic plates with them, which they preserve to the present day with anxious care. In Adair's time (cf. Adair, History, pp. 178. 179, in Note) they consisted of five copper and two brass plates, and were, according to Old Bracket's account, preserved under the "beloved cabbin in Tuccabatchey Square" (A. D. 1759). Bracket's forefathers told him that they were given to the tribe "by the man we call God," and that the Tukabatchi were a people different from the Creeks. The plates are mentioned in Schoolcraft's Indians, V, 283 (C. Swan's account), and rough sketches of them are given in Adair, 1.1. They appear to be of Spanish origin, and are produced at the busk. The town anciently was known under two other names: Ispokógi, or Itálua ispokógi, said to mean "town of survivors," or "surviving town, remnant of a town"; and Itálua fátcha-sígo, "incorrect town, town deviating from strictness." With this last appellation we may compare the Spanish village-name Villa Viciosa.

On national councils held there, cf. Hawkins, Sketch, p. 51 (in the year 1799) and Milfort, p. 40 (in the year 1780) and p. 266.

Tukabátchi Talahássi, or "old town of Tukabatchi," an Upper Creek town on west side of Tallapoosa river, four miles above Niuyáχa. Since 1797 it received a second name, that of Tálua mutchási or "new town." The Census list of 1832 calls it Talmachussa, Swan in 1791: Tuckabatchee Teehassa.

Tukpáfka, "Spunk-knot," a village on Chatahuchi river, Toapáfki in 1832, from which was settled the town of Niuyáχa, q. v. A creek of the same name is a tributary of Potchus'-Hátchi, q. v. Tukpáfka, not Tutpáfka, is the correct form; it means punky wood, spunk, rotten wood, tinder.

Tuχtu-kági, or "Corn cribs set up" by the Okfuski natives to support themselves during the hunting season, was an Upper Creek town on the western bank of Tallapoosa River, twenty miles above Niuyáχa. The trail from Hillabi to Etowa in the Cheroki country passed this town, which is near a spur of mountains. Mentioned as "Corn House" in the Census list of 1832, as Totokaga in 1791. Túχtu means a crib; kági is the past participle of kákīs, q. v.

Tutalósi, a branch village of Hitchiti town. Cf. Hitchiti, p. [77]. The Creek word tutalósi means chicken, in Hitchiti tatayáhi; its inhabitants, who had no town-square, are called by the people speaking Hitchiti: Tatayáhukli.

Úktaha-sàsi', or "Sand-Heap," two miles from Hillabi town, of which it was a branch or colony. Cf. Hillabi. If the name was pronounced Úktaha lási, it is "sand-lick."

U-i-ukúfki, Uyukúfki, an Upper Creek town, on a creek of the same name, a tributary of Hatchet creek (Hawkins, p. 42); Wiogúfka (1832). The name points to muddy water: o-íwa water, ukúfki muddy; and is also the Creek name for the Mississippi river. Exists now in Indian Territory. Cf. Potchus'-hátchi.

Wako-káyi, Waχoká-i, or "Blow-horn Nest," an Upper Creek town on Tukpáfka creek, a branch of Potchus'-Hátchi, a water-course which joins Coosa river from the east. Also written Wolkukay by cartographers; Wacacoys, in Census List of 1832; Wiccakaw by Bartram (1775). Wáko is a species of heron, bluish-grey, 2' high; káyi breeding-place. Another "Wacacoys" is mentioned, in 1832, as situated on Lower Coosa river, below Witúmka.

Watúla Hóka hátchi. The location of this stream is marked by Watoola village, which is situated on a run joining Big Yuchi creek in a southern course, about eighteen miles west of Chatahuchi river, on the road between Columbus, Ga., and Montgomery, Ala.

Wí-kai `láko, or "Large Spring," a Lower Creek or Seminole town, referred to by Morse under the name Wekivas. From u-íwa, abbrev. ú-i water, káya rising, `láko great, large. A Creek town in the Indian Territory bears the same name.

Witumka, (1) Upper Creek town on the rapids of Coosa river, east side, near its junction with Tallapoosa. Hawkins does not mention this old settlement, but Bartram, who traveled from 1773 to 1778, quotes Whittumke among the Upper Creek towns speaking the "Stincard tongue," which in this instance was the Koassáti dialect.

(2) A branch town of Kawíta Talahássi, and twelve miles from it, on Witumka creek, the main fork of Yuchi creek. The place had a town-house, and extended for three miles up the creek. The name signifies "rumbling water;" from ú-i, abbrev. from u-íwa "water," and túmkīs "it rumbles, makes noise."

Witumka Creek, called Owatunka river in the migration legend, is the northern and main branch of Yuchi creek, which runs into the Chatahuchi river from the northwest, and joins it about 32° 18´ Lat. The other branch was Little Yuchi creek or Hosapo-läíki; cf. Note to Hawkins, p. 61.

Wiwúχka, or Wiwóka, Upper Creek town on Wiwóka creek, an eastern tributary of Coosa river, joining it about ten miles above Witumka. The town was fifteen miles above Odshi-apófa, and in 1799 numbered forty warriors. Called Weeokee in 1791; it means: "water roaring,": ú-i water, wóχkīs it is roaring.

Woksoyū′dshi, an Upper Creek town, mentioned in the Census List of 1832 as "Waksoyochees, on Lower Coosa river, below Wetumka."

Yuchi, a town of foreign extraction belonging to the Lower Creeks; has branched out into three other villages. Cf. Yuchi, p. [21].

Yufábi creek, an eastern tributary of Tallapoosa river, joining it a short distance from Tukabatchi. Nofápi creek, mentioned in the legend, is now Naufába creek, an upper branch of "Ufaupee creek," joining it in a southwestern direction.

Yufála, (1) Y. or Yufála Hátchi, Upper Creek town on Yufála creek, fifteen miles above its confluence with Coosa river. Called Upper Ufala in 1791.

(2) Upper Creek town on the west bank of Tallapoosa river, two miles below Okfuski in the air line.

(3) town of the Lower Creeks, fifteen miles below Sáwokli, on the eastern bank of Chatahuchi river. In 1799 the natives had spread out down to the forks of the river in several villages, and many had negro slaves, taken during the Revolutionary war. The Census of 1832 counted 229 heads of families. This name, of unknown signification, is written Eufaula.

THE INDIAN PATHWAYS.

A correct and detailed knowledge of the Indian trails leading through their country, and called by them warpaths, horse trails, and by the white traders "trading roads," forms an important part of Indian topography and history. Their general direction is determined by mountain ranges and gaps (passes), valleys, springs, water-courses, fordable places in rivers, etc. The early explorers of North American countries all followed these Indian trails: Narvaez, Hernando de Soto, Tristan de Luna, Juan del Pardo, Lederer and Lawson, because they were led along these tracks by their Indian guides. If we knew with accuracy the old Indian paths of the West, we would have little difficulty in rediscovering the routes traveled by Coronado's and Peñalossa's troops in New Mexico and in the great wastes of the Mississippi plains. In hilly lands these trails are, of course, easier to trace than in level portions of the country.

The best-known trails leading from the east to the Creek towns were as follows:

1. The upper trail or "warpath" crossed Chatahuchi river at Che`láko-Nini by a horse ford, about sixty miles above Kasiχta; cf. Schoolcraft, Indians, V, 255, and Adair, History, pp. 258. 368.

2. The "High Tower path" started from High Shoals on Apalachi river, which is the southern branch of Okóni river, and went almost due west to "Shallow Ford" of Chatahuchi river, about twelve miles right north of Atlanta, Georgia, in the river bend.

3. The southern trail crossed the Chatahuchi river, coming from the Okóni and Okmúlgi rivers,[93] at the "Broken Arrow," `Lé-kátchka, while other travelers crossed it at the Yuchi towns, which cannot have been distant from the "Broken Arrow." The Tallapoosa river was passed at Tukabatchi; cf. Schoolcraft, Indians, V, 254.

From Tukabatchi it crossed over almost due west, as represented in Em. Bowen's map, to Coosa river, which was passed by a horse-ford, then followed the Coosa river up to Coosa old town. This is the trail partly traveled over by the Kasiχta tribe, as described in the migration legend.

4. The trail leading from St. Mary's river, Georgia, to the Creek towns went into disuse since 1783, and at the time of Swan's visit (1791) was difficult to trace. Cf. Schoolcraft, V, 256. If correctly represented in Tanner's map of 1827, a road then running from St. Mary's river to the Hitchiti ford of the Chatahuchi river crossed that river at Hitchitū′dshi.

THE CREEK GOVERNMENT.

The social organization of all the Indian nations of America is based upon the existence of the tribe. The tribe itself is based upon smaller units of individuals which are joined together by a common tie; this tie is either the archaic maternal descent, or the more modern tie of paternal descent, or a combination of both. Among the Indians of North America east of the Rocky mountains, and also among many tribes west of them, the single groups descending from the same male or female ancestor form each a gens provided with a proper name or totem generally recalling the name of an animal.

Among the Creeks, Seminoles and all the other Maskoki tribes descent was in the female line. Every child born belonged to the gens of its mother, and not to that of its father, for no man could marry into his own gens. In case of the father's death or incapacity the children were cared for by the nearest relatives of the mother. Some public officers could be selected only from certain gentes, among which such a privilege had become hereditary. Regulations like these also controlled the warrior class and exercised a profound influence upon the government and history of the single tribes, and it often gave a too prominent position to some gentes in certain tribes, to the detriment or exclusion of others. The Hitchiti and Creek totems were the same.

The administration of public affairs in the Creek nation can be studied to best advantage by dividing the dates on hand into three sections: the civil government of the Creek tribe; the warrior class; the confederacy and its government. What we give below will at least suffice to give readers a better understanding of some points in the migration legend. But before we enter upon these points, let us consider the basis of Indian social life, the gens.

TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND GENTES.

Parallel to the two íksa of the Cha'hta the Creeks are divided into two fires (tútka), a civil fire and a military fire. The term fire evidently refers to council fires, which had to be kindled ceremonially by the friction of two pieces of wood. The term fire was also applied by Sháwanos and other Northern Indians to the States formed by the early colonists, and is still used of the States now constituting the American Union: the thirteen fires, the seventeen fires, etc.

Concerning the gentes (aläíkita) of the Creek people, it is important to notice that in their towns each group of houses contained people of one gens only,[94] and these gentes are often mentioned in their local annals; and that the gens of each individual was determined by that of his mother. Some of the towns had separate gentes for themselves, all of which had privileges of their own.

Marriage between individuals of the same gens was prohibited; the office of the míko and the succession to property of deceased persons was and is still hereditary in the gens. In the Tukabatchi town the civil rulers or míkalgi were selected from the eagle gens; those of Hitchiti town from the racoon gens only; of Kasiχta from the bear gens; those of Taskígi probably from the wind gens. The beloved men or ístitchakálgi of Kasiχta were of the beaver gens.

In adultery and murder cases the relatives of the gens of the injured party alone had the right of judging and of taking satisfaction; the míko and his council were debarred from any interference. This custom explains why treaty stipulations made with the colonists or the Federal Government concerning murders committed have never been executed.[95]

There is probably no Indian tribe or nation in North America having a larger number of gentes than the Maskoki proper. This fact seems to point either to a long historic development of the tribe, through which so large a segmentation was brought about, or to internal dissensions, which could produce the same result. About twenty gentes are now in existence, and the memory of some extinct ones is not lost in the present generation.

The list of Creek gentes, as obtained from Judge G. W. Stidham, runs as follows:

Nokósalgi bear gens; from nokósi bear.

Itchúalgi deer gens, from ítchu deer.

Kátsalgi panther gens; kátsa panther, cougar.

Koákotsalgi wild-cat gens; kóa-kótchi wild-cat.

Kunipálgi skunk gens; kúno, kóno skunk.

Wótkalgi racoon gens; wō′tko racoon.

Yahálgi wolf gens; yáha wolf.

Tsúlalgi fox gens; tsúla fox.

Itch'hásualgi beaver gens; itch'hásua beaver.

Osánalgi otter gens; osána otter.

Hálpadalgi alligator gens; hálpada alligator.

Fúsualgi bird gens; fúswa forest bird.

Ítamalgi, Támalgi, (?) cf. támkita to fly.

Sopáktalgi toad gens; sopáktu toad.

Tákusalgi mole gens; táku mole.

Atchíalgi maize gens; átchi maize.

Ahalaχálgi sweet potato gens; áha sweet potato, long marsh-potato.

Hútalgalgi wind gens; hútali wind.

Aktäyatsálgi (signification unknown).

(-algi is the sign of collective plurality—the ókla of Cha'hta.)

The following gentes are now extinct, but still occur in war names:

Pahósalgi; occurs in names like Pahós'-hádsho.

