Sources

FOOTNOTES:

[71:1] Moeller, i., 67, 75; cf. Acts xviii., 1-3.

[71:2] Gibbon, i., 579.

[71:3] Apol., 5; Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 25.

[71:4] Euseb., ii., c. 2.

[72:1] Shortly before the Christian era the Jews were so numerous that 8000 could sign a petition to the Emperor.—Josephus, Antiq., xvii., c. 11.

[72:2] Acts xxviii., 14-16; Ramsay, St. Paul, ch. 15.

[72:3] Acts xxviii., 24, 30, 31.

[72:4] Euseb., ii., c. 22.

[73:1] Annals, xv., 44.

[73:2] Euseb., vi., c. 43.

[73:3] Gibbon, i., ch. 15.

[73:4] Orr, Neglected Factors, 39.

[73:5] Rom. xv., 24; Muratorian Fragment; Clement of Rome, To Corinth, c. 5; Alzog, i. 125; Kurtz, i., 44.

[73:6] Eccl. Hist., c. 4.

[73:7] Against Jud., c. 7.

[73:8] Euseb., v., c. 1.

[74:1] Annales Francorum.

[74:2] Irenæus, Against Her., i., c. 10.

[74:3] Tertullian, Apol., c. 37; Cyprian, Ep., 71, 73; Augustine, On Bap., ii., c. 13.

[74:4] Rom. i., 8.

[75:1] The pagan writer Celsus was familiar with this idea as early as 161 A.D.

[75:2] But nothing could be farther from the truth than Gibbon's statement that the Christians were won "almost entirely" from the "dregs of the populace." See Orr, Neglected Factors.

[75:3] Ramsay in his Church in the Roman Empire, 57, goes so far as to say that the new faith "spread at first among the educated more rapidly than among the uneducated." This statement, however, is probably an exaggeration. See an excellent discussion in Orr, Neglected Factors, 95-163; Merivale, The Romans under the Empire, ch. 54.

[76:1] Phil. iv., 22; Lightfoot, Philippians, 171 ff.; Howson, St. Paul, ch. 26; Weizäcker, Apost. Age, ii., 132; Harnack, Princeton Rev., 1878, p. 257; Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iii., c. 18.

[76:2] Alzog, i., §§ 48, 52, 53; Berington and Kirk, ii., 1-113; Gibbons, Faith of Our Fathers; Cath. Encyc.

[78:1] Matt. xvi., 18, 19. In Syro-Chaldaic, the tongue probably used by Jesus, "Peter" means "rock" or "cephas." The only parallel in modern languages is in French: "Tu es Pierre, et sur cette pierre," etc. Cf. John i., 42.

[78:2] John i., 42.

[78:3] Mark v., 37; Luke viii., 51.

[78:4] Matt. xvii., 1; Mark ix., 2; Luke ix., 28.

[78:5] Matt. xxvi., 37; Mark xiv., 33.

[78:6] Luke xxiv., 12, 34; cf. John xx., 2-10; Weizäcker, i., § 3.

[78:7] Luke xxii., 31-32; John xxi., 15-18.

[79:1] Matt. x., 2-4; Mark iii., 16-19; Luke vi., 14-16; Acts i., 13.

[79:2] Acts iii., 1-12.

[79:3] Acts ii., 14-41.

[79:4] Acts ii., 41.

[79:5] Acts x.

[79:6] Acts v., 1 ff.

[79:7] Acts viii., 21.

[79:8] Acts ix., 32.

[79:9] Acts i., 13-26.

[79:10] Acts xv., 6-12.

[79:11] Acts xii.

[79:12] Gal. i., 18; ii., 11.

[80:1] 1 Peter v., 13. St. John everywhere in his Apocalypse calls Rome Babylon: xiv., 8; xvii., 18.

[80:2] 1 Ep. to Corinth, Sec. 5.

[80:3] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., ii., c. 15; iii., c. 39.

[80:4] Ib., ii., c. 25.

[80:5] Against Heresy, iii., 3, No. 2.

[80:6] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vi., c. 14.

[80:7] De Præsc. Hæret. c. 36.

[80:8] Cf. Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iii., c. 1.

[80:9] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., ii., c. 25.

[81:1] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., ii., c. 13, 14.

[81:2] James, Apocr. Anecdota, ii., p. x.

[81:3] Inst. Div., iv., 21.

[81:4] Cureton, Ancient Syriac Docs., 33.

