WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Newburgh, March 4, 1783.
Dear Sir:
I have received your favor of February, and thank you for the information and observations it has conveyed to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free communication of sentiments, and have often thought (but suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with the practice of Congress), that the public interest might be benefited, if the Commander-in-Chief of the army was let more into the political and pecuniary state of our affairs than he is. Enterprises, and the adoption of military and other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others. It follows, then, by fair deduction, that where there is a want of information, there must be chance-medley; and a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.
The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I have derived from the public gazettes, respecting the non-payment of taxes, contain all the information I have received of the danger that stares us in the face on account of our funds; and so far was I from conceiving that our finances were in so deplorable a state, at this time, that I had imbibed ideas from some source or other, that, with the prospect of a loan from Holland, we should be able to rub along.
To you, who have seen the danger to which the army has been exposed to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentiousness which it imbibed by becoming, in one or two instances, its own proveditors, no observations are necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be productive of civil commotions and end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.
The predicament in which I stand, as citizen and soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject of many contemplative hours. The sufferings of a complaining army on one hand, and the inability of Congress, and tardiness of the States on the other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive of events which are more to be deprecated than prevented: but I am not without hope, if there is such a disposition shown as prudence and policy dictate, to do justice, your apprehensions, in case of peace, are greater than there is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken, if those ideas which you have been informed are propagated in the army, should be extensive, the source of which may be easily traced; as the old leaven, it is said, for I have no proof of it, is again beginning to work, under the mask of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent cordiality.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line of conduct which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced, that the sensible and discerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted (although I never took pains to inform them) of the services I have rendered it on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find coincide with my own practice for several months past, and which was the means of directing the business of the army into the channel it now is, leave me under no great apprehension of its exceeding the bounds of reason and moderation; notwithstanding the prevailing sentiment in the army is, that the prospect of compensation for past services will terminate with the war.
The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be hoped will, have their weight with every sensible Legislature in the Union, if Congress point to their demands; show (if the case is so) the reasonableness of them; and the impracticability of complying without their aid. In any other point of view, it would, in my opinion, be impolitic to introduce the army on the tapis, lest it should excite jealousy and bring on its concomitants. The States cannot, surely, be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse their aid, on a full, clear, and candid representation of facts from Congress; more especially, if these should be enforced by members of their own body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure must lead to.
In my opinion it is a matter worthy of consideration, how far an adjournment of Congress for a few months is advisable. The delegates, in that case, if they are in unison themselves respecting the great defects of their Constitution, may represent them fully and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know nothing of the business which is before Congress, nor of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure would tend to promote the public weal: for it is clearly my opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to all general purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the expenses we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt, in the course of an eight years’ war, will avail us nothing.
The contents of your letter is known only to myself; and your prudence will direct what should be done with this.
With great esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.