History of the Mackenzies, with genealogies of the principal families of the name

by Alexander Mackenzie

XIII. COLIN FIRST EARL OF SEAFORTH,

AND SECOND LORD MACKENZIE OF KINTAIL, a minor only fourteen years old when his father died. On the 16th of July, 1611, a Royal precept is issued under the Signet to the Sheriff of Inverness directing him to have all brieves of inquest obtained by Colin, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, for serving him nearest and lawful heir to the late Kenneth Mackenzie, Lord of Kintail, his father, in all lands and annual-rents wherein his father died, last vested and seased, proclaimed and put to the knowledge of an inquest, notwithstanding the minority of the said Colin, "whereupon we have dispensed and by these present dispense" with that objection, providing always that the dispensation be not prejudicial to the donator of the ward of the said late Kenneth's lands in the matter of the mails, fermes, and duties of the same during the time of the ward thereof.

On the 16th of August, 1611, a proclamation is issued to the Highland chiefs, following upon one granted to Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Coigeach, as Tutor of Kintail, and four other leaders of the clan, on the 11th of June preceding, against assisting Neil Macleod and the other rebels of the Lewis, who had risen in arms against the Tutor, in the following terms:

Forasmuch as the barbarous and rebellious thieves and limmers of the Lewis, who have been suppressed and in some measure kept in subjection and obedience these years bygone, taking new breath and courage upon occasion of the decease of Kenneth, Lord Kintail, who was his Majesty's justice and commissioner in these bounds, they have now of late risen in arms in a professed and avowed rebellion against the Tutor of Kintail, whom his Majesty and his Council have authorised and constituted in that place of justiciary possessed by his deceased brother within the Lewis, and intend, with their whole power and force, not only to withstand and resist the said Tutor of Kintail in the advancement of his Majesty's authority and service within the Lewis, but to prosecute himself and his Majesty's good subjects attending upon him with all hostility - wherein they presume of farther backing and assistance, upon some foolish apprehension that the clansmen of the Isles who have given their obedience to his Majesty, and now stands under his Majesty's good grace, shall make shipwreck of their faith, credit, and promised obedience, and join with them in their detestable rebellion. And although his Majesty, in the sincerity of his royal heart, cannot apprehend any such disloyalty or treachery in the person of the clansmen of the Isles, who have had so large a proof of his Majesty's clemency, benignity, and favour, that now, so unworthily and unnecessarily, they will reject his Majesty's favour, and, to the inevitable hazard and peril of their estates, join with these miserable miscreants in their rebellion yet to take away all pretext of excuse from them, and to make them the more inexcusable if wilfully, traitorously, and maliciously they will suffer themselves to be carried in such an imminent danger, the King's Majesty and Lords of Secret Council ordain letters to be directed to command, charge, and inhibit all and sundry, the inhabitants of the Isles and continent next adjacent, namely Donald Macdonald Gorm of Sleat, Roderick Macleod of Dunvegan, called Macleod of Harris, Hugh Mackay of Farr, Mackay his son and apparent heir, and MacNeill of Barra, that none of them presume or take upon hand, under whatsoever colour or pretence, to concur, fortify, or assist the said rebellious thieves and limmers of the Lewis, nor to intercommune or join with them, supply them with men, victual, powder, bullets, or any other thing consortable unto them, nor to show them any kind of protection, consort, countenance, reset or supply, under the pain to be reputed, held, and esteemed as art and partakers with them in their rebellion, and to be pursued and punished for the same, as traitors to his Majesty and his country, with all vigour.

On the 28th of May, 1612, a commission, apparently first granted to those named in it on the 11th of June, 1611, but of which the original is not given in the published Records of the Privy Council, "almost expired" at the first-named date, and was renewed to the same persons - the Tutor of Kintail, Colin Mackenzie of Killin, Murdo Mackenzie of Kernsary, Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, and Kenneth Mackenzie of Darochmaluag. It is to the same effect as and in almost identical terms with the commission issued in favour of Kenneth, Lord Kintail, on the 19th of July, 1610 (given at length at pp. 193-94), and it confers full powers on the Tutor and his colleagues for the pursuit and apprehension of Neil Macleod and his fellow rebels in the Lewis.