[81:5] Eccl. Hist., ii., c. 14, 15, 17, 25; iii., 21, 31; v., 6.

[81:6] For passages from later writers consult Lipsius, 236, Ramsay, Harnack, Farrar, Lightfoot, McGiffert, Schaff, Renan, Neander, Lea, Kurtz, Hase, Moeller, etc.

[82:1] Hegesippus made a list of bishops in Rome in the time of Anicetus (155-168) but it is now lost (Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iv., c. 22). Eusebius used that list, and also gave two lists of his own in Greek with Peter as the first (Chronicon, ii.; Eccl. Hist., v., c. 6). The first Latin list is the Catalogus Liberianus (352?), based upon earlier lists. St. Augustine (Ep. 53) and Optatus (Donatist Schism, ii., 3) both give Latin lists. These lists show how early the whole Church recognised the importance of the succession of Roman bishops. The list made out by Irenæus in the time of Bishop Eleutherus (174-189) gives Peter and Paul as the joint founders of the Church.

[82:2] Epistles 43, 5; 55; 59, 7 and 14; 71, 3; 73, 7; 75, 17; Ante-Nic. Fathers, v., 263-596; Robinson, Readings, i., ch. 4.

[82:3] Matt. xvi., 16.

[82:4] Lightfoot, Clement, ii., 481-490; Hort, Ecclesia, 16.

[83:1] Matt. xviii., 18.

[83:2] John xxi., 15-18; Luke xxii., 31, 32.

[83:3] Cf. Acts; 1 Pet. 1-3; 2 Pet.

[83:4] Acts i., 13-26; ii., 14-41; iii., 1-12; x.; xv., 7-12, etc.

[83:5] Matt. x., 2; xvii., 1; xxvi., 37; Mark iii., 16; v., 37; ix., 2; xiv., 33; Luke vi., 14; viii., 51; ix., 28; Acts i., 13.

[83:6] Acts xv., 1-11.

[83:7] Gal. ii., 11-14.

[83:8] Luke xxii., 31; John xiii., 36-38; Matt. xvi., 23, etc.

[84:1] 1 Pet. v., 1. See 2 John i., 1; 3 John i., 1.

[84:2] 1 Pet. v., 13.

[84:3] Cf. Lipsius for a full discussion of the so-called "Simonian theory."

[85:1] John i., 44.

[85:2] Matt. iv., 18; Mark i., 16-20.

[85:3] Matt. viii., 14; Mark i., 29-31; Luke iv., 38.

[85:4] Matt. iv., 18; xix., 27; Mark i., 16; John i., 35, 40, 51; Luke v.; xviii., 28.

[85:5] Mark iii., 13-19; Luke vi., 12-16.

CHAPTER VI
THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT'S TREATMENT OF THE CHRISTIANS

Outline: I.—Religious persecutions before the Christian era. II.—Christians first persecuted by the Jews. III.—Causes and motives of persecution by the Roman government. IV.—Number and general character of the persecutions. V.—Results of persecutions. VI.—Sources.

Religious persecution originated long before the Christian era began—in fact it runs through the whole history of religion. In Rome all citizens were required by law to conform to the Roman religion so that the gods would protect the state. Refusal brought punishment, but always on political grounds.[91:1] Foreign religions which were either harmless or helpful were often adopted, or at least tolerated.[91:2] Those, however, which were dangerous to public morality, social order, or political security, and which were not tolerant of other religions, were severely treated by the Roman government. This was the Roman legal principle of procedure in the case of every such religion,[91:3] hence when Christianity appeared,

Rome had already developed a distinct policy which first tolerated and then persecuted it.

Persecution came to the Christians first from the Jews. Had not these deserters of their fathers' faith precipitated Roman hatred upon the Jews which resulted in persecution, expulsion, and loss of freedom and independence?[92:1] Might not the Jewish religion be greatly weakened if this proselyting continued? Hence the Christians were persecuted individually and in masses.[92:2] The Jews sought in every possible way to incite the Roman authorities against the hated Christians.[92:3] This resulted in an irreparable breach between the two sects. The Christians were brought into greater prominence, and the Romans even sought to protect them from the Jewish fanatics.[92:4] At the same time a greater Christian zeal was aroused, and thus the spread of the new faith was promoted.

The Roman government tolerated the Christians at the outset, because they were regarded as a harmless sect of Jews, whose work was quiet and unobtrusive.[92:5] The significance of Christianity was not understood, nor the marvellous spread of the faith noticed. Indeed Roman hostility to the Jews led at first to

personal and official protection of the supporters of the new faith, until the Jewish War in 70 A.D.