Okílisa; cf. Killis-tamaha, p. [109].

`Lá`lo-algi fish gens; `lá`lo fish, occurs in war names like `Lá`lo yahóla, etc.

Tchukótalgi, perhaps consolidated with another gens; it stood in a close connection with the Sopáktalgi. Also pronounced Tsuχódi; Chief Chicote is named after it.

Odshísalgi hickory nut gens; ō′dshi hickory nut. Some believe this gens represented the people of Otchísi town, p. [71].

Oktchúnualgi salt gens; oktchúnua salt.

Isfánalgi; seems analogous to the Ispáni phratry and gens of the Chicasa.

Wá'hlakalgi; cf. Hú`li-wá'hli, town name.

Muχlásalgi; said to mean "people of Muklása town"; cf. Imuklásha, under Cha'hta.

The Creek phratries and their names were not fully remembered by my informants. The only points which could be gathered were, that individuals belonging to the panther and the wildcat gentes could not intermarry, nor could the Tchukótalgi with the individuals of the toad gens or Sopáktalgi. This proves that the two groups formed each a phratry, which perhaps comprised other gentes besides. It is possible that among the above totemic gentes some are in fact phratries and not gentes; and the two fires (or tútka) of the Creeks are not real phratries, but formal divisions only.

CIVIL GOVERNMENT OF THE TRIBE.

Several gentes, with their families, united into one town or settlement, live under one chief, and thus constitute a tribe. The tribe, as far as constituting a politic body governing itself, is called in Creek itálua, which could also be rendered by: community or civil district. Amitáluadshi is "my own town, where I belong," amitálua "my own country." Itálua also signifies nation. Another term, talófa, means town or village, city as a collection of houses without any reference to its inhabitants.

The executive officer of each town is the míko or chief, formerly called "king" by the whites. His duty is to superintend all public and domestic concerns, to receive public characters, to listen to their speeches, the contents of which were referred to the town, and to "deliver the talks" of his community. The town elects him for life from a certain gens. When he becomes sick or old he chooses an assistant, who is subject to the approval of the counsellors and head men. When the míko dies the next of kin in the maternal line succeeds him, usually his nephew, if he is fit for office.

Next in authority after the míko are the míkalgi and the counsellors, both of whom form the council of the town. The council appoints the Great Warrior, approves or rejects the nominations for a míko's assistant, and gives advice in law, war or peace questions.

Next in authority after the council is the body of the hinihálgi, old men and advisers, presided over by the híniha `láko. They are in charge of public buildings, supervise the erection of houses for new settlers, direct the agricultural pursuits and prepare the black drink. They are the "masters of ceremonies," and the name híniha, íniha, which is no longer understood by the present generation, is said to signify "self-adorner," in the sense of "warrior embellished with body paint." Hiniha `láko, abbreviated into Nia`láko, is now in use as a personal name, and recalls the name of the celebrated Seminole chief Neamáthla (híniha imá`la). In the Hitchiti towns they were comprised among the class of the beloved men. Before the broken days, níta χátska, they consulted about the time of the busk, and during the busk directed the performances.

Beloved men or isti-tchákalgi follow next in rank after the above. They are the men who have distinguished themselves by long public service, especially as war leaders, and the majority of them were advanced in age. C. Swan states that the beloved men were formerly called míkalgi in white towns.

Then follows the common people. For the tustĕnúggi `láko or Great Warrior, cf. "Warrior Class" and "Creek Confederacy."

Since Indian character expresses itself in the most pronounced, self-willed independence, the power of the authorities was more of a persuasive than of a constraining or commanding nature. This will appear still better when we speak of the warrior class; and it may be appropriate to remember that no man felt himself bound by decrees of a popular assembly, by edicts of chiefs and their counsellors, or by treaties concluded by these with alien tribes or governments. The law exercised by the gens was more powerful than all these temporary rulings, and, in fact, was the real motive power in the Indian community.

The distinction between red and white towns is not clearly remembered now, and there are very few Creeks living who are able to tell whether such or such a town was red or white. As soon as the agricultural interests began to prevail over the military, through the approach of the colonial settlements, this feature had to disappear, and the social order also changed from the gens or φύλη into that of civitas. Adair, Hist., p. 159, seems inclined to identify the white (or "ancient, holy, old beloved, peaceable towns") with the "towns of refuge," one of which was Kúsa.

THE WARRIOR CLASS.

The geographic position of the Creeks in the midst of warlike and aggressive nations was a powerful stimulant for making "invincibles" of their male offspring. The ruling passion was that of war; second to it was that of hunting. A peculiar incentive was the possession of war-titles, and the rage for these was as strong among the younger men as that for plunder among the older. The surest means of ascending the ladder of honor was the capture of scalps from the enemy, and the policy of the red or bloody towns was that of fostering the warlike spirit by frequent raids and expeditions. In some towns young men were treated as menials before they had performed some daring deeds on the battle-field or acquired a war title.[96] To become a warrior every young man had to pass through a severe ordeal of privations called fast, púskita, from the fifteenth to the seventeenth year of his age. This initiation into manhood usually lasted from four to eight months, but in certain rare instances could be abridged to twelve days.

A distinction of a material, not only honorific character was the election of a warrior to actual command as pakā′dsha or tustĕnúggi `láko.

THE CHARGES OF COMMANDERS.

After the young man had passed through the hardships of his initiation, the career of distinction stood open before him, for he was now a tassikáya or brave.[97] According to Hawkins' Sketch, the three degrees of advancement in command were as follows:

The tassikáya, who after initiation appears qualified for actual service in the field, and is promising, is appointed leader (isti pakā′dsha, or pakā′dsha) by the míko or chief of his town. When he distinguishes himself, he obtains a seat in the central cabin of the public square. When out on the warpath the leader was called imísi, immíssi, q. v., and when initiated to the faculty of charming the approaching enemy by physic and songs, ahopáya, q. v.

Warriors of the pakā′dsha class, who had repeatedly distinguished themselves on expeditions, could be promoted, when a general war was declared, to the charge of upper leader, isti pakā′dsha `láko, or tustĕnúggi.

The highest distinction was that of the great warrior, tustĕnúggi `láko, of whom there was one in every town. This dignitary was appointed by the míko and his counsellors, and selected by them among the best qualified warriors. His seat was at the western end of the míkalgi cabin in the public square. In Milfort's time this dignitary had become a civil and military officer,[98] and nowadays his functions are those of a civil functionary only.

In cases when the towns had resolved upon a general war, a leader for all the town-tustĕnúggis was appointed in the person of a "generalissimo," called also pakā′dsha, tustĕnúggi, or tustĕnúggi `láko.

Among the Creeks now inhabiting the Indian Territory the nomenclature has been altered from the above. A young man is called tassikáya after receiving the war-title and having some employment during the busk; he becomes tustĕnúggi after being declared as such by a vote of his town; but in aboriginal times a young man was not called tustĕnúggi before he had shown his bravery by the taking of at least one scalp.

WAR-TITLES.

War-titles are important distinctions bestowed in almost every part of the world, for military achievements; but, to preserve their distinctive value, are usually conferred only on a small portion of the warriors. Among the Creeks war-names are, however, so common that at present one is conferred upon every young man of the people. According to the old reports, a Creek warrior of the eighteenth century could obtain a war-title only after taking one or several scalps, but the traditions current among the modern Creeks are silent on this point. In earlier days many warriors had several, even four or five of these titles (tassikáya inhotchífka), and when participants of a war party were present in numbers at the taking of a scalp, each of them obtained a war-title according to the report of the fight made by the pakā′dsha on his return home. The war-titles were not always, though most frequently, conferred upon the warriors during the busk, or within the square.

Chief Chicote informs me, that the names in question were distributed by the "beloved men" or ist'-atsákalgi while sitting in their cabins or arbors on two opposite sides of the square. The ist'-atsákalgi called out young men from the side opposite to them, and imparted one of the five titles to be mentioned below, according to their free choice, and simultaneously intrusted each with some office connected with the busk. These offices consisted either in sweeping the area or in carrying water, in building and keeping up the fire in the centre, in setting up the medicine-pots or in helping to prepare black drink. War-titles and busk-offices were formerly given also to such who had never joined a war party. The use of the other name, which every man had obtained during childhood, was prohibited within the square.

To the five war-titles below, the totem of the gens was often added, so that, for instance, one of the yahólalgi, who offered the black drink, could be called ítcho yahóla hádsho, or y. míko, y. fíksiko, etc. It is said, that anciently some titles were limited to certain clans only. The idea that advancement by degree was connected with these titles is an erroneous inference from our own military institutions. Although regarded as war-names at the present time, they seem to have been mere busk-titles from the beginning, and are such even now. In connection with ítcho deer, a gens name, they are as follows:

ítcho tassikáya deer warrior.

ítcho hádsho tassikáya deer crazy (foolish, mad, drunken) warrior.

ítcho fíksiko tassikáya deer heartless warrior.

ítcho yahóla tassikáya deer hallooing warrior.

ítcho ima′`la tassikáya deer (leading?) warrior.

Other war-titles were: holá'hta tustĕnúggi, míko tustĕnúggi, híniha, híniha `láko. Inholá'hti, plur. inholáχtagi figures in war-titles, but stands in no connection with the busk. The appellation of immíkagi comprehends all the men of that gens from which the míko in the town ceremonies, not the míko as a political office-holder, is selected. The pronoun im-, in-, i- in all these names (ihinihálgi, intastĕnaχálgi, etc.), signifies that they "belong to the míko" of the tribal ceremonies.

War-titles should be clearly distinguished from war-names and other names. Any of the nine appellations contained in the item above, and any name composed with one of them, is a war-title; all others, as Old Red Shoe, are simply names or war-names. Women and boys never had but one name, and whenever a warrior had, by successive campaigns, five or six honorific titles conferred upon him, he became generally known by one or two of these only.

These names and war-titles are highly important for the study of Creek ethnography, and have been already referred to in the chapter on gentes. A brief list of war-names of influential men is contained in Major C. Swan's Report, as follows:[99]

"Hallowing King (Kawíta); White Lieutenant (Okfuski); Mad Dog (Tukabatchi míko); Opilth míko (Big Talahássi); Dog Warrior (Náktche); Old Red Shoe (Alibamu and Koassáti). To these may be added the "dog king," Tamhuídshi, of the Hitchiti, mentioned in the prooemium of the legend, and "a war-leader, the son of the dog-king of the Huphale town."[100] The Cha'hta war-titles frequently end in -ábi, -ápi: killer; cf. the Creek term póyäs, tipóyäs I kill."

The Creeks often conferred war-titles on white men of note, and made Milfort, who became a relative of the chief McGillivray by marriage, the chief warrior of the nation. The ceremonies performed on that occasion are described at length by himself.[101]

We give a few instances of historical and recent Creek war-names and war-titles:—

Abiχkúdshi míko, Hútalg'-imá`la, Kawíta tustĕnúggi, all members of the Creek "House of Kings."

Ássi yahóla "the black drink hallooer;" Osceola, chief.

Híniha `láko hupáyi "great híniha charmer," a Creek leader in the battle at Átasi and other engagements.

Hopú-i hí`l'-míko "good child-chief."

Hopú-i hí`li yahóla "handsome child yahóla"; a Creek chief.

Hú`li 'má'hti "war-leader," a frequently occurring war-name; 'má'hti is abbreviated from homáχti.

Hutálgi míku "chief from wind gens;" is chief of Taskígi town.

Ifa hádsho, or "dog warrior"; cf. Hawkins, p. 80.

Ispahídshi, name of a headman, and usually spelt Spiechee: "whooping, brawling" while taking off the scalp.

Kátsa hádsho "tiger-hádsho," a Seminole chief, erroneously called Tigertail.

Kósisti, abbr. Kósti; occurs in Kósti fíksiko, etc. The signification is lost, but we may compare the town Acostehe, visited by de Soto's army in coming south from the Cheroki country.

`Lawaχaíki "lying in ambush; creeping up clandestinely."

Míko imá`la "chief leader."

Núkusi íli tchápko "long-footed bear," war-name of S. B. Callahan, Creek delegate to the United States Government.

Sutak'háχki "men fighting in a line."

Tálua fíksiko "heartless town;" presently judge of the Wiwúχka district, I. T.

Tassikáya míku "chief warrior;" president House of Kings.

Uχtáha-sasi hádsho "sandy-place hádsho;" chief.

Wáksi, Cha'hta term referring to the drawing up of the prepuce. Occurs in Wáksi holá'hta and other Creek titles, perhaps also in the tribal name of the Waxsaws on Santee river, S. C., and in Waxahatchi, town in Alabama. The name conveyed the idea of a low, unmanly behavior, but had no obscene meaning. Other nations regard epithets like these (ὰπελλαι, verpi) as highly injurious, and load their enemies with them, as the Tchiglit-Inuit do the Tinné Indians of the interior: taordshioit, ortcho-todsho-eitut.[102]

WAR-CUSTOMS AND TACTICS.