A complaint is made on the 4th of March, 1613, by Sir William Oliphant, the King's Advocate, that all the chieftains and principal men of the Isles and mainland next adjacent having made their submission to his Majesty, "there only resteth Neil Macleod, called the Traitor, rebellious and disobedient." His accomplices are given as Malcolm Mac Rory MacLeod William Mac Rory Macleod, his brother, John Dubh Mac Angus Mac Gillemhichell, Gillecallum Mac Ian Mhic-ant-Sagairt, Murdo and Donald Mac Ian Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, Donald and Rory, sons to Neil Macleod, and Donald Mac Ian Duibh - the Brieve. They are stated to have maintained open rebellion in the Lewis for some years past, "but after their strength and starting hoill," called Berissay, had been attacked by the Tutor of Kintail and others in the King's name they fled to the bounds and country of Donald Mac Allan of Ellantirrim, where they were received and supplied by him and several others, whose names are given, "despite the proclamation of the commission against the resett of rebels made at Inverness," some time before. The resetters, to the number of nine, are denounced rebels and at the born.

At a meeting of the Council held on the 28th of April Roderick Macleod of Harris is charged to deliver up to the Tutor of Kintail within twenty days after the charge five of Neil Macleod's accomplices who had been apprehended by Roderick's brother Alexander. These are Malcolm and William, "sons to the late Neil Macleod, called the Traitor," Murdo Mac Ian Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, Malcolm Mac Ian Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, and Donald Mac Angus, "who were the chief actors and ringleaders in all the treasonable and rebellious attempts committed and perpetrated upon his Majesty's peaceable and good subjects within the Lewis these divers years bygone.

On the 20th of May a commission is issued in favour of the Tutor, Roderick MacLeod of Dunvegan and Harris, and John Grant of Grant, for the apprehension of Allan Mac Allaster, in Kilchoan, Knoydart, and several others of his relatives, for the murder of Ronald Mac Angus Gearr, and also, at the instance of Donald Mac Angus of Glengarry, for not finding caution to appear before the Justice for going by night armed with "daggs and pistolletts" to the lands of Laggan Achadrom in Glengarry, and setting fire to the houses there and destroying them with all their plenishing. They are afterwards apprehended, and on the 8th of February, 1614, a commission to try them is issued in favour of the Sheriff of Inverness and his deputies. In the meantime they are lodged in the tolbooth of that town.

The Tutor must have become responsible for Donald Gorm Macdonald, for on the 3rd of June, 1613, there is an entry declaring that "in respect of the personal compearance of Donald Gorm of Sleat" before the Privy Council their Lordships "exoner and relieve Rory Mackenzie of Coigeach of the acts" whereby he became acted for the entry of Macdonald before them on the last Council day of May preceding, and he is declared "free of said acts in all time coming." On the 24th of the same month a commission is issued to Roderick, Mr Colin Mackenzie of Killin, Murdo Mackenzie of Kernsary, Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, and Kenneth Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, to pass to the Lewis and apprehend Roderick and Donald Macleod, sons of Neil who had been executed at Edinburgh in the preceding April; William and Roderick Macleod, brothers of Malcolm, son of Rory Macleod, sometime of the Lewis; Donald Mac Ian Duibh - the Brieve, Murdo Mac Angus Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, Donald, his brother, Gillecallum Caogach Mac-an-t-Sagairt, John Dubh Mac Angus Mac Gillemhichell, Murdo Mac Torquil Blair, John Roy and Norman, sons of Torquil Blair, Donald Mac Neill Mhic Finlay, Gillecallum Mac Allan Mhic Finlay, and Donald Mac Dhomhnuill Mac Gillechallum, "actors in the first rebellion in the Lewis against the gentlemen venturers," all of whom bad been denounced as rebels on the 2nd of February the same year. This commission is renewed for twelve months on the 21st of June, 1614, and proclamation is ordered at Inverness and other places, charging all the inhabitants of the North Isles, and within the bounds of the lands, heritages, possessions, offices and bailliaries pertaining to Colin, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, except persons of the name of Fraser, Ross, and Munro, and their tenants and servants, to assist the commissioners in apprehending those named in the former commission.