The Roman policy soon changed, however, from that of indifference, or protection, to persecution. The causes for this change are: (1) The political science of the Roman Empire, and (2) the inherent character of Christianity.

Ethically the Roman state embodied the highest good, hence all human good depended upon the integrity and security of the state. That principle subordinated the religious to the political, and made the Emperor the head of all recognised religions. Roman law upheld this theory, as clearly stated by Cicero: "No man shall have for himself particular gods of his own; no man shall worship by himself new or foreign gods, unless they are recognised by the public laws."[93:1] Julius Paulus, a Roman citizen, stated the idea thus: "Whoever introduces new religions, the tendency and character of which are unknown, whereby the minds of men might be disturbed, should, if belonging to the higher rank, be banished; if to the lower, punished with death." Gaius said of forbidden associations: "Neither a society, nor a college, nor any body of this kind, is conceded to all persons promiscuously; for this thing is regulated by laws, or codes of the Senate, and by imperial constitutions."[93:2] Hence from a legal standpoint Christianity was illegal, because it introduced a new religion not admitted into the class of religiones licitæ. "You are not permitted by the law," was the taunt of pagans.[93:3]

To organise churches and to hold unlicensed meetings were violations of Roman law. Might they not easily serve as covers for political plots? Mæcenas advised Augustus: "Worship the gods in all respects in accordance with the laws of your country, and compel all others to do the same. But hate and punish those who would introduce anything whatever alien to our customs in this particular . . . because such persons, by introducing new divinities, mislead many to adopt foreign laws. Hence conspiracies and secret combinations—the last things to be borne in a monarchy."[94:1] Roman citizens, therefore, who turned Christian were criminals, outlaws, bandits, and traitors; consequently the best Emperors, those who felt called upon to enforce the law for the weal of the Empire, those who wished to restore the vigour and power of old Rome, sought to exterminate them, while the worst rulers were mostly indifferent, and in some instances tolerant.

Christianity, inherently, was opposed to the whole governmental, social, and religious systems of Rome in the most offensive and uncompromising manner. It advocated one God for all men, one universal kingdom, one brotherhood of all men, and one plan of salvation. It was world-wide, above the Emperor, and advocated a non-Roman unity. The Christians were subjects of God's kingdom first, and the Emperor's next; and when Rome spurned this secondary allegiance they ceased to feel themselves Romans at all.[94:2] They refused the duties of loyal citizens, held no offices, objected to military service,[94:3] and refused

to sacrifice to the honour of the Emperor.[95:1] "Does not the Emperor punish you justly?" asked Celsus. "Should all do like you he would be left alone—there would be none to defend him. The rudest barbarians would make themselves masters of the world." Furthermore the Christians claimed the exclusive possession of divine knowledge and called all forms of pagan worship idolatrous.[95:2] Christianity itself was intolerant of all other religions. Was not Christianity the only true faith? How then could the Christians compromise with false faiths, or concede to them any truth, or any right to exist?[95:3] Hence it was inevitable, and Christians were keenly conscious of the fact, that a conflict should arise between Christianity and the Roman Empire, before the universal dominion of the world could come. The efforts of imperial officers to compromise matters, by insisting on mere outward conformity, met with little success.

The attack made by paganism on Christianity came first from Roman philosophers, scholars, and statesmen for all sorts of motives. Some desired popular favour, others were sincere, still others sought to win imperial approval. Many, no doubt, even though they had no longer any heart for the ancient faith, yet could not bear to see it abolished. They would agree with Cæcilius that "Since all nations agree to recognise the immortal gods, although their nature or their origin may be uncertain, I cannot endure that any one swelling with audacity and such irreligious knowledge should strive to dissolve or weaken a

religion so old, so useful, so salutary."[96:1] Tacitus called Christians "haters of mankind," and assailed their religion as a "destructive superstition."[96:2] Suetonius denounced the new faith as a "poisonous or malignant superstition." Others scoffed at these odd devotees as "dangerous infidels," "enemies of Cæsar and of the Roman people," and "a reprobate, unlawful, desperate faction." Priests, driven on by duty and possibly fearing the loss of their offices, added their sacred voices to the popular clamour.[96:3] Merchants and artists, whose livelihood depended upon the sale of their products and wares to pagan temples and worshippers, raised their voices against the new sect "without altars, without temples, without images, and without sacrifices."[96:4] Then the populace, incited by the above-named classes, took up the opposition and soon spread the wildest reports.[96:5]