A few notes on the war-customs of the Creeks, which resembled those of most Southern tribes, may be useful for shedding light on the early migrations of the people and upon the tactics observed in their campaigns.

The principal motive for Indian wars being the conquest of scalps, slaves, plunder and hunting grounds, the Creeks, conscious of their great power, were not very particular in finding causes for warfare, and did not even advance specious reasons for declaring war. Thus, Adair gives as the true cause of a long war between the Creeks and Cheroki, the killing and scalping of two Chicasa hunters by a Shawano "brave." This man took refuge among the Cheroki people, and war was declared to them by the Creeks, because they then had concluded a war alliance with the Chicasa (History, p. 278).

It is rather improbable that a declaration of war always preceded the attack, for the advance into the hostile territory was made clandestinely[103]; but the resolution of starting upon the warpath was heralded in the towns with great ceremonies. Of these we shall speak under the heading: Confederacy.

The Creeks of old were in the habit of carrying on their warfare chiefly in small bodies, like other Indian tribes. Small commands are better enabled to surprise the enemy or his camps in clandestine or night attacks, or to cut off hostile warriors, than large ones. There are instances that the Creeks formed war-parties of four men only. Their leader was then styled imísi, immíssi or "the one carrying it for them," this term referring to the battle-charm or war-physic. War-parties of forty to sixty men are mentioned also.

When warriors started for the "field of honor" in larger or smaller bodies, they were led by a commander (pakā′dsha) who simultaneously was an ahopáya or hopáya, "charmer at a distance." Men of this order had, like other warriors, to undergo, while quite young, a severe course of initiation into manhood, which also comprised instructions in herb-physicking. To become initiated they camped away from other people, and had for their only companion the old conjuror, who for four months initiated them and taught them the incantations intended to act as charms upon the enemy. To begin with, a fast of either four or eight days and the eating of certain bitter weeds was prescribed, to purify the system and to prepare the youth for a ready comprehension of the objects of tuition. The whole process was sometimes repeated for another four months, in the spring of the year following, and differed in every town. The knowledge thus acquired, it was believed, imparted to the person a full conjuring power and charmer's influence over the antagonist, and enabled him to conquer the hostile warriors at a distance (hupá-i) and before reaching them, or to make them come near enough for easy capture.

When the Great Warrior started on the warpath he gave notice to the participants where he would strike camp that night, and then set out, sometimes with one or two men only. A war-whoop and the discharge of his gun were the signals of his departure, and were responded to by his followers by acting in the same manner. The other warriors took their time, and went to rejoin him one or two days after. A man taking part in a war-expedition was called hú`li-á`la.

A war party always proceeded in Indian file, each man stepping into the footprints of the foregoing, to prevent the enemy from knowing their number. This explains also the episode of the legend referring to the tracks lost in the bottom of the river, q. v.[104] The tracks, footprints, strokes of hatchets visible on the bark of trees, etc., differed in every American tribe. Among the Creeks the last man in the file often sought to cover the tracks by placing grass upon them. A considerable force of scouts hovered around the marching file, to prevent surprises; the leader marched at the head of the file.

The attack was made in true Indian and savage fashion, before daybreak. The warriors crept up as silently as possible, tried to dart their missiles from secret spots, and never exposed their bodies to the enemy when they could cover them by some eminence or rock, tree or bush. The leader took a position in the rear. The Chicasa Indians continually taunted the colonial troops upon the fearless but useless exposure of their men to the battle-fire of the wary Indian braves. Milfort relates that his men fought nude, because they had noticed that the fragments of clothing entering the body with the point of the missile rendered the wound much more dangerous than the missile itself.

When making prisoners the Creeks habitually spared only the lives of children, killing mercilessly the adult males and females. They even burnt many of them at the stake, and Milfort claims that this barbaric custom was abandoned only through his influence (Mém., pp. 219-220).

The food on which they subsisted, on their expeditions, was pounded maize, contained in a small bag, which they carried upon their bodies.

The encampments for the night (hápu) were round-shaped, every man lying in contiguity to another in a circle, and leaving only a small issue, which was guarded by the commander. After the commander's signal no one was allowed to move from his place. The same order was observed when the army halted during the day, and the same arrangement is conspicuous in the campings of the Southern Dakota tribes, as Iowa, Ponka, Ugáχpa, etc.

A graphic description of southern war-camps is found in B. Romans, Florida, p. 65: "A Choctaw war-camp is circular, with a fire in the centre, and each man has a crutched branch at his head to hang his powder and shot upon and to set his gun against, and the feet of all to the fire; a Cherokee war-camp is a long line of fire, against which they also lay their feet. A Choctaw makes his camp, in traveling, in form of a sugar loaf; a Chicasa makes it in form of our arbours; a Creek like to our sheds or piazzas, to a timber-house." The Creek war-camps in the woods were constructed in such a manner that the exact number of the party could at once be ascertained.[105]

After their return the warriors placed the scalps in the public square, or divided them among their acquaintances. Anciently the privilege of raising the scalp-pole (itu tcháti) belonged to two tribes only, the Kasíχta and the Kawíta.[106] The cause for this is shown in our half-mythic migration legend. The tradition that the custom of scalping was but recently imported among the Creeks from the Northern Indians was manufactured for a purpose, and invented by many other tribes also, to appear more human in the eyes of the white settlers. Scalping and the drying of scalps had been observed in Florida as early as 1564 by René de Laudonnière.

ORGANIZATION OF THE CONFEDERACY.

The Creek confederacy, or "league of the Muscogulgee" was a purely political organization connecting the various and disparate elements, which composed it, for common action against external aggression. It had no direct influence on the social organization of the tribes, and the most appropriate term for this, and other Indian confederacies as well, is that of war-confederacy, war-league or symmachy. In Creek the Maskoki confederacy is called ísti Maskóki imitihalátka.

To call this loose assemblage of towns and tribes a military democracy, in the sense that the majority of the votes decided a question brought before the people in a manner that was binding for the citizens, is entirely wrong and misleading, for Indians regard their actions subject to their own decisions only, or, at the utmost, to those of their individual gens. Every Creek town or individual could go on the warpath or stay at home, in spite of any wish or decree issued by the chiefs or assembled warriors. The young warriors, anxious to obtain fame and war-titles, joined the war-parties on the call of a leader. In questions of war unanimity was seldom attained in the council of a town, much less in the whole nation; "it is not recollected by the oldest man, that more than one-half of the nation went to war at the same time or 'took the war-talk.'"

"When the míko and his councillors are of opinion that the town has been injured, the Great Warrior lifts the war-hatchet, átăsi, against the offending nation. But as soon as it is taken up, the míko and his council may interpose, and by their prudent counsels stop it, and proceed to adjust the misunderstanding by negotiation. If the Great Warrior persists and 'goes out,' he is followed by all who are for war."

These words, quoted from the "Sketch" of the United States agent, B. Hawkins, plainly show, that the initiative for war rested with the civil authority, and not with the military. But it is possible that Hawkins speaks of white or peace-towns only, and not of the red towns (p. 72). He continues as follows:

"Peace is always determined on and concluded by the míko and councillors, and peace-talks are always addressed to the cabin of the míko. In some cases, where the resentment of the warriors has run high, the míko and council have been much embarrassed."

All this proves that every town had the privilege to begin warfare for itself, independent of the confederacy, provided that the civil government consented to the undertaking. This fact plainly shows the perfect independence of the Indian tribe from the war-confederacy, and forms a striking contrast to our ideas of a centralized state power. In some instances the Creek towns left their defensive position to act on the offensive principle, but they were not sustained then by the Maskoki confederacy.

The chief of the confederacy had to advise only, and not to command; he was of influence only when endowed with superior talent and political ability. The chief and principal warriors had annual meetings in the public square of some central town, on public affairs; they drank ássi, exchanged tobacco, and then proceeded to debate. Time and place of these conventions were fixed by a chief, and the space of time between warning and that of assembly was called "broken days." Major C. Swan, after whose report this passage is quoted (Schoolcraft V, 279) states that the title of the chief of the confederacy was the great beloved man, while Milfort, who was himself invested with the charge of great warrior of the nation, styles him "Le Tastanégy ou grand chef de guerre," adding, however, that in his time he was the highest authority in civil and military affairs (Mémoire, Note to p. 237). The English, French and Spaniards frequently called him the Emperor of the Upper and Lower Creeks, a term which is not entirely misapplied when taken in its original sense of "military commander," the imperator of the Romans.

At a later period the meeting of the confederacy usually took place at Tukabatchi, which had become the largest community. From the above it results, however, that the Creeks had no capital town in the sense as we use this term. Col. B. Hawkins, who attempted to introduce some unity among the towns for the purpose of facilitating the transaction of business of the nation, and their intercourse with the United States Government, proposed various measures, as the classing of the towns into nine districts; these were adopted at Tukabatchi by the chiefs of the nation, on November 27th, 1799.[107]

The small degree of respect which the Creek towns paid to international treaties (sitimfátchita) or other solemn engagements made with the whites, as sales of territory, etc., is another proof for the looseness of the "powerful Creek confederacy." After giving a list of six influential headmen of different towns, Major C. Swan declares that a treaty made with these chiefs would probably be communicated to all the people of the country, and be believed and relied upon (Schoolcraft V, 263). Subsequent events have shown this to be founded on a misapprehension of the Indian character, which is that of the most outspoken individuality.

Major C. Swan, who only traveled through the country to leave it again, makes the following interesting statement concerning the political and social status of the disparate tribes composing the Creek confederacy (1791; in Schoolcraft V, 259. 260):

"Their numbers have increased faster by the acquisition of foreign subjects than by the increase of the original stock. It appears long to have been a maxim of their policy to give equal liberty and protection to tribes conquered by themselves, as well as to those vanquished by others, although many individuals taken in war are slaves among them, and their children are called of the slave race, and cannot arrive to much honorary distinction in the country, on that account."

THE PUBLIC SQUARE.

All the Creek towns, viz., the more populous settlements, had laid out a square-shaped piece of ground in or near their central part. It contained the only public buildings of the town, the great house and the council-house, and, as an appurtenance, the play-ground. The square was the focus of the public and social life of the town; its present Creek name, intchúka `láko, is taken from the "great house" as its principal portion.

From the eighteenth century we possess three descriptions of the square and the ceremonies enacted in it, which are entering into copious details; that of W. Bartram, describing the square of Átasi town (about 1775); that of C. Swan, describing that of Odshi-apófa, or the Hickory Ground (1791), and last, but not least, the description of the square at Kawíta, by B. Hawkins (1799). All the towns differed somewhat in the structure of the great house and of the council-house, but in the subsequent sketch we shall chiefly dwell upon those points in which they all seem to agree. Public squares still exist at the present time in some of the pure-blood towns of the Creek nation, Indian Territory, and the busk, in its ancient, though slightly modified form, is annually celebrated in them. The ground-plan of the square at the Hickory Ground is represented in Schoolcraft's Indians V, 264.

Of other buildings destined for public use I have found no mention, except of granaries or corn-cribs, which were under the supervision of the míko.

The great house, tchúku `láko, also called "town-house," "public square," like the square in the midst of which it was placed, was formed by four one-story buildings of equal size, facing inward, and enclosing a square area of about thirty feet on each side.[108] They were generally made to face the east, west, north and south.

These buildings, which had the appearance of sheds, consisted of a wooden frame, supported on posts set in the ground and covered with slabs. They were made of the same material as their dwelling houses, but differed by having the front facing the square open, and the walls of the back sides had an open space of two feet or more next to the eaves, to admit a circulation of air. Each house was divided into three apartments, separated by low partitions of clay, making a total of twelve partitions. These apartments, called cabins (tópa) had three[109] seats, or rather platforms, being broad enough to sleep upon; the first of them was about two feet from the ground, the second eight feet above the first, and the third or back seat eight feet above the second. Over the whole of these seats was spread a covering of cane-mats, as large as carpets. They were provided with new coverings every year, just before the busk; and since the old covers were not removed, they had in the majority of the squares eight to twelve coverings, laid one above the other. Milfort states that each cabin could seat from forty to sixty persons (Mémoire, p. 203).

Caleb Swan, who, in his above description of the cabins in the square, copied the original seen at Odshi-apófa or Little Talassie, where he stopped, differs in several particulars, especially in the allotment of the cabins to the authorities, from Hawkins, who resided in Kawíta. Swan assigns the eastern building to the beloved men, the southern to the warriors, the northern to the second men, etc., while the western building served for keeping the apparatus for cooking black drink, war physic, and to store lumber. According to Hawkins, the western building, fronting east, contained the míkos and high-ranked people; the northern building was the warriors'; the southern that of the beloved men, and the eastern that of the young people and their associates. "The cabin of the great chief faces east," says Milfort, p. 203, "to indicate that he has to watch the interests of his nation continually." The three cabins of the míkalgi or old men, facing west, are the only ones painted white, and are always ornamented with guirlands (at Kawíta). On the post, or on a plank over each cabin, are painted the emblems of the gens to which it is allotted; thus the buffalo gens have the buffalo painted on it.