On the 30th of July, 1613, in a long list of 121 persons before the Council from the County of Inverness, which then included Ross, and fined for the reset of the Clan Macgregor, Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Coigeach, as Tutor of Kintail, has L4000 against his name, by far the largest sum in the list, the next to him being his own uncle, Roderick Mor Mackenzie I. of Redcastle, with 4000 merks. There seems to have been some difficulty as to the settlement of these heavy fines, for on the 27th of October following, there is a missive before the Council from the King "anent the continuation granted to the Tutor of Kintail, Mr John and Rory Mackenzies, for payment of their fines," and directions are given accordingly that no new continuation be granted.

In 1614, while the Tutor was busily engaged in the island of Lewis, discussions broke out between different branches of the Camerons, instigated by the rival claims of the Marquis of Huntly and the Earl of Argyll. The latter had won over the aid of Allan MacDhomhnuill Dubh, chief of the clan, while Huntly secured the support of Erracht, Kinlochiel, and Glen Nevis, and, by force, placed them in possession of all the lands belonging to the chief's adherents who supported Argyll. Allan, however, managed to deal out severe retribution to his enemies, who were commanded by Lord Enzie, and, as is quaintly said, "teaching ane lesson to the rest of kin that are alqui in what form they shall carry themselves to their chief hereafter." The Marquis obtained a commission from the King to suppress these violent proceedings, in virtue of which he called out all his Majesty's loyal vassals to join him. Kintail and the Tutor demurred, and submitted the great difficulties and trials they had experienced in reducing the Lewis to good and peaceable government as their excuse, and they were exempted from joining Huntly's forces by a special commission from the King. Closely connected as it is with the final possession of the island by the House of Kintail, it is here given -

"James Rex, - James, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, to all and sundry our lieges, and subjects whom it effeirs to whose knowledge this our letters shall come greeting. For as much as we have taken great pains and travails, and bestown great charge and expense for reducing the Isles of our kingdom to our obedience: And the same Isles being now settled in a reasonable way of quietness, and the chieftains thereof having come in and rendered their obedience to us there rests none of the Isles rebellious, but only the Lewis, which being inhabitated by a number of godless and lawless people, trained up from their youth in all kinds of ungodliness: They can hardly be reclaimed from their impurities and barbarities, and induced to embrace a quiet and peaceable form of living so that we have been constrained from time to time to employ our cousin, the Lord Kintail, who rests with God, and since his decease the Tutor of Kintail his brother, and other friends of that House in our service against the rebels of the Lewis, with ample commission and authority to suppress their insolence and to reduce that island to our obedience, which service has been prosecuted and followed these divers years by the power, friendship and proper services of the House of Kintail, without any kind of trouble and charge or expense to us, or any support or relief from their neighbours and in the prosecution of that service, they have had such good and happy success, as divers of the rebels have been apprehended and executed by justice: But seeing our said service is not yet fully accomplished, nor the Isle of the Lewis settled in a solid and perfect obedience, we have of late renewed our former commission to our cousin Colin, now Lord of Kintail, and to his Tutor and some other friends of his house, and they are to employ their whole power, and service in the execution of the said commission, which being a service importing highly our honour, and being so necessary and expedient for the peace and quiet of the whole islands, and for the good of our subjects, haunting the trade of fishing in the isles, the same ought not to be interrupted upon any other intervening occasion, and our commissioners and their friends ought not to be distracted therefrom for giving of their concurrence in our services: Therefore, we, with advice of the Lords of our Privy Council, have given and granted our licence to our said cousin Colin. Lord of Kintail, and to his friends, men, tenants and servants, to remain and bide at home from all osts, raids, wars, assemblings, and gatherings to be made by George, Marquis of Huntly, the Earl of Enzie, his son, or any other our Lieutenants, Justices, or Commissioners, by sea or land either for the pursuit of Allan Cameron of Lochiel and his rebellious complices, or for any other cause or occasion whatsoever, during or within the time of our commission foresaid granted against the Lewis, without pain or danger to be incurred by our said cousin the Lord of Kintail and his friends in their persons, lands or goods; notwithstanding whatsoever our proclamation made or to be made in the contrary whatever, and all pains contained in it, we dispense by these presents, discharging hereby our Justices, Justice Clerk, and all our Judges and Ministers of law, of all calling, accusing, or any way proceeding against them, for the cause aforesaid, and of their officers in that part. Given under our signet at Edinburgh, the 14th day of September, 1614, and of our reign the 12th, and 48 years. Read, passed, and allowed in Council. Alexander, Chancellor. Hamilton, Glasgow, Lothian, Binning."