Christians were also declared to be responsible for every disaster like war, famine, fire, pestilence, flood, earthquakes, death of prominent persons, etc. The gods, angered at the presence of such persons, sent these dire calamities[96:6] on the atheists, who denied the many gods and worshipped but one, and who discarded all images—even that of the Emperor.[96:7] Did they not adore the wood of a cross and worship

the head of an ass?[97:1] Did they not refuse to conform to all religious observances and festivals? Who but dangerous conspirators would hold their meetings in secret at night? These anarchists who refused all civic service[97:2]; these social revolutionists who broke up family ties,[97:3] set slave against master, taught robbery under the guise of equality, refused to enjoy the social games and festivals, and interfered with business; these cannibals who ate the flesh and drank the blood of their infants, the offspring of their incestuous and adulterous carousals—what punishment could be too severe for such degenerates? Were they not a Jewish sect which had deserted the faith of their fathers, and which could command respect neither for age nor legality?[97:4]

The occasion for the inevitable war between the Roman sword and the Christian cross was popular hatred and ridicule, and the frequent outbreaks of the mobs. The fundamental cause was political necessity, for the Christians were guilty of crimen læsæ majestatis, high treason. Christianity in the

Roman Empire was somewhat like anarchy to-day in the United States in its relation to the state. The technical charges made against the Christians were: (1) introducing a religio illicita, for which the penalty was death or banishment; (2) committing læsa majestas, for which the penalty was loss of social rank, outlawry, or death by sword, fire, or wild beasts; (3) being guilty of sacrilegium, for which the penalty was death by crucifixion, the ax, or wild beasts; (4) practising magic, for which the penalty was crucifixion, or exposure to wild beasts in the circus.

Both the number and character of the persecutions seem to be misunderstood. The Church Fathers and many later historians magnify the number, fierceness, and duration of the persecutions, and the number killed.[98:1] On the contrary it seems that considerable time elapsed before the Christians were noticed by the government, which then proceeded against them with caution and reluctance and punished them in comparative moderation.[98:2] The Church enjoyed many seasons of rest and peace. The number of Christians killed during the entire period of persecution was comparatively small.[98:3] The persecutions varied with the whims and feelings of each Emperor—the best rulers like Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Decius, and Diocletian, feeling the necessity of upholding the law, were the most energetic persecutors, while the worst Emperors were indifferent, or even favourable. The early persecutions were only spasmodic outbreaks and limited; the later ones were general. There is no

reason for giving ten as the number of the persecutions—nor for comparing them with the ten plagues of Egypt.

The first persecution occurred in Rome under Nero in 64 A.D.[99:1] Some historians contend that the Neronian persecution fell upon the Jews, whom Tacitus, writing fifty years after the event, erroneously calls Christians.[99:2] Others maintain that the Jews, through court influence, shifted the punishment from themselves to the Christians.[99:3] Recent scholars, however, are inclined to accept the literal narrative of Tacitus.[99:4] According to his version of the situation, the persecution was accidental—a device of Nero to divert the suspicion directed against himself of having burned Rome—and local, that is, it did not extend to the provinces. A few Christians were tortured and compelled to confess themselves guilty of incendiarism and to give the names of others, and that led to the punishment of an "ingens multitudo" as Nero's scapegoats.[99:5] As a punishment for their alleged crime of incendiarism and "hatred for the human race," they were covered with the skins of wild beasts and torn to pieces by the dogs in the circus, crucified by day, and burned as torches by

night.[100:1] Paul, in all likelihood, fell a victim to this persecution and the Roman Church has always believed that Peter also perished at this time.[100:2]

As a result, the attention of the Roman government was directed to these "haters of the human race," and they became branded as outlaws and brigands. Popular fury ran riot. A precedent was established, both in Rome and the provinces, for punishing Christians for the name alone.[100:3] Nevertheless sympathy was won for them, they secretly increased in numbers, and were compelled to adopt a better organisation in order to resist oppression. Above everything else the striking difference between the Kingdom of God and the Empire of Cæsar was strongly marked on the Christian conscience.