From the roofs were dangling on the inside heterogeneous emblems of peace and trophies of war, as eagles' feathers, swans' wings, wooden scalping knives, war clubs, red-painted wands, bunches of hoops on which to dry their scalps, bundles of a war-physic called snake-root (sínika in Cheroki), baskets, etc. Rude paintings of warriors' heads with horns, horned rattlesnakes, horned alligators, etc., were visible upon the smooth posts and timbers supporting the great house. In the "painted squares" of some of the red or war-towns the posts and smooth timber were painted red, with white or black edges, this being considered as a mark of high distinction. Other privileged towns possessed a covered square, by which term is meant a bridging over of the entrance spaces left between the four buildings by means of canes laid on poles.

In the centre of the area of the "great house" a perpetual fire was burning, fed by four logs, and kept up by public ministrants especially appointed for the purpose. The inside area is called impaskófa, "dedicated ground."

The "square" was hung over with green boughs, in sign of mourning, when a man died in the town; no black drink was then taken for four days. When an Indian was killed who belonged to a town which had a square, black drink had to be taken on the outside of the square, and every ceremony was suspended until the outrage was atoned for. To each great house belonged a black drink cook, and from the young warriors two or three men were appointed to attend to those who took this liquid every morning; they called the townspeople to this ceremony by beating drums (C. Swan).

After the close of their council-meeting in the council-house, the míko, his councillors and warriors repaired to the chief's cabin in the "great house." They met there every day, drank the ássi or black drink, continued deliberations on public and domestic affairs, attended to complaints and redressed them; then conversed about news while smoking, or amused themselves at playing "roll the bullet" in a sort of ten-pin alley. The name of this game is `li-i tchallítchka. Bartram, p. 453, states that the chief's cabin at Átasi was of a different construction from the three other buildings.

But besides being the central point of the town for all meetings of a public character, the great house was the festive place for the annual busk and the daily dance; it occasionally served as a sleeping place for Indians passing through the town on their travels. The special locations allotted to the persons in authority and the gentes on the cabin-sheds are described under the heading: The annual busk.

The council-house or tchukófa `láko stood on a circular mound or eminence, in close contiguity to the northeast corner of the "great house." It is variously called by travelers: hot-house, sudatory, assembly-room, winter council-house, mountain-house,[110] or, from its circular shape, rotunda. Its appearance is generally described as that of a huge cone placed on an octagonal frame about twelve feet high, and covered with tufts of bark. Its diameter was from twenty-five to thirty feet, and in the larger towns the building could accommodate many hundred persons.[111] Its perpendicular walls were made of thick posts, daubed with clay on the outside. Contiguous to the walls, one broad circular seat, made of cane-mats, was going around the structure on the inside, and in the centre the fire was burning on a small elevation of the ground. The fuel consisted of dry cane or dry pine slabs split fine; and, as if it were to give a concrete image of the warming rays of the sun, these split canes were disposed in a spiral line which exhibited several revolutions around the centre. No opening was provided for the escape of the smoke or the admission of fresh air, and the building soon became intolerably hot; but at dance-feasts the natives danced around the fire in the terrible heat and dust, without the least apparent inconvenience.[112]

The council-house served, to some extent, the same purposes as the "great house," but was more resorted to in the inclement season than in summer. Every night during winter the old and young visited it for conversation or dance, and in very cold weather the old and destitute went there to sleep. In all seasons it was the assembly-room of the míko and his counsellors for deliberations of a private character; there they decided upon punishments to be inflicted, as whipping etc., and entrusted the Great Warrior with the execution of the sentences. Previous to a war-expedition the young men visited the hot-house for four days, prepared and drank their war-physic, and sang their war- and charm-songs under the leadership of conjurers.[113] Milfort was installed into the charge of "Great Warrior of the Nation" in the Kawíta council-house by solemn orations, the smoking of the pipe, the drinking of the ássi-decoct and other ceremonies,[114] and then conducted to the "great house."

When the natives gathered in this structure for sweating, either for promoting their health or as a religious ceremony, they developed steam by throwing water on heated stones, then danced around the fire, and went to plunge into the chilling waves of the river flowing past their town.

The play-ground occupied the northwestern angle of the public square, and formed an oblong segment of it, of rather irregular shape. It was made distinct from the rest of the square by one or two low embankments or terraces; in its centre stood, on a low circular mound, a four-sided pole or pillar, sometimes forty feet high. A mark fastened on its top served at appointed times as a target to shoot at with rifles or arrows. Around the pole the floor of the yard was beaten solid.

The play-ground, tă′dshu in Creek, was called by the white traders chunkey-yard, chunk-yard, from the principal game played in it. This game, the chunkey- or tchungke-game, consisted in throwing a pole after the chunke, a rounded stone which was set rolling upon its edge. Cf. Adair, Hist., p. 401. 402. There was also a sort of ball play in use among the Creeks and many other Indian tribes, by which a ball (púku) was aimed at an object suspended on the top of a high pole, or, as it is played now, at the top of two twin poles (puk-ábi), called sometimes "maypoles." In summer time dances were also performed in this yard, and Bartram saw "at the corner of each farther end a slave-post or strong stake, where the captives that are burnt alive are bound."[115]

THE ANNUAL BUSK.

The solemn annual festival held by the Creek people of ancient and modern days is the púskita, a word now passed into provincial English (busk); its real meaning is that of a fast. In the more important towns it lasted eight days; in towns of minor note four days only, and its celebration differed in each town in some particulars. The day on which to begin it was fixed by the míko and his council, and depended on the maturity of the maize crop and on various other circumstances. Its celebration took place mainly in the "great house" of the public square, and from Hawkins' description, who saw it celebrated in Kasiχta,[116] we extract the following particulars:

In the morning of the first day the warriors clean the area of the great house and sprinkle it with white sand, at the time when the black drink is being prepared. The fire in the centre is made by friction, very early in the day, by a ministrant especially appointed for the purpose, called the fire-maker. Four logs, as long as the span of both arms, are brought to the centre of the area by the warriors, and laid down end to end, so as to form a cross. Each end of this cross points to one of the cardinal points of the compass. At the spot where the logs converge, the new fire is kindled and the logs are consumed during the first four days of the púskita. The women of the turkey gens dance the turkey-dance, pínua opánga, while the powerful emetic pā′ssa is being brewed. It is drank from noon to mid-afternoon, after which the tadpole-dance, tokiúlka opánga, is danced by four males and four females, who are called the tokiúlka or tadpoles. In the evening the men dance the dance of the híniha: híniha opánga, and continue it till daylight.

The second day begins with the performance of the gun-dance, ítch'ha opánga, danced by females about ten o'clock in the forenoon.[117] At noon the men approach the new fire, rub some of its ashes on the chin, neck and belly, jump head foremost into the river, and then return to the great house. Meanwhile the females prepare the new maize for the feast, and the men on arriving rub some of it between their hands, then on their face and breast, after which feasting begins.

The third day the men pass by sitting in the square.

On the fourth day the women rise early to obtain a spark of the new fire; they bring it to their own hearths, which were previously cleaned and sprinkled with sand, and then kindle their fires on them. When the first four logs are consumed, the men repeat the ceremony of rubbing the ashes on their chin, neck and belly, and then plunge into water. Subsequently they taste salt and dance the long dance, opánga tchápko.

The fifth day is devoted to the bringing in of four other logs, which are disposed and kindled as aforementioned, and then the men drink ássi.

On the sixth and seventh day the men remain in the "great house."

The ceremonies of the eighth or last day in the square and outside of it are of a peculiarly impressive character. Fourteen species of physic plants are placed in two pots containing water, then stirred and beaten up in it. After the aliktchálgi or conjurers have blown into the mixture through a small reed, the men drink of the liquid and rub it over their joints till afternoon. The names of the medical plants were as follows:

1. míko huyanī′tcha.

2. tóla or sweet bay.

3. atchína or cedar (the leaves of it).

4. kapapáska, a shrub with red berries.

5. tchul'-íssa; signifies: "pine-leaves."

6. aták`la lásti, a shrub with black berries.

7. tútka hílissua, the "fire-physic."

8. tchúfi insákka áfaga, "rabbit-basket-string," a vine-like plant resembling the strawberry plant.

9. tchúfi mási, a species of cane.

10. hílissua hátki, the "white physic"; abbrev. hílis'-hátki.

11. tútka tchókishi, a moss species.

12. u-i láni, "yellow water": the Jerusalem oak.

13. oktchanátchku, a rock-moss.

14. kóha lowági "switch cane, limber cane."

To these plants the modern Creeks add, as a fifteenth one, the pā′ssa; cf. below.

Then another singular mixture is prepared, of which the ingredients must have been of symbolic significance: Old maize cobs and pine burs are placed in a pot and burned to ashes. Four girls below the age of puberty bring ashes from home, put them in the pot, and stir up all together, after which the men mix white clay with water in two pans. One pan of the wet clay and another of the ashes are brought to the míko's cabin, the other two to that of the warriors, who rub themselves with the contents of both. Two men appointed to that office then bring flowers of "old man's tobacco," ísti atchúli pákpagi, prepared on the first day of the busk, in a pan to the míko's cabin, and a particle of it is given to every person present. Upon this the míko and his councillors walk four times around the burning logs, throwing some of the "old man's tobacco" into the fire each time they face the east, and then stop while facing the west. The warriors then repeat the same ceremony.

At the míko's cabin a cane having two white feathers on its end is stuck out. At the moment when the sun sets, a man of the fish gens takes it down, and walks, followed by all spectators, toward the river. Having gone half way, he utters the death-whoop, and repeats it four times before he reaches the water's edge. After the crowd has thickly congregated at the bank, each person places a grain of "old man's tobacco" on the head and others in each ear. Then, at a signal repeated four times, they throw some of it into the river, and every man, at a like signal, plunges into the water, to pick up four stones from the bottom. With these they cross themselves on their breasts four times, each time throwing one of the stones back into the river and uttering the death-whoop. Then they wash themselves, take up the cane with the feathers, return to the great house, where they stick it up, then walk through the town visiting.

The mad dance, opánga hádsho, is performed after night-fall, and this terminates the long ceremony.

The celebration of the púskita had a favorable influence upon the minds of the people, for it was a signal of amnesty, absolving the Indian of all crimes, murder excepted, and seemed to bury guilt itself in oblivion. All former quarrels and hatred were forgotten and man restored to himself and to the community. Indians renewing past quarrels after this solemn festival, were severely reprimanded by others. This change of mind was symbolized by the custom of the women of breaking to pieces all the household utensils of the past year, and replacing them by new ones; the men refitted all their property so as to look new, and it was considered extremely disgraceful, even for the most indigent, to eat any of the new maize before the annual busk (Sketch, pp. 75-78).[118]

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The foregoing sketch would be incomplete without the addition of another account of a four days' puskita, which C. Swan witnessed at Odshi-apófa, near the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers; it explains and amplifies many of the incidents related by Hawkins.

The account inserted in Swan's article (Schoolcraft, Indians V, 267. 268) is signed "Anthony Alex. M'Gillivray," who was then a chief of the nation, and related by marriage to Milfort. We gather from his statements, that at Odshi-apófa or "Hickory Ground," which is a white town also, the "priest, or fire-maker of the town" had the privilege of determining the days of the busk, and that in doing so he was led by the ripening of the maize-crop and by the growth of the cassine-shrub. At the break of the first day he went to the square, unattended by others, dressed in white leather moccasins and stockings, with a white dressed deer-skin over his shoulders, and produced there the new fire, by the friction of two dry pieces of wood. When the spark was blazing up, four young men entered the area at the openings of its four corners, each holding a stick of wood; they approached the new fire with high reverence, and placed the ends of their sticks to it "in a very formal manner." Then four other young men came forward in the same manner, each holding an ear of the newly-ripened Indian corn, which the conjurer took from them and with formalities threw into the fire. Then four other men entered the square in the same manner, carrying branches of the new cassine, some of which the priest threw into the fire, the rest being immediately parched and cooked for ceremonial use. The mysterious jargon which he muttered during this ceremonial act was supposed to form a conversation with the great "master of breath."