Having procured this commission, the Mackenzies were in a position to devote their undivided attention to the Lewis and their other affairs at home; and from this date that island principality remained in the continuous possession of the family of Kintail and Seaforth, until in 1844, it was sold to the late Sir James Matheson. The people ever after adhered most loyally to the illustrious house to whom they owed peace and prosperity such as was never before experienced in the history of the island.

The commission proved otherwise of incalculable benefit to Kintail; for it not only placed him in a position to pacify and establish good order in the Lewis with greater ease, but at the same time provided his Lordship with undisturbed security in his extensive possessions on the mainland at a time when the most violent disorders prevailed over every other district of the West Highlands and Isles.

On the 2nd of February, 1615, a commission is signetted in favour of Sir Roderick, Mr Colin Mackenzie of Strathgarve, Mr Alexander Mackenzie of Kinnock, and Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, to receive Malcolm Caogach Mac Jan Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, Callum Dubh Mac Allaster, Donald Mac Angus Mac Gillechallum, Gillecallum Mac Ian Riabhaich, and James Mac Ian Duibh, from the Magistrates of Edinburgh, to carry them north, and to keep them in ward until everything is ready for trying them for murder, mutilation, theft, reset, and other crimes.

At a meeting of the Council held at Edinburgh on the 9th of February, 1615, Neil Macleod's two sons, Norman and Roderick, are set at liberty on condition that they transport themselves out of the King's dominions and never return. They appeared personally "and acted and obliged them that within the space of forty days after their relief furth of their ward, where they remain within the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, they shall depart and pass furth of his Majesty's dominions and never return again within the same during their lifetimes, under the pain of death; and in the meantime, till their passing furth of his Majesty's dominions, that they shall not go benorth the water of Tay, under the said pain, to be executed upon them without favour if they fail in the premises. And they gave their great oath to perform the conditions of this present act; and further, the said Norman declared that he would renounce, like as by the tenour of this present act he does renounce, his Majesty's remission and pardon granted unto him, and all favour and benefit that he could acclaim by the said remission, in case he failed in the premises. In respect whereof the said Lords ordained the said Norman and Rory to be put to liberty and fredom furth of the Tolbooth"; and a warrant was issued to the Provost and Bailies of Edinburgh to give effect to their Lordships' decision. The Tutor appeared personally, and in name of Lord Kintail consented to the liberation of the prisoners. He at the same time protested that neither he nor his chief should be held any longer responsible for the expenses of maintaining Norman, now that lie was at liberty, and he was accordingly relieved from further charge on that account.