After Nero's persecution, under the Flavian Emperors (68-96), there was a standing law against Christianity, like that against brigandage, but it was only occasionally enforced.[100:4] There is no positive proof of persecution under Vespasian (69-79). Titus (79-81), however, continued the policy of Nero.[100:5] Under Domitian (81-96) there was increased severity in both Rome and the provinces. This may have been occasioned in part by the fact that as a result of the Jewish War all toleration for the Jews was withdrawn. Christians were now classed with the hated Jews. Flavius Clemens, the Emperor's cousin, was executed

and his beautiful wife Domitilla was banished.[101:1] Many others were killed, compelled to fight wild beasts in the arena, or at least lost their property.[101:2] It was even reported that Domitian planned to have all the relatives of Jesus slain in order to prevent the rise of a possible rival in the east.[101:3]

Of "the Five Good Emperors" (96-180) who succeeded the Flavian rulers, three continued the policy of persecution. The first, Nerva (96-98), was tolerant to the Christians. The next Emperor, Trajan (98-117), one of the best Emperors, was not a wanton persecutor,[101:4] but felt it to be his duty to uphold the laws and religion of the Empire.[101:5] He was really the first Emperor to proceed against Christianity from a purely legal point of view. By this time Christianity was clearly recognised as a distinct sect and its real significance appreciated. His policy may be clearly seen in his correspondence with Pliny, the governor of Bithynia (112).[101:6] No doubt his views were influenced by Tacitus and Pliny, who regarded Christianity as a "bad and immoderate superstition." Still under Trajan persecution was limited to Bithynia,

Jerusalem, and Antioch, although Christianity had been formally proscribed everywhere, together with all secret societies. His attitude was the model for persecutions of the second century and later.[102:1]

Hadrian (117-138), who apparently judged Christianity rather trivially, issued the famous rescript which forbade riotous proceedings, on the one hand, and malicious information against the Christians on the other: "If any one, therefore, accuses them and shows that they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you pass judgment according to the crime. But, by Hercules! if any one bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminality and see to it that you inflict punishment."[102:2] Hadrian's adopted son and successor, Antoninus Pius (138-161), a wise, upright ruler, interfered to protect Christians at Athens and Thessalonica. His edict, given in Eusebius, is probably spurious, though the spirit may be correct.[102:3] Marcus Aurelius (161-180), an educated Stoic and an excellent Emperor, encouraged persecution against those guilty of "sheer obstinacy." Public calamities had again aroused the mob against the Christians. The imperial decree, "not fit to be executed even against barbarous enemies," authorised the use of torture to discover Christians and to compel them to recant, and also ordered the confiscation of property. This order to seek out

Christians, and not await formal complaints, seems to mark a new step in imperial legislation. Still persecution was not general, but confined to Lyons and Vienne in southern Gaul, and to Asia Minor.[103:1]

The period from 180 to 249 saw no essential changes.[103:2] Persecutions were merely local, and depended more upon provincial feeling and the character of the governor, than on the Emperor. Some of the Emperors were friendly to the new religion, others quite hostile. Commodus (180-193), dissolute, timid, and cruel, was friendly to the Christians owing, probably, to the influence of his favourite concubine, Marcia, who may have been a Christian.[103:3] Septimus Severus (193-211), an able soldier, was indifferent to the new faith up to 202, when he issued a rescript forbidding pagans from becoming Christians, and enforced the old Trajan law with considerable severity.[103:4] Caracalla (211-217) and Heliogabalus (218-222), two of the most contemptible Roman rulers, both tolerated Christianity. The former recalled banished Christians; the latter sought to merge Christianity into his own elective system of religion. Alexander Severus (222-235) actually gave Christianity a place in his cosmopolitan faith, had a bust of Jesus set up in his private chapel, allowed churches to be built, and protected the Christians.

But Christianity was not legalised. On the contrary, Ulpian, the great jurist, collected for public use in case of need all the imperial laws against the new faith.[104:1] Maximinus the Thracian (235-238), a coarse, brutal, military leader, ordered that all officers of the churches should be "put to death as responsible for the gospel teaching."[104:2] Philip the Arabian (244-248) was reported to be a Christian—at all events Christians were not punished during his rule.[104:3]