The male population having in the meantime gathered in the cabins, the prepared black drink is served to them, and sparks of the new fire are carried and left outside the buildings for public use. The women bring it to their homes, which they have cleaned and decorated the day before for the occasion by extinguishing the old fires and removing their ashes throughout the town. They are forbidden to step into the square, but dance with the children on its outside. On the second day the men take their war-physic, a decoction of the button-snake root, in such quantities as would produce strong spasmodic effects. The third day is spent by the older men in the square, in taking black drink, etc., by the young men in hunting or fishing for the last day of the festival. The females pass the first three days in bathing, and it is unlawful for the males to touch any of them even with the tip of the finger. Both sexes are compelled to abstain rigidly from any food, especially from salt. The fourth day all classes congregate in the "great house" promiscuously; the game killed on the previous day is given to the public, and the women are cooking the provisions brought in from all sides, over the new fire. After this convivial day the evening dances conclude the annual festivity. Any provisions left over are given to the "fire-maker."

Less circumstantial descriptions of this curious ceremony, which is frequently called from analogy the "green corn dance," are contained in Adair's History, Argument VIII, in Bartram, Travels, pp. 507. 508, in Milfort and many other writers. It appears from all that the busk is not a solstitial celebration, but a rejoicing over the first fruits of the year. The new year begins with the busk, which is celebrated in August or late in July. Every town celebrated its busk at a period independent from that of the other towns, whenever their crops had come to maturity.

Religious ideas were connected with the festival, for the benefits imparted to mankind by the new fruits were the gifts of the sun, which was symbolized by the fire burning in the centre of the square. The new fire meant the new life, physical and moral, which had to begin with the new year. Everything had to be new or renewed; even the garments worn heretofore were given to the flames. The pardon granted to offenders gave them a chance to begin a new and better course of life. It was unlawful to pass between the fire in the area and the rising sun, for this would have interrupted the mystic communication existing between the two. The rigorous fasting observed also fitted the people to prepare for a new moral life, and made them more receptive for the supernatural; the convivial scene which closed the busk typified the idea that all men, whether low or high, are born brethren. The black drink was the symbol of purification from wickedness, of prowess in war and of friendship and hospitality.

Although the ritual of the busk differed in every Creek tribe, many analogies can be traced with well-known customs among the Aztec and Maya nations, whose "unlucky five days" at the year's close equally terminated with rejoicings, as the precursors of a new life.

FURTHER ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES.

Abundant material for the study of ethnography is on hand for the earlier and later periods of the Creek nation; but here we have to restrict ourselves to some points which are especially adapted to the illustration of the migration legends. The relation of husband to wife and family being the foundation of all tribal, social and political life, should certainly be treated as fully as it deserves, but in this context only incident notes can be given on this subject.

Condition of Females.—Although succession among all Maskoki tribes was in the female line, the females occupied a subordinate condition among the Creeks, and in their households were subjected, like those of other Indians, to a life of drudgery. Divorces were of frequent occurrence.

On the first days of the busk females were not permitted to enter the area of the square, nor were they admitted to the council-house whenever the men were sitting in council or attending to the conjurer's performances. The women were assigned a bathing place in the river-currents at some distance below the men. It is also stated that a woman had the privilege of killing her offspring during the first lunation after the birth, but when she did so after that term she was put to death herself.[119] This may have been the practice in a few Creek tribes, but it is doubtful that such was the general law in all, except in regard to illegitimate offspring.

The occupations of Creek women are described by Cpt. B. Romans, p. 96 (1775), in the following succinct form:

"The women are employed, besides the cultivation of the earth, in dressing the victuals, preparing, scraping, braining, rubbing and smoaking the Roe-skins, making macksens of them, spinning buffaloe wool, making salt, preparing cassine drink, drying the chamærops and passiflora, making cold flour for traveling, gathering nuts and making their milk; likewise in making baskets, brooms, pots, bowls and other earthen and wooden vessels."

Initiation.—Indian parents bring up their children in a manner which better deserves the name of training than that of education. They think children become best fitted for future life when they can, for a certain period of their ages, roam around at will and act at their own pleasure. They do not reprobate or punish them for any wanton act they may commit; hence the licentiousness of both sexes up to the time of marriage, and the comparative want of discipline among warriors on their expeditions. But the boys were taught to harden their constitutions against the inclemencies of the seasons and the privations in war, and this result they most successfully attained by the so-called initiation, and also by continued bodily exercise before and after that solemn period of their lives. B. Romans (1775) sketches the training of the Creek youths in the following words (p. 96): "Creeks make the boys swim in the coldest weather; make them frequently undergo scratching from head to foot, through the skin, with broken glass or gar-fish teeth[120], so as to make them all in a gore of blood, and then wash them with cold water; this is with them the arcanum against all diseases; but when they design it as a punishment to the boys, they dry-scratch them, i. e., they apply no water after the operation, which renders it very painful. They endeavor ... to teach them all manner of cruelty toward brutes," etc.

This sort of treatment must have been abundantly productive of rheumatism and other affections, though we have many instances of Creek Indians reaching a high age. Of the initiation which the Creek boys underwent before attaining their seventeenth year, B. Hawkins gives a full and circumstantial account, which shows that superstitions had entered into the customs of private life of the Creeks as deeply as they had into those of other Indian tribes.

The ceremony of initiating youth into manhood, says B. Hawkins[121], is usually performed at the age from fifteen to seventeen, and is called puskita (fasting), like the busk of the nation. A youth of the proper age gathers two handfuls of the sowátchko plant, which intoxicates and maddens, and eats this very bitter root for a whole day, after which he steeps the leaves in water and drinks from this. After sunset he eats two or three spoonfuls of boiled grits.[122] He remains in a house for four days, during which the above performances are repeated. Putting on a new pair of moccasins (stillipaíχa), he leaves the cabin, and during twelve moons abstains from eating the meat of young bucks, of turkey-cocks, fowls, peas and salt, and is also forbidden to pick his ears and to scratch his head with his fingers, but must use a small splinter to perform these operations. Boiled grits—the only food allowed to him during the first four moons—may be cooked for him by a little girl, but on a fire kindled especially for his own use. From the fifth month any person may cook for him, but he has to serve himself first, using one pan and spoon only. Every new moon he drinks the pā′ssa or button-snake root, an emetic, for four days, and takes no food except some boiled grits, húmpita hátki, in the evening. At the commencement of the twelfth lunation he performs for four days the same rites as he did at the beginning of the initiation, but on the fifth he leaves the cabin, gathers maize-cobs, burns them to ashes, and with these rubs his whole body. At the end of the moon he elicits transpiration by sleeping under blankets, then goes into cold water, an act which ends the ceremony. The herb medicines are administered to him by the ísti pakā′dsha `láko or "great leader," who, when speaking of him, says: pusidshedshē′yi sanatchumitchä′tchä-is,[123] "I am passing him through the physicking process repeatedly," or: náki omálga imaki`lä′dshäyi sá`lit ómäs, tchí, "I am teaching him all the matters proper for him to think of." If he has a dream during this course of initiation, he has to drink from the pā′ssa, and dares not touch any persons, save boys who are under a like course. This course is sometimes shortened to a few months, even to twelve days only, but the performances are the same.

The purpose of the initiation of boys, corresponding to the first-menstruation rites of females, was the spiritual as well as the physical strengthening of the individual. While the physical exposures and privations were thought to render him strong in body and fearless in battle, the dreams coming upon him, in consequence of the exhaustion by hunger and maddening by all sorts of physic, were supposed to furnish him visions, which would reveal to him enchanting views for future life, material riches and the ways to acquire them, the principles of bravery and persistence, the modes of charming enemies and game at a distance, of obtaining scalps, and prospects of general happiness and of a respected position in his tribe.[124]

Commemorative Beads.—To perpetuate the memory of historical facts, as epidemics, tribal wars, migrations, the Creeks possessed the pictorial or ideographic writing, the material generally used for it being tanned skins. Besides this, which was common to the majority of Indian tribes of North America, Milfort (pp. 47-49) mentions another mode of transmitting facts to posterity, which shows a certain analogy with the wampum-belts of the Iroquois and Algonkin tribes.

It consisted of strings of small beads, in shape of a narrow ribbon (banderole) or rosary (chapelet). The beads are described as being similar to those called Cayenne pearls in Milfort's time, varying in color, the grains being strung up one after the other. The signification of each bead was determined by its shape and the position it occupied in its order of sequence. Only the principal events were recorded by these beads, and without any historic detail; hence a single string often sufficed to recall the history of twenty or twenty-five years. The events of each year were kept strictly distinct from the events of any subsequent year by a certain arrangement of the grains, and thus the strings proved reliable documents as to the chronology of tribal events. The oldest of the míkalgi (les chefs des vieillards) often recounted to Milfort, who had risen to the dignity of "chief warrior" in the nation, episodes of early Creek history, suggested to them by these "national archives."

Many old traditions of historic importance must have been embodied in these records; but the only one given by Milfort, referring to the emigration of the Creeks from their ancient cave-homes along Red river, is so mixed up with incredible matter, that the fixation of the events, as far as then remembered, must have taken place many generations after the arrival of the Creeks in their Alabama homes. Milfort himself, at the head of two hundred Creek men, undertook an expedition to that renowned spot, to gratify himself and his companions with the sight of the place itself from which the nation had sprung forth, and all this solely on the strength of the belief which these bead-strings had inspired in his companions.

Further notices on Creek ethnology may be found in B. F. French, Hist. Collect. of Louisiana, III, 128-139, in the "Notes;" also in Urlsperger's "Nachricht," Vol. I, chapter 5, 859-868, a passage describing especially Yámassi customs.

NOTES ON CREEK HISTORY.

To offer a history of the Creek tribe from its discovery down to our epoch to the readers does not lie within the scope of this volume, and for want of sufficient documents illustrating the earlier periods it could be presented in a fragmentary manner only. But a few notes on the subject, especially on the Oglethorpe treaties, will be of interest to the reader.

In the year following their departure from the West Indies (1540), the troops led by H. de Soto traversed a portion of the Creek territory, taken in its extent as known to us from the end of the eighteenth century. De Soto's presence is proved by the mention of Creek tribes bearing Creek names in the reports of his three chroniclers. The most circumstantial report in topography is that of the Knight of Elvas. He states that de Soto's army usually marched five to six leagues a day in peopled countries, but when passing through deserted lands proceeded faster. From Chiaha H. de Soto reached Coste in seven days. From Tali, probably contiguous to Coste, he marched for six days, through many towns, to Coça, arriving there July 26th, 1540. Leaving this town after a stay of twenty-five days, he reached Tallimuchase on the same day, Ytava on the next, and had to remain there six days, on account of a freshet in the river. Having crossed the river he reached Ullibahali town, fortified by a wooden wall, and on the next day stopped at a town subject to the lord of Ullibahali, to reach Toasi the day after. Then he traversed the Tallise "province," peopled with many towns, and entered the great pueblo of Tallise on September 18th, to stay there twenty days. Many other towns were visible on the opposite side of the "maine river," on which Tallisi[125] stood. On leaving this pueblo he reached Casiste on the same day, and Tuscalusa, whose chief was lord of many territories, after another march of two days. From there Piache, on a great river, was reached in two days, and Mavila in three days from Piache. De Soto arrived in Mavila on October 18th, and the whole distance from Coça to Tuscalusa is computed by the Knight of Elvas at sixty leagues, the direction of the route being from north to south. In this particular Biedma differs from him.

The villages of Chiaha (Chisca, Ychiaha, China, var. lect.) and of Coste (Costehe, Acostehe) provinces were fortified and stood on river-islands. This latter circumstance makes it probable that they lay on Tennessee river, and hence were held by Cheroki Indians. Tali is either the Creek term tali dry, exsiccated, or the Cha'hta tali rock. Coça, then in a flourishing condition, is the town of Kúsa. Talli-muchasi, or "Newtown," near Coça, is clearly a Creek term, and so is Ytava, Itáwa, which I take for the imperfectly articulated itálua, tribe. Toasi is, I think, the town of Tawasa, which was one of the Alibamu villages, q. v., and lay on the southern shore of the Alabama river.