On the 26th of April following the Tutor receives a commission for the pursuit and apprehension of Coll MacGillespic Macdonald, Malcolm Mac Rory Macleod, and other fugitives, described as "the Islay rebels," who had fled from justice, should they land in the Lewis or in any other of the territories belonging to Lord Mackenzie of Kintail. In order that he may the better attend to this duty, along with several other heads of clans named in the same commission for their respective districts, and as "it is necessary that the commissioners foresaid remain at home and on nowise come to this burgh (Edinburgh) to pursue or defend in any actions or causes concerning them," their Lordships continued all actions against them until the 1st of November next, ordaining the said actions "to rest and sleep" till that date.

On the same day, a second dispensation under the signet is addressed to the Sheriff of Inverness and his deputes in favour of Lord Colin, requesting that despite his minority he be served heir to his father, the late Kenneth, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail. On the 25th of June following he is ordered to provide twenty-five men as part of an expedition for the pursuit of Sir James Macdonald and Coll MacGillespick. In June, 1616, he is appointed a Commissioner of the Peace for the Sheriffdom of Elgin and Forres.

On the outbreak of a new rebellion in the Lewis another commission, dated the 28th of August, 1616, to last for twelve months, was issued by the Privy Council, in favour of the Tutor and other leading men of the clan, couched in the following terms:

Forasmuch as the King's Majesty having taken great pains and troubles and bestowed great charges and expenses for reducing of the Islands of this Kingdom and continent next adjacent to his Majesty's obedience, and for establishing of religion, peace, justice, order, and government, within the same, in the which his Majesty by the force and power of his royal authority has had such a happy and good success as almost the whole chieftains of clans and headsmen of the Isles are come in and in all dutiful submission doth acknowledge his Majesty's obedience, so that now there is no part of the Isles rebellious but the Lewis - the chieftains whereof, as from time to time they raise up in credit, power, and friendship among the barbarous inhabitants thereof, have been apprehended and by course of justice have suffered their deserved punishment, and at last the traitor Neil, who was last ringleader of that rebellious society, being apprehended and executed to the death, whereby it was presumed that in him all further trouble, misery, and unquietness in the Lewis should have ceased and rested; notwithstanding it is of truth that Malcolm Macleod, son to Rory Macleod, sometime of the Lewis, has embraced that rebellious and treasonable course wherein his treacherous predecessors miserably perished, and having associated himself with the persons following - Rory and Donald Macleod, sons to the said umquhile Neil, and William and Rory Macleod, brothers to the said Malcolm, Donald Mac Ian Duibh-the Brieve, Murdo Mac Angus Mhic-an-t-Sagairt, Donald Mac Angus Mhic-an-t-Sagairt his brother, Gillecallum Caogach Mac-an-t-Sagairt, John Dubh Mac Angus Mac Gillemichell, Murdo Mac Torquil Blair, Norman Mac Torquil Blair, John Roy Mac Torquil Blair, Donald Mac Neil Mac Finlay, Gillecallum Mac Allan Mac Finlay, and Donald Mac Dhomhuill Mac Gillechallum - who were all actors in the first rebellion moved and raised in the Lewis against the gentlemen venturers who were directed by his Majesty there, and did prosecute that rebellion against them with fire and sword and all kinds of hostility, for the which and for other thievish and treasonable crimes committed by them they and every one of them were upon the second day of February, 1612, orderly denounced rebels and put to the horn - they have now combined and banded themselves in a most treacherous, disloyal, and pernicious course and resolution to maintain a public rebellion in the Lewis, and to oppose themselves with their whole power and strength against all and whatsoever courses shall be further taken by his Majesy's direction for repressing of their insolence; whereby is not only all intercourse and trade which by his Majesty's good subjects in the Lowlands would be entertained amongst them, made frustrate and void, but the preparative of this rebellion in consequence and example is most dangerous, and if the same be not substantially repressed, may give further boldness to others who are not yet well settled in a perfect obedience, to break loose. Accordingly, as it is "a discredit to the country that such a parcel of ground possessed by a number of miserable caitiffs shall be suffered to continue rebellious, whereas the whole remanent Isles are become peaceable and obedient; and whereas the said Lords, for repressing of the insolence of the whole of the rebellious thieves and limmers of the Lewis and reducing them to his Majesty's obedience, passed and expede a commission - to Roderick Mackenzie of Coigeach, Tutor of Kintail, Mr Colin Mackenzie of Killin, Murdo Mackenzie, their brother, Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, and Kenneth Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, for reducing of the limmers of the Lewis to obedience," which commission "is now expired, and the said thieves, taking new courage and breath thereupon, are become more insolent than formerly they were, and have lately made a very open insurrection and committed slaughter and bloodshed within the said bounds, in contempt of God and disregard of his Majesty's laws"; therefore his Majesty and the Lords of Council, understanding of the "good affection" of the said persons, now reconstitute them commissioners for the reduction of the said rebels, with full power and authority, etc. (as in previous commissions granted them) and, "for the better execution of this commission, to take the lymphads, galleys, birlinns, and boats in the Lewis and in the next adjacent Isles for the furtherance of his Majesty's service, - the said justices being always answerable to the owners of the said lymphads, galleys, birlinns, and boats for delivery of the same at the finishing of his Majesty's said service." Proclamation was to be made at Inverness and other places charging the lieges within the bounds of the North Isles and within the lands of Colin, Lord of Kintail (except those of the name of Fraser, Ross, and Munro, their tenants and servants), to assist the said commissioners in the execution of their duty.