The last period of persecution (249-311) was characterised by civil and moral decline in the Empire and by the amazing growth of Christianity, which had become bold and aggressive. It must either be exterminated, or else adopted as the state religion. Hence the Emperors, who sought to restore the old power and splendour of ancient Rome, showed the greatest severity. Decius (249-251) issued the first edict of universal persecution (250) as a political necessity.[104:4] Local officials, under the threat of severe penalties, were required to compel all Christians to conform to the state religion. Christians might flee, but their property was confiscated and their return meant death. The inquisitorial process was employed and penalties were severe, especially for the leaders.[104:5] Decius declared that he would rather hear of the rise of a rival Emperor than of the appointment

of a Roman bishop.[105:1] Valerian (253-260) was said at first to be "mild and friendly toward the men of God,"[105:2] but public disasters and the advice of his friends led him to renew the persecutions, so he issued an edict in 257 commanding Christians to conform to the state religion on pain of banishment. The assembly of Christians was forbidden,[105:3] and the bishops were banished. The next year he promulgated a second decree more sanguinary than that of Decius, because it condemned all bishops, priests, and deacons to death.[105:4] Gallienus (260-268) recalled the exiled Christians, restored their church property, and forbade further persecution,[105:5] but Aurelian (270-275) ordered the old laws enforced with renewed vigour.[105:6] His death, however, prevented the execution of the order; and thus the Christians had about forty years of peace.

Under Diocletian (284-305), a warrior statesman, occurred the last, longest, and harshest persecution.[105:7] It was mildest in the West and worst in Syria and Egypt, and endured ten years. This Emperor, apparently, took up the sword very reluctantly. In 287 he issued a decree against the Manichæans in Egypt which was a general condemnation of Christianity. In 295 all soldiers were ordered to sacrifice on pain of expulsion, or, in obstinate cases, execution. In 303 Christians were accused of burning the imperial palace at Nicomedia and suffered accordingly. An

imperial edict commanded the churches to "be razed to the ground, the Scriptures destroyed by fire," Christian officials degraded, Christian servants enslaved, bishops imprisoned and forced to sacrifice, and torture employed to compel Christians to conform.[106:1] Everywhere these laws were executed, Eusebius says, with great severity until checked by the edict of limited toleration by Galerius and his co-regents in 311,[106:2] and stopped by the decree of complete toleration granted by Constantine in 313[106:3] after a glorious struggle of 250 years.

The results of the persecutions were very marked and have been both exaggerated and ignored:

1. The growth of Christianity was helped rather than hindered. Persecution advertised the new belief and won sympathy. It created an intense devotion to the cause, proved the truth of the religion, and made a martyr's crown desirable. Tertullian exclaimed: "Go on! rack, torture, grind us to powder; our members increase in proportion as you mow us down. The blood of Christians is their harvest seed. Your very obstinacy is a teacher. For who is not incited by a consideration of it to enquire what there is in the core of the matter? And who, after having joined us, does not long to suffer?" The period of persecution ended with a conquest of the Emperor and a large part of the Empire. The victory was thus a double one.

2. The organisation of the Church was effected. Persecution forced the Church to organise itself more

efficiently, produced responsible leaders, who were forced to direct the struggle against Rome and who, as a result, were given pre-eminence by special punishment, and developed the monarchio-episcopal system. The extraordinary development of the power of the Bishop of Rome, in particular, was influenced to a far greater degree than is ordinarily taken into account. Much emphasis has been laid on the fact that that epoch of outlawry ended by the adoption of Christianity by the Empire. A much more important result, however, is found in the fact that Christianity, for weal or woe, adopted the Roman Empire.

3. The Church was kept purer in belief and more united in form. The spiritual was magnified over the temporal. Common oppression joined Christians in common sympathy. The differences between Christianity and paganism were emphasised. With death over their heads the Christians thought little of life here but much of that hereafter and regulated their lives accordingly. Still the growing consciousness that the Church was a world-wide institution must have been powerfully stimulated. With the evolution of the idea of Christian unity appeared the conspicuous leadership of the Roman Church. Irenæus (d. 202) could declare that it was "a matter of necessity that every church should agree with this church, on account of its pre-eminent authority." Tertullian (c. 220) also recognised the distinction of the Roman Church, though later he questioned the validity of the Petrine claim. It was left to Cyprian (d. 258) to give the first complete account of the Universal or Catholic Church in his work on the Unity of the Church.

4. Persecution produced a group of extraordinary literary defenders like the apologists, controversialists, and letter writers, and helped to develop the fundamental, orthodox Christian doctrine. It also produced much legendary poetry; and out of this baptism of blood was created the heroic age of the Church, based partly on fact and partly on fiction.

5. The forms of worship were modified, the worship of saints and relics was originated, and the priesthood was sanctified and set above the laity.

6. An example was furnished for later persecutions of the pagans, Mohammedans, Jews, and heretics.