Tallisi is undoubtedly Talua-hássi, "old town," but which one of the numerous settlements of this name it may have been is now impossible to determine. Casiste resembles Kasí'hta, but cannot have been Kasíχta on Chatahuchi river, for de Soto reached Tuskalusa or "Black Warrior," which I take to be a town on the river of that name, within two days from Casiste, traveling west.[126] Piache, if Creek, could be api-údshi little pole, small tree. Garcilaso de la Vega states that Tascalusa was on the same river (?) as Tallisi and below it. The documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries frequently give names of localities and tribes to the local chiefs, as was done here in the case of Tascalusa, Mavila, Alimamu and others. Chíaha is a Cheroki name, and is explained elsewhere as "place of otters." Some modern critics believe that de Soto's army did not cross the mountains into what is now North Carolina and Tennessee, the "over-hill" seats of the Cheroki people, but only skirted the southern slope of the Apalachian ridge by passing through Northern Georgia west into Northern Alabama, and then descending Coosa river. In order to determine de Soto's route in these parts, we have to decide first, whether the days and directions of the compass noted by his chroniclers deserve more credence than the local names transmitted in cases when both form conflicting statements. The names of localities could not be pure inventions; they prove by themselves, that tribes speaking Creek or Maskoki proper were encountered by the adventurous leader in the same tracts where we find them at the beginning of this nineteenth century. It follows from this that the Creek immigration from the west or northwest, if such an event ever occurred within the last two thousand years, must have preceded the time of de Soto's visit by a long lapse of time. Thus the terms itálua, talófa, talássi belong to the Creek dialect only; had H. de Soto been in a country speaking a Hitchiti dialect, he would have heard, instead of these, the term ókli, and instead of tálua mútchasi: ókli himáshi.[127]

In 1559 another Spanish leader, Tristan de Luna, disembarked in or near Mobile bay, then went north in quest of gold and treasure, reached Nanipacna, or "pueblo Santa Cruz de Nanipacna," and from there arrived, after experiencing many privations and trials, among the Coças, who were then engaged in warfare with the Napochies (naⁿpissa? cf. Chicasa). He made a treaty of alliance with the Coças, and deemed it prudent to return. The distance from Coça to Nanipacna was twelve days, from there to the harbor three days' march.[128]

In 1567 Captain Juan del Pardo set out from St. Helena, near Charleston Harbor, S. C., on an exploration tour with a small detachment, following partly the same aboriginal trail which had guided de Soto through the wastes of Georgia and the Cheroki country. On leaving the banks of the Tennessee river, he turned south, touching Kossa, a sort of a capital (evidently Kúsa), then Tasqui, Tasquiqui and Olitifar. These are the only names of places mentioned by his chronicler, Juan de la Vandera (1569), which refer to the Creek country. Tasquiqui cannot be anything else but Taskígi, near the junction of Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers.

From the beginning of the eighteenth century the French, Spanish and British colonists endeavored to win over the tribes of the confederacy to their interests. The Spaniards established in Northern Florida paid honors to the "emperor of the Cowetas," therewith hoping to influence all the Lower and Upper Creeks, and in 1710 received Kawíta delegates with distinction at St. Augustine. After the conflict with the Spaniards the British established Fort Moore for trading purposes among the Lower Creeks. In 1713 chiefs of the Alibamu, Koassáti and other tribes visited the French colony at Mobile, entered into friendly relations, invited them to construct Fort Alibamu, also called Fort Toulouse, near Odshi-apófa, q. v., and were helpful in erecting it. The French entertained a small garrison and a trader's post there, and subsequently the fort was called Fort Jackson.

The first British treaty with the Creeks was concluded by James Oglethorpe, Governor of the Carolinas. He set out May 14th, 1733, from Charleston, his residence, and on May 18th met in council the representatives of the Lower Creek tribes at Savannah. During the meeting many facts of interest were elicited. The Creeks then claimed the territory extending from the Savannah river to the Flint river, and south to St. Augustine, stating that their former number of ten tribes had been reduced to eight. Wikatchámpa, the Okóni míko, proclaimed that his tribe would peaceably cede to the British all lands not needed by themselves. The Yamacraw chief Tomochichi, then banished from one of the Lower Creek towns, spoke in favor of making a treaty with the foreigners, and Yahóla `láko, míko of Kawíta, allowed Tomochichi and his relatives "to call the kindred, that love them, out of each of the Creek towns, that they may come together and make one town. We must pray you to recall the Yamasees, that they may be buried in peace among their ancestors, and that they may see their graves before they die; and our own nation (of the Lower Creeks) shall be restored again to its ten towns." The treaty of land-cession, commerce and alliance was signed May 21st, and ratified by the trustees of the colony of Georgia, October 18th, 1733. It stipulated a cession of the lands between the Savannah and Altamaha rivers, and of some islands on the Atlantic coast, to the British; it further stipulated promises to enter into a commercial treaty at a later date, to place themselves under the general government of Great Britain, to live in peace with the colonies, to capture runaway slaves and deliver them at Charleston, Savannah or Palachukla garrison for a consideration. The treaty was confirmed by pledges on the side of the Creeks, which consisted in a bundle of buckskins for each town, whereas the English made presents of arms, garments, etc., in return. The Indians expressed a desire of receiving instruction through teachers, and the success obtained in concluding this first treaty was mainly attributed to the influence of Tomochichi upon his fellow-countrymen. The eight tribes represented were Kawíta, Kasíχta, Ósutchi, Chíaha, Hítchiti, Apalatchúkla, Okóni, Yufála. The "two lost towns" were certainly not those of the Sáwokli and Yuchi, although these do not figure in the list. Only one of the headmen signing the treaty of 1733 figures in the prooemium of our legend (written in 1735): "Tomaumi, head warrior of Yufála, with three warriors;" he is identical with Tamókmi, war captain of the Eufantees (in 1735). Chekilli is not mentioned.

The above treaty is printed in: Political State of Great Britain, vol. 46, p. 237 sqq; extract in C. C. Jones, Tomochichi, pp. 27-37.

Although encouraged by this first successful meeting with the Creeks, the colonists knew so well the fickleness of the Indian character that they were distrustful of the steadiness of their promises, and thus sought to renew the friendly relations with them as often as possible.

A convention was arranged with the chiefs of the Lower Creeks at Savannah in 1735, during which the legend of the Kasiχta migration was delivered, but it does not appear whether any new treaty stipulations were mooted or not at that meeting.

Just after his return from England, Governor Oglethorpe again came to Savannah on October 13th, 1738, to meet in council the míkos of Chíaha, Okmúlgi, Ótchisi and Apalatchúkla, who were accompanied by thirty warriors and fifty-two attendants. They assured him of their firm and continued attachment to the crown, and notified him that deputies of the remaining towns would come down to see him, and that one thousand warriors of theirs were at his disposal. They also requested that brass weights and sealed measures should be deposited with the míkos of each town, to preclude the traders settled among them from cheating.

On the 17th of July, 1739, Oglethorpe with a large retinue started to meet the Creeks in their own country, at Kawíta. He traveled up Savannah river to the Yuchi town, twenty-five miles above Ebenezer, then followed the inland trail, for two hundred miles, without meeting any Indians. The council lasted from August 11th to 21st, and terminated in a treaty, by which the towns renewed their "fealty" to the king of Great Britain, and confirmed their cessions of territory, while Oglethorpe engaged that the British should not encroach upon their reserved lands, and that their traders should deal fairly and honestly with the Indians. The towns on Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers participated in the treaty.[129]

It may be regarded as a consequence of this compact, that Creek warriors joined the British as auxiliaries in the expedition against St. Augustine in 1742.

Important and detailed information on the relations of the Creeks and all other Southern tribes with the British and French settlers of colonial times may be found in the documents preserved at the State Paper Office, London. The contents of such papers as relate more especially to South Carolina are hinted at in numerous abstracts of them given in a catalogue in Collections of South Carolina Historical Society, Vols. I, II, Charleston, 8vo (Vol. II published in 1858); cf. II, 272. 297-298. 315-317. 322, etc. Compare also W. de Brahm's writings, mentioned in: Appendices.

An incomplete and unsatisfactory, though curious list of the elements then (1771) composing the Maskoki confederacy and of its western allies is contained in B. Romans, East and West Florida (p. 90). The passage first alludes to the Seminoles as allies, and then continues: "They are a mixture of the remains of the Cawittas, Talepoosas, Coosas, Apalachias, Conshacs or Coosades, Oakmulgis, Oconis, Okchoys, Alibamons, Natchez, Weetumkus, Pakanas, Taënsas, Chacsihoomas, Abékas and some other tribes whose names I do not recollect."

An interesting point in early Creek history is the settlement of Cheroki Indians in Georgia, and their removal from there through the irruption of the Creeks. W. Bartram, Travels, p. 518, in describing the mounds of the country, states "that the region lying between Savanna river and Oakmulge, east and west, and from the sea coast (of the Atlantic) to the Cherokee or Apalachean mountains (filled with these mounds) was possessed by the Cherokees since the arrival of the Europeans; but they were afterwards dispossessed by the Muscogulges, and all that country was probably, many ages preceding the Cherokee invasion, inhabited by one nation or confederacy (unknown to the Cherokees, Creeks) ... etc." In another passage he gives a tradition of the Creeks, according to which an ancient town once built on the east bank of the Okmúlgi, near the old trading road, was their first settlement in these parts after their emigration from the west.

The topographic names from the Cheroki language throughout Georgia testify strongly to the presence of Cheroki Indians in these countries. The tracts on the Okóni and Okmúlgi are nearer to the seats of the Élati Cheroki than the Creek settlements on Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers, where Cheroki local names occur also.

The legend reported by C. Swan (Schoolcraft V, 259) that the Creeks migrated from the northwest to the Seminole country, then back to Okmúlgi, Tallapoosa and Coosa rivers, deserves no credit, or applies to small bodies of Indians only.

From an ancient tradition John Haywood[130] relates the fact (pp. 237-241) that when the Cheroki Indians first settled in Tennessee, they found no other red people living on Tennessee river, except a large body of Creeks near the influx of Hiwassee river (and some Shawanese on Cumberland river). They had settled "at the island on the Creek path," meaning a ford of the Great Tennessee river, also called "the Creek crossing," near the Alabama State border. At first they lived at peace with them, but subsequently attacked them, to drive them out of the country. By stratagem they drew them from their island, with all the canoes in their possession, to a place where others lay in ambush for them, engaged them in battle, took away their canoes to pass over to the island, and destroyed there all the property of the tribe. The enfeebled Creeks then left the country and went to the Coosa river.

The Broad river, a western affluent of Savannah river, formed for many years the boundary between the Cheroki and the eastern Creeks. It figures as such in Mouson's map of 1773.

The Creeks remained under the influence of the British government until after the American Revolutionary war, and in many conflicts showed their hostility to the thirteen states struggling for independence. Thus they acted in the British interest when they made a night attack on General Wayne's army, in 1782, led by Guristersigo, near the Savannah river. An attack on Buchanan's station was made by Creek and Cheroki warriors near Nashville, Tenn., in 1792. Treaties were concluded with them by the United States at New York, August 7th, 1790, and at Coleraine, Georgia, June 29th, 1796. An article of these stipulated the return of captured whites, and of negro slaves and property to their owners in Georgia. Trading and military posts were established among them, and an agent of the Government began to reside in one of their towns. Further cessions of Creek lands are recorded for 1802 and 1805.

Instigated by the impassionate speeches of Tecumseh, the Sháwano leader, the Upper Creeks, assisted by a few Yuchi and Sáwokli Indians, revolted in 1813 and massacred the American garrison at Fort Mimms, near Mobile bay, Alabama, on August 30th of that year. General A. Jackson's army subdued the revolt, after many bloody victories, in the battle of the Horse-Shoe Bend, and by taking Pensacola, the seaport from which the Spaniards had supplied the insurrection with arms. A peace treaty was concluded on August 9th, 1814, embodying the cession of the Creek lands west of Coosa river. Surrounded as they were by white settlements on all sides, this revolt, known also as the Red Stick War, was the last consequential sign of reaction of the aboriginal Creek mind against civilizing influences.

Previous to the departure from their lands in the Gulf States to the Indian Territory (1836-1840), scattering bands of the Creeks joined the Seminoles in 1836, while others took arms against the United States to attack the border settlements and villages in Georgia and Alabama. These were soon annihilated by General Scott. The treaty of cession is dated April 4th, 1832, and the lands then granted to them in their new homes embraced an area of seven millions of acres. On October 11th, 1832, the Apalachicola tribe renewed a prior agreement to remove to the west of Mississippi river, and to surrender their inherited lands at the mouth of the Apalachicola river. Only 744 Creeks remained east of the Mississippi river.

At the outbreak of the Secession war, in 1861, the Creeks separated into two hostile parties. Chief Hopó`li yahóla with about 8000 Creeks adhered firmly to the Union cause, and at the head of about 800 of his warriors, aided by auxiliary troops, he defeated the Confederate party in one engagement; but in a second action he was defeated, and with his followers fled into Kansas. Both rencontres took place in the territory of the Cheroki Indians, in November and December, 1861.

The statistic dates of the Creek population given before B. Hawkins' time are mere estimates. In 1732 Governor Oglethorpe reported 1300 warriors in eight towns of the Lower Creeks (Schoolcraft V, 263. 278), and in 1791 all the Creek "gun-men" were estimated to number between 5000 and 6000; the same number is given for these in the census of 1832 (Schoolcraft V, 262 sqq.; VI, 333), living in fifty-two towns, the whole population being between 25,000 and 30,000. In the same year the Cha'hta population was conjectured to amount to 18,000 (Schoolcraft VI, 479). The Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1881 gives a Creek population of 15,000, settled upon 3,215,495 acres of land; one half of these are tillable, but only 80,000 acres were cultivated during that year by these Indians.