By a commission dated the same day, Sir Roderick, along with Simon Lord Lovat, and Urquhart of Cromarty, is appointed, for the trial in the Burgh of Inverness of all resetters within thc Sheriffdom of the county of any traitors in the Isles, the commission to last for one year.

In 1618, along with Grant of Grant, he assisted the Mackintosh against the Marquis of Huntly. On the 18th of June, 1622, he is one of the chiefs named in a commission against the Camerons, among the others being Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Sir Roderick Macleod, XIII. of Harris, Grant of Grant, Sir John Campbell of Calder, John Grant of Glenmoriston, Patrick Grant of Ballindalloch, and John Macdonald, Captain of Clanranald. [See Mackenzie's "History of the Camerons," p. 86.]

At the death of Kenneth, Lord Kintail, the estates were very heavily burdened in consequence of the wars with Glengarry and various family difficulties and debts. His lordship, in these circumstances, acted very prudently, as we have seen, in appointing his brother, Sir Roderick Mackenzie I. of Coigeach - in whose judgment he placed the utmost confidence - Tutor to his son and successor, Lord Colin. Knowing the state of affairs - the financial and numberless other difficulties which stared him in the face, at the same time that the family were still much involved with the affairs of the Lewis, and other broils on the mainland - Sir Roderick hesitated to accept the great responsibilities of the position, but, to quote one of the family manuscripts, "all others refusing to take the charge he set resolutely to the work. The first thing he did was to assault the rebels in the Lewis, which he did so suddenly, after his brother's death, and so unexpectedly to them, that what the Fife Adventurers had spent many years and much treasure in without success, he, in a few months, accomplished; for having by his youngest brother Alexander, chased Neil, the chief commander of all the rest, from the Isle, pursued him to Glasgow, where, apprehending him, he delivered him to the Council, who executed him immediately. He returned to the Lewis, banished those whose deportment he most doubted, and settled the rest as peaceable tenants to his nephew; which success he had, with the more facility, because he had the only title of succession to it by his wife, and they looked on him as their just master. From thence he invaded Glengarry, who was again re-collecting his forces; but at his coming they dissipated and fled. He pursued Glengarry to Blairy in Moray, where he took him; but willing to have his nephew's estate settled with conventional right rather than legal, he took Low-countrymen as sureties for Glengarry's peaceable deportment, and then contracted with him for the reversion of the former wadsets which Colin of Kintail had acquired of him, and for a ratification and new disposition of all his lands, formerly sold to Colin, and paid him thirty thousand merks in money for this, and gave him a title to Lagganachindrom, which, till then, he possessed by force, so that Glengarry did ever acknowledge it as a favour to be overcome by such enemies, who over disobligements did deal both justly and generously. Rory employed himself therefore in settling his pupil's estate, which he did to that advantage that ere his minority passed he freed his estate, leaving him master of an opulent fortune and of great superiorities, for be acquired the superiority of Troternish with the heritable Stewartry of the Isle of Skye, to his pupil, the superiority of Raasay and some other Isles. At this time, Macleod, partly by law and partly by force, had possessed himself of Sleat and Troternish, a great part of Macdonald's estate. Rory, now knighted by King James, owned Macdonald's cause as an injured neighbour, and by the same method that Macleod possessed himself of Sleat and Troternish he recovered both from him, marrying the heir thereof Sir Donald Macdonald, to his niece, sister to Lord Colin, and caused him to take the lands of Troternish holden of his