THE CREEK DIALECT

of Maskoki is a harmonious, clearly vocalized form of speech, averse to nasalization. In forms it is exceedingly rich, but its syntax is very simple and undeveloped. An archaic form, called the female language, exists outside of the common Creek, and mainly differs from it in the endings of the verbs.

PHONETICS.

Creek possesses all sounds of the general Maskoki alphabet; but here and in Hitchiti the gutturals g, k, χ are often pronounced with the tongue resting upon the fore or alveolar part of the palate. The alternating processes observed here also occur in most other Indian and illiterate languages: tch, dsh alternate with ts, ds, h with k, χ; g with the other gutturals, b with p, d with t, ā with e, o with u. The accent shifts for rhetoric and syntactic causes, and many unaccented syllables are pronounced long. In the pronunciation of the natives there is a sort of singing modulation, which likes to lengthen the last syllables of a sentence.[131] Syllables not final generally terminate in a vowel.

MORPHOLOGY.

The nominal inflection shows but three cases: The first in -i (or -a, -o, -u), which may be called absolute;[132] the subjective case in -t, -it (-at, -ut), and the objective in -n, -in (-an, -un). The absolute case, when used as a vocative, often lengthens or strongly accentuates the last syllable. The suffix -n indicates the direct and indirect object, and also sometimes the locative case. Diminutives are formed by means of the suffix -odshi, -udshi.

Substantive. The substantive noun does not inflect for number except in a few terms designating persons which form a plural in -agi, -aki: míko chief, míkagi chiefs, to be distinguished from míkalgi class from which chiefs are chosen; húnanwa man, hókti woman; hunantági, hóktagi. It is the archaic form of -akīs, the verbal ending of third person plural of certain verbal inflections. Cf. -a`li in Hitchiti.

The suffix -algi, though sometimes used as a plural suffix, designates collectivity: u-ikaíwa spring of water, u-ikaiwálki place with water-springs, and u-ikaiⁿálki people living at the springs; alíktcha conjurer, alíktchalgi conjurers as one body, taken in a body.

The parts of speech being but imperfectly differentiated, tenses can be expressed in nouns by adding suffixes: míko chief, mikotáti, míko-ō′mā one who was, has been chief; míko-ta`láni a future chief; adsulagitáti the defunct forefathers.

Adjectives form a real plural by appending the suffix -agi, -aki to the base. This applies, however, only to a limited number of adjectives, like:

atchúla old, pl.	atchúlagi
hí`li good,	hí`lagi
tcháti red,	tchátaki
yíktchi strong,	yíktchaki

The majority of the adjectives and of the attributive verbs derived from them form derivatives, which in some instances may be called distributive, in others frequentative and iterative forms. They are formed by a partial reduplication of the radix, when the basis is monosyllabic, or often of the last syllable of the basis, when the word is polysyllabic. Examples:

lásti black, láslati black here and black there; verbified: lánis, laslánis it is black.

hállui high, hálhawi each of them high.

súfki deep, súfsuki deep each, or deep in spots.

súlgi many, súlsugi many of each.

hólwaki bad, holwahóki each bad.

líkwi rotten; lík'howi (animals), líkliwi (vegetables).

kotchúkni short, kotchúntchoki short in spots.

sílkosi narrow, sílsikosi narrow in places, from sílki strip.

Adjectives are made negative by appending the privative particle -go, -gu, -ko, -ku: ítskisusi having a mother, itskisusiko motherless; hí`li good, hí`ligo not good, bad.

Gradation of adjectives and of attributive verbs formed from these can be effected in different ways, which are more perfect and expressive here than in those Indian languages which can express gradation only by syntactic means.

A comparative is formed by prefixing isim-, isin-, isi-, apheretically sim-, sin-, si- to the adjective or the attributive verb, the two objects compared standing usually before the adjective or verb. This prefix is composed of the particle isi-, is- and the possessive pronoun im-, in-, i- of the third person (s. and pl.), and corresponds somewhat to our than, as. The object compared stands in the absolute case.

kát'tcha yahá isin`lákit ómis the panther (kát'tcha) is larger (`lako large) than the wolf (yahá; ómis is so).

tchátu tchátu-χunáp-hatki (i-)síntchalatuit ómis iron (tchátu) is harder than silver.

ma tchī′panat ma hóktudshi (i-)simmáhis this boy is taller than that girl.

A superlative is formed by placing i`li-, apheretically `li-, before the comparative: máhi tall, isímmahi taller than, i'lisímmahi, `lisímmahi, `lisímahi tallest of, lit. "still taller than the taller ones."

ma tsúku halháwat i`lisihálluit ómis this house is the highest; lit. "higher than the high ones."

A superlative may be expressed also by using the comparative instead: ma tchípanat anhopuitáki omálgan isímmahis "that boy is the tallest of all my children"; lit. "that boy is taller than all my children." Or the superlative is expressed by the augmentative adverb máhi: very, quite, greatly, largely yíktchi máhi, the strongest, which at the same time means: very strong, quite strong; `láko máhi largest and very large; máhimahi tallest and very tall; the latter also being expressed by a lengthening of the vowel: mā′hi very tall.

Minuitive gradation is effected by inversion of the sense in the sentence and the use of the comparative; they say: "silver is costlier than iron," instead of saying: "iron is less costly than silver."

What we call prepositions are generally nominal forms in Creek, inflected like nouns and placed after their complements as postpositions, governing the absolute case:

únapa, subj. únapat, obj. únapan above, on the top of; `láni únapa (or: `láni yúksa) on the top of the mountain.

tchuku-ófan läíkäs I stay within, in the house; -ófan, -ofa, -úfa, -of is also temporal suffix: when, while, during: yá o`lolopí-ófan in this year.

inúkua atígin ak'húi`l he stands in the water up to (atígin) his neck.

tsá`lki a`láχkan on account of my father.

tchukú ilídshan, under the house.

ítu ilídshan, ítu tchískan under the tree.

Numerals. The cardinal numeral has a full form ending in -in, and another abbreviated from it used in counting objects, and not extending beyond ten; an ordinal, with prefix -ísa-, is-, apheret. sa-, s-; a distributive substituting -ákin to -in of the cardinal, and an adverbial form in -a.

	Cardinals.		Ordinals.
1	hámgin	hámmai	ihatitchíska first
2	hokólin	hŏ′ko	sahokólat second
3	tut'tchínin	tút'tchi	satut'tchínat
4	ō′stin, ū′stin	ō′sti	sō′stat
5	tcha'hgípin	tchá'hgi	satcha'hgíbat
6	ipákin	ípa	(i)sipákat
7	kolapákin	kólapa	iskolapákat
8	tchinapákin	tchínapa	istchinapákat
9	ōstapákin	óstapa	isūstapákat
10	pálin	pá	ispálat
20	páli-hokólin	páli-hokólin	ispali-hokólat
100	tchúkpi hámgin	tchúkpi hámgin	istchúkpi hámgat
	Distributives.		Adverbials.
1	hamgákin and hamgahákin		ahámkutcha once
	one to each
2	hokolákin and hokolahákin		ahokóla twice
	two to each
3	tut'tchinákin		atút'tchina
4	ūstákin		ō'sta
5	tcha'hgipákin		tcha'hgíba
6	ipakákin and ipahákin		ípaka
7	kolapakákin		kolapáka
8	tchinapahákin and tchinapakákin		tchinapáka
9	ōstapahákin and ōstapakákin		ūstapáχa
10	palákin and palahákin		pála
20	pali-hokolákin		páli-hokóla
100	tchúkpi hamgákin		tchúkpi hámgat

tipaχótchki "folded once"

tipaχó'hli ō′stin "folded four times"

tipaχó'hli tchinapákin "folded eight times"

hamháχosi "one here and one there, scattered."

The personal pronoun is as follows:

I áni, subj. ánit, obj. ánin, abbr.	am-, an-, a-
thou tchími, tchímit, tchímin	tchim-, tchin-
he, she, it ími, ímit, ímin	im-, in-, i-, m-
we pómi, púmi; pómit, pomin	pom-, pum-, pon-
ye tchimitáki, etc.	tchintági
they imitáki, etc.	íntaki

Cha'hta distinguishes between the inclusive and exclusive pronouns we, our, but Creek and Hitchiti do not.

The possessive pronoun is as follows:

my tcha-; am-, an-, a-	tcháka my head
thy tchi-	tchíka thy head
his, her, itsim-, in-, i-	íka, his, her, its head
our punági, pu-tági, pu-, po-	pukatáki, póka our heads
your tchinakitáki, tchimitaki, tchi-tagi	tchikatági your heads
their inakitáki, imitági, i-tagi	ikatáki their heads

The possessive relation is usually expressed:

(1) by the possessive pronoun prefixed to the object possessed: tcháka my head, anhopuitáki my children.

(2) when two nouns, especially substantives, stand in the relation of possession, the possessor stands in the absolute case before the object possessed, the pronoun im-, in-, i- being prefixed to the latter.

isti Mashkóki imíkana the land of the Creek men.

ádshi intálapi ear of maize; lit. "maize its ear."

ádsh' imápi stalk of maize.

íngi ítchki his thumb; lit. "his hand its mother."

Other pronouns:

isti person is used as indefinite pron.: somebody; istíka somebody's head, a person's head; stillipaíχa boot, from isti, íli, paíχa; isti hápu somebody's camping place.

istä′mat, pl. istämatáki? who?

istómat? abbr. ístat? (s. and pl.) which? which one?

hía, ya, í-a this (close by); subj. híat, obj. hían (in Cheroki: hía this, this one).

ma, mat, man this (further off).

ása, ásat, ásan that (far off).

Verb. The Creek verb is of the polysynthetic type, and inflects by means of prefixes, infixes and (chiefly by) suffixes. It possesses an affirmative, negative, interrogative and distributive form, which latter is used as a form for the plural of the subject in the intransitive verbs; it also has a large number of conversational forms usually derived by contraction, ellipses, etc., from the regular or standard forms; and in some of its inflections also a reverential besides the common form. It is rich in modes, verbals and voices and may be called extremely rich in tense-forms, when we compare to it the poverty of many other American languages.

The verb incorporates the direct and indirect pronominal object and inflects for person. In certain conjugational forms the personal affix is a prefix, in others a suffix. The historic tense, a sort of aorist, is formed by the infix -h- and a change of the radical vowel occurs at times, though not so often as in Cha'hta. Intransitive verbs show special forms, according to the number of the subject (singular, dual, plural). Very frequently these latter forms are made from different roots, as will be seen from the instances given below. Many transitive verbs have, when their object stands in the plural, a (distributive) form differing entirely or partially from the one referring to an object in the singular; a few others show this change, when their subject passes from the singular to the plural number. Other transitive verbs are combining the two inflections just described.

Adjectives can be verbified and then appear in the shape of attributive verbs: haúki, pl. hauháki hollow; haúkäs I am hollow, haúkis it is hollow, hauhákis they are hollow. No real substantive verb being extant, its want is supplied by ómäs, mómäs, tóyäs I am so, I am such; these are conjugated regularly, and when connected with the verbals in -t (-at, -it, -ut) of any verb, compose a periphrastic conjugation which displays itself in an almost infinite number of forms.

From all this it becomes evident, that the Creek verb surpasses in its large power of polysynthesis the Algonkin, Dakota and Kalapuya verb, and in the richness of its forms approaches closely to the Iroquois verb, which is poorer in tenses, but has an impersonal conjugation and fourteen persons to each tense of the finite verb. Creek is likely to surpass also the Basque verb, which has become proverbial for the almost infinite number of its intricate verb forms.[133]

I propose to give below the inflection of the Creek verb in its general outlines only, as far as necessary to give an idea of the subject. The Creek conjugation is regular throughout in its standard forms, though the conversational form has introduced modifications.

Inflection of ísita to take, carry, hold (one object) and of tcháwita to take (more than one object). Only three tenses were given here as examples of tcháwita, although it has as many modes, tenses and other forms as ísita.

Active Voice.
Affirmative conjugation.
Declarative mode.

Present: ísä-is, or ísäs I am taking, 2 s. ísitchkis, 3 s. ísis; 1 pl. ísīs, ísis, 2 pl. isā′tchkis, 3 pl. isákis.

tcháwä-is or tcháwäs I am taking (more than one obj.), 2 s. tcháwitchkis, 3 s. tcháwis; 1 pl. tcháwīs, 2 pl. tchawā′tchkis, 3 pl. tchawā′kis.

The preterit tenses: í'hsäs I took, 2 s. í'hsitchkis, 3 s. í'hsis; 1 pl. i'hsis, 2 pl. i'hsā′tchkis, 3 pl. i'hsā′χkis.

tchá'hwäs I took (pl. of obj.), 2 s. tcha'hwítchkis, etc.

isäyángis, I have taken, 2 s. isitchkángis, 3 s. ísangis,-kis; 1 pl. ísiyankis, 2 pl. ísákatchkankis, 3 pl. isákankis.

tchawayángis I have taken (pl. of obj.), 2 s. tchawitchkánkis, etc.

isáyatis I took (indefinite, aorist or historic past tense), 2 s. isítchkatis, 3 s. ísatis; 1 pl. isíatīs, 2 pl. isátchkatis, 3 pl. isákatis.

isäyántas I took (long ago), 2 s. isitchkántas, 3 s. ísantas, etc.

isäimátas I had taken, 2 s. isitchkimátas, 3 s. isimátas, etc.

The future tenses: isá`lis I shall take, 2 s. isítchka`lis, etc.

isa`lánäs I am going to take, 2 s. isa`lánitchkis, 3 s. isa`lánis, etc.

isipayatitá`lis I shall have taken, 2 s. isipitchkatitá`lis, 3 s. isipatitá`lis, etc.

Conditional or subjunctive mode.

(ómati, ómat if, when, connected with the verbal in -n.)

Present: ísän ómat(i) if I take, 2 s. isítchkin ómat, 3 s. ísin ómat, etc.

Preterit: isä′yatin ómat if I had taken, 2 s. isítchkatin ómat, etc.

Future: isa`lánän ómatî'h if I am going to take, 2 s. isa`lanítchkin ómati'h, etc.

Potential mode.

ísayis I can take, 2 s. ísitchkīs, 3 s. isīs, isi-is, etc.

isa`lanáyat tálkis I must take, I have to take, 2 s. isa`lánitcha tálkis.

ísaχant ómatin ómäs I ought to have taken, 2 s. ísaχant ómatin ómitchkis.

ísi wäítäyis I may take, 2 s. ísitchki wäítīs, 3 s. ísi wäítīs.

isa`láni wäítayis probably I shall take (at some future time), 2 s. isa`lánitchki wäítīs, or wäítayis.

isáyi titáyïs (abbr. táyis) I am able to take, 2 s. isítchki titáyīs.

Imperative mode.

2 s. ísas! do thou take! (as a command). 2 pl. ísakis! do ye take! 2 s. ísipas! take! (reverential or exhortative). 2 pl. isípakis! take ye! ye may take!

Verbals, or nominal forms of verb.

ísita to take, the taking; tcháwita (pl. of obj.)

Present:	ísä-i	subj.	ísä-it, ísät	obj.	ísä-in
			I taking, I a taker.
2 s.	ísitchki		ísitchkit		ísitchkin
			thou taking.
3 s.	ísi		ísit		ísin
			he, she taking.
1 pl.	ísī		ísīt		ísīn
			we taking, we takers.
2 pl.	isátchk i		isátchkit		isátchkin
			ye taking.
3 pl.	isáki		isákit		isákin
			they taking.
Preterit:	isä′yati		isä′yatit		isä′yatin
			I having taken.
2 s.	isítchkati		isítchkatit		isítchkatin
			thou having taken.
3 s.	ísati		ísatit		ísatin
			he, she having taken.
1 pl.	isakíyati	2.	isakátchkati	3.	ísakati etc.
Future:	isa`lánä-i		isa`lánän	I going to take.
	isa`lánitchki		isa`lánitchkin	thou going to take.
	isa`láni		isa`lánin	he, she going to take.
pl.	isa`láni, isa`lánatchki, isaka`láni, etc.

isákofan,	abbr.	isákof while taking.
isíkofan,	"	isíkof before he took.
isigáχkan,	"	ísiga because he takes or took.
isa`lániχkan,	"	isa`laniga because he will take.

Interrogative conjugation (specimen).

ísäya? do I take? 2 s. ísitska?, 3 s. ísa? 1 pl. ísiya? 2 pl. ísatska? 3 pl. isā′ka?

tcháwäya? do I take? (pl. of obj.), etc.

Negative conjugation:

isákus I do not take; 2 s. isítskigus, 3 s. isígus; 1 pl. isígus, 2 pl. isátskigus, 3 pl. iságigus.

tchawákus I do not take (pl. of obj.), etc.

Negative-interrogative conjugation:

isă'kō? do I not take? 2 s. isítskigō? 3 s. isĭ′gō? 1 pl. isī′go? 2 pl. isátskigō? 3 pl. iságigō? (suffix -gō often nasalized into -gōⁿ, -kōⁿ, -kuⁿ).

tchawă′kō? do I not take? etc.

Conjugation with indirect object:

imísäs I take for somebody, I take from somebody, 2 s. imísitchkis, 3 s. imísis; 1 pl. imisĭs, 2 pl. imísatchkis, 3 pl. imisā′kis.

intcháwäs I take for somebody (pl. of obj.), etc.

Medial conjugation:

isípäs I take for myself, 2 s. isípitchkis, 3 s. isípis; 1 pl. isípīs, 2 pl. isípatskis, 3 pl. isákipis.

tchawípäs I take for myself (pl. of obj.), etc.

Passive Voice.

It is formed from the active voice by inserting ho-, hu- after the basis of the verb. From ísäs I take is formed tchas'hóyäs (for tcha-is-hóyäs) I am taken; -s- being the only sound of the radix remaining.

Present: tchas'hóyäs I am taken, I am being taken; 2 s. tchis'hóyäs, 3 s. is'hóyäs; 1 pl. putcha-uhóyäs, 2 pl. tchitcha-uhoyákäs, 3 pl. tcha-uhóyäs.

Past: tchas'hóhyis, I was taken.

Future: tchas'hoya`lánis, I shall be taken.

Part. pass. partic. i'hsik; pl. of obj. á'hwak taken.

Other Voices.

Reciprocal voice: itítchawīs we take each other.

u'hlátkäs I fall on, upon: itu'hlátkäs I attack, have a scuffle.

Reflective voice: i-ísäs I take or carry myself.

yíkläs I pinch; iyíkläs I pinch myself.

Causative voice. This form had better be called a derivative form than a voice, as will appear from the following instances:

isipúidshäs I cause to take.

púskäs I fast; puskipúidshäs I make fast, puskä′dshäs I make, cause to fast; puskidshä′dshäs I cause to fast for initiation.

hátkis it is white, hatídshäs I whiten.

kí`läs I know, ki`lídshäs I inform, apprize, i-uki`lkuídshäs I explain myself.

huí`läs I stand, hui`lídshäs I set up, place, make stand.

Impersonal voice. A paradigm of an impersonal verb, inflected with its pronominal object, is as follows:

isanhí`lis it is good for me (hí`li good), 2 s. istchinhí`lis, 3 s. isinhí`lis; ispunhí`lis it is good for us, 2 pl. istchinhí`lagis, 3 pl. isinhí`lagis.

Other Conjugational Forms.

Paradigms of verbs inflected with the subject-pronoun standing either separate or incorporated:

ánit ómäs I do, am the cause of	antalgósis I am alone (for ánit álgosis)
tchímit ómadshksh	tchintalgósis thou art alone
ímit ómis	intalgósis
pómit ómīs we do	puntálgosis and puntalgosákis
tchintágit ómadshksh	tchintalgosákis
(i)mitágit ómīs	intalgosákis

Objective or compound conjugation.

A transitive verb connected with its direct pronominal object runs as follows:

yíklita to pinch, the pinching.

tchiyíkläs I pinch thee.

yíkläs I pinch him, her, it, or I pinch one object.

tchiyíklaχas I pinch ye.

yíklaχäs I pinch them, or several objects.

tchayíklitchkis thou pinchest me.

puyíklitchkis thou pinchest us.

yíklis he, she pinches (another).

yíklakōs, contr. yíklaks I do not pinch him, her, it.

yíklaχakōs I do not pinch them.

tchiyíklakōs I do not pinch thee.

tchiyíklayä? do I pinch thee?

yíkläya? do I pinch him, her, it?

yiklakayá? do I pinch them?

A transitive verb connected with its indirect pronominal object conjugates in the same manner, unless there is in it the idea for the benefit of, or for the detriment of, or from, away from somebody or something connected with it. In this case the pronoun im-, in-, i- is prefixed; paradigm given above.

käídshita to say, the saying, käídshäs I say.

tchikäídshás (for tchikäídshä-is) I say to thee.

käídshä-is, käídshäs I say to him, her, it (to one person).

tchikäídshakä′-is I say to ye.

käídshakä′-is I say to them (to several persons).

tchakäídshis he, she says to me.

tchikäídshis he, she says to thee.

käídshis he, she says to (to another).

pukäídshis he says to us.

tchikäídshagis he says to ye.

käídshagis he says to them (to several persons).

tchikäídshi-is we say to thee.

tchakäítchatchkis ye say to me.

tchikäítchakakīs they say to ye.

käidshakákīs they say to them.

Intransitive Verbs.

Subject in the singular, dual and plural number:

aláχäs I come, alahókis we two come, yē′dshīs we come.

ó`läs I arrive, o`lhóyis, o`lä′-idshis.

homaχtá-is I am ahead, I lead, du. and pl. homaχ'hóti-is.

wákäs I am lying, wak'hógis, lúmhīs.

húi`läs I stand, sihókis, sabáχlis.

á`läs I am about, wilágis, fúllis.

tchíyäs I enter, tchuχalágīs, sidshíyis.

On a special use made of the verbal dual, cf. Ceremonial allocutions.

Transitive Verbs.

Object in the singular and plural number; the latter form also marking a repetition of the act.

ilídshäs I kill, pasátäs.

háyäs I make, háhaidshäs; pl. of subject hayäkīs.

mutchasídshäs I make new, mutchasakúidshäs.

ki`lä′dshäs I cause to know, apprize, ki`lakuídshäs.

túläs I fell (a tree etc.), tultuídshäs I fell repeatedly, or many objects.

falápäs I split; ítun falá'hlidshäs I split many sticks separately.

náfkäs I strike, nafnákäs.

hopíläs I inhume, hopilhuídshäs and hopiláχäs.

tádshäs I cut off, sever, wá`läs.

Syntax.

Many conjunctions are formed from the auxiliary verbs ómäs, mómäs and thus are in fact verbs, not particles. In spite of the frequent use to which they are put they do not relieve the sentence of its heaviness to any perceptible extent; for what we call incident clauses and also many co-ordinate principal sentences are uniformly expressed by groups of words, the verb of which stands in the -t or -n verbal, which nearest corresponds to our participle in -ing, or to having (h. gone, carried), sometimes five or six of them, followed at the close by a finite verb. Instances of this our Creek text affords almost on every page. This sort of incapsulation greatly embarrasses interpreters in the rendering of Creek texts in any of the modern European languages, which have a tendency towards analytic and an aversion to synthetic structure of the sentence, and therefore use conjunctions freely. A conjunction corresponding in every respect to our and exists in none of the Maskoki dialects.

The syntax is remarkably simple and uniform; the multiplicity of grammatic forms precludes the formation of many syntactic rules, just as in Sanscrit. The position of the words in the sentence is: subject, object, verb. The adjective when used attributively stands after the noun qualified.

Lexical Affinities.

Several Creek words possess a striking resemblance with words of equal or related signification, pertaining to other languages. Some of them are undoubtedly borrowed, while others may rest on a fortuitous resemblance. A few of them were pointed out by H. Hale, in Amer. Antiquarian V, 120. I consider as being borrowed from Cheroki:

Cr. átasi war-club, in Cher. atsá, at'sá; occurs in the Cher. war-name: At'sá utégi the one throwing away the war-club. It contains the idea of being bent, crooked; inatá atassíni the snake is crawling.

Cr. tchū′ska, post-oak, H. tchíski; Cher. tchuskó.

Cr. yĕnása, Cha'hta yánash bison, buffalo; Cher. yánasa.

The Creek sulitáwa soldier and the Cha'hta shulush shoe were borrowed from the French terms soldat and soulier (from Lat. subtalare).

Alike in Creek and Cheroki, but of uncertain provenience are tsúla, tchúla fox, in Yuchi sátchoni; hía, i-a this, this one (pron. dem.). Compare also Cr. níni road, trail with Cher. naⁿnóhi, nä-ĕnóhi road. The Cr. words tíwa hair, scalp, and wáhu winged elm are said to be borrowed from foreign languages. It will be noticed, that names of plants, and especially of animals hunted by man often spread over several contiguous linguistic areas.

The Maskoki dialects, it must be acknowledged, have remained remarkably free from foreign admixture.

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SECOND OR SPECIAL PART.
THE KASI'HTA MIGRATION LEGEND.

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