pupil. Shortly after that he took the management of Maclean's estate, and recovered it from the Earl of Argyll, who had fixed a number of debts and pretences on it, so by his means all the Isles were composed and accorded in their debates and settled in their estates, whence a full peace amongst them, Macneill of Barra excepted, who had been an hereditary outlaw. Him, by commission, Sir Rory reduced, took him in his fort of Kisemull, and carried him prisoner to Edinburgh, where he procured his remission. The King gifted his estate to Sir Rory, who restored it to Macneill for a sum not exceeding his expenses, and holding it of himself in feu. This Sir Rory, as he was beneficial to all his relations, establishing them in free and secure fortunes, purchased considerable lands to himself in Ross and Moray, besides the patrimony left him by his father, the lands of Coigeach and others, which, in lieu of the Lewis, were given him by his brother. His death was regretted as a public calamity, which was in September, 1626, in the 48th year of his age. To Sir Rory succeeded Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat; and to him Sir George Mackenzie, of whom to write might be more honour to him than of safety to the writer as matters now stand." [The Applecross Mackenzie MS.]

We shall now draw to some extent on the family manuscripts. The narrative in this form will add considerable interest to the information already given under this head from official sources. Sir Roderick was a most determined man, and extremely fertile in such schemes as might enable him to gain any object he had in view. One of his plans, connected with Mackenzie's possession of the Lewis, in its barbarous and cruel details, almost equalled the Raid of Cillechriost. Neil Macleod, accompanied by his nephews, Malcolm, William, and Roderick, the three sons of Roderick Og; the four sons of Torquil Blair; and thirty of their more determined and desperate followers, retired, when Kintail obtained possession of the whole of the Lewis, to the impregnable rock of Berrissay, at the back of the island, to which Neil, as a precautionary measure, had been for years previously sending food and other necessaries as a provision for future necessity. Here they held out for three years, where they were a source of great annoyance to the Tutor and his followers. On a little rock opposite Berrissay, Neil, by a well-directed shot killed one of the Tutor's followers named Donald MacDhonnchaidh Mhic Ian Ghlais, and wounded another called Tearlach MacDhomh'uill Roy Mhic Fhionnlaidh Ghlais. This exasperated their leader so much that, all other means having failed to oust Neil from his impregnable position, the Tutor conceived the inhuman scheme of gathering together all the wives and children of the men who were on Berrissay, and all those in the island who were in any way related to them by blood or marriage, and, having placed them on a rock exposed only during low water, so near Berrissay that Neil and his companions could see and hear them, Sir Roderick and his men avowed that they would leave them - innocent, helpless women and children - on the rock to be overwhelmed and drowned on the return of the tide, if Neil and his companions did not at once surrender the rock. Macleod knew, by stern experience, that even to the carrying out such a fiendish crime, the promise of the Tutor, once given, was as good as his bond. It is due to the greater humanity of Neil that the terrible position of the helpless women and children and their companions appalled him so much that he decided immediately upon yielding up the rock on condition that he and his followers should be allowed to leave the Lewis with their lives. It cannot be doubted that but for Macleod's more merciful conduct the ferocious act would have been committed by Sir Roderick and his followers; and we have to thank the less barbarous instincts of their opponents for saving the clan Mackenzie from the commission of a crime which would have secured to its perpetrators the execration of posterity.

After Neil had left the rock he proceeded privately, during the night, to his cousin Sir Roderick Mor Macleod, XIII. of Harris. The Tutor learning this caused Macleod to be charged, under pain of treason and forfeiture, to deliver him up to the Council. Realising the danger of his position, Macleod prevailed upon Neil and his son Donald to accompany him to Edinburgh, and to seek forgiveness from the King; and under pretence of this he delivered them both up on arriving in the city, where Neil, in April, 1613, was at once executed and his son afterwards banished out of the kingdom. This treacherous conduct on the part of Macleod of Harris cannot be excused, but it was a fair return for a similar act of treachery of which Neil had been guilty against another some little time before.

When on Berrissay, he met with the captain of a pirate, with whom he entered into a mutual bond by which they were to help each other, both being outlaws. The captain agreed to defend the rock from the seaward side while Neil made his incursions on shore. They promised faithfully to live and die together, and to make the agreement more secure, it was arranged that the stranger should marry Neil's aunt, a daughter of Torquil Blair. The day fixed for the marriage having arrived, and Neil and his adherents having discovered that the captain had several articles of value aboard his vessel, he, when the master of the pirate was naturally off his guard, treacherously seized the ship, and sent the captain and crew prisoners to Edinburgh, expecting that in this way he might secure pardon for himself in addition to possession of all the stores on board. By order of the Council the sailors were all hanged at Leith. Much of the silver and gold taken from the vessel Neil carried to Harris, where probably it helped to tempt Macleod, as it previously tempted himself to break faith with Neil. The official account of these incidents has been already given at pages 194-95.

Sir Robert Gordon writing about this period but referring to 1477, says - "From the ruins of the family of Clandonald, and some of the neighbouring Highlanders, and also by their own virtue, the surname of the Clankenzie, from small beginnings, began to flourish in these bounds; and by the friendship and favour of the house of Sutherland, chiefly of Earl John, fifth of that name, Earl of Sutherland (whose Chamberlains they were, in receiving the rents of the Earldom of Ross to his use) their estate afterwards came to great height, yea above divers of their more ancient neighbours. The chief and head of the family at this day is Colin Mackenzie, Lord of Kintail, now created Earl of Seaforth." [Gordon's "Earldom of Sutherland," p. 77.] If the family was so powerful in 1477, what must its position have been under Lord Colin? The Earl of Cromarty says that "This Colin was a noble person of virtuous endowments, beloved of all good men, especially his Prince. He acquired and settled the right of the superiority of Moidart and Arisaig, the Captain of Clandonald's lands, which his father, Lord Kenneth, formerly claimed right to but lived not to accomplish it. Thus, all the Highlands and Islands from Ardnamurchan to Strathnaver were either Mackenzie's property, or under his vassalage, some few excepted, and all about him were tied to his family by very strict bonds of friendship or vassalage, which, as it did beget respect from many it be got envy in others, especially his equals."

It is difficult to discover any substantial aid which the Mackenzies ever received from the Earls of Sutherland of the kind stated by Sir Robert Gordon. We have carefully perused the whole of the work from which the above quotation is made, and are unable to discover a single instance prior to 1477, where the Sutherlands were of any service whatever to the family of Kintail; and the assumption is only another instance of that quality of partiality to his own family," so characteristic of Sir Robert, and for which even the publishers of his work deemed it necessary to apologise in the Advertisement prefaced to his "History of the Earldom of Sutherland." They "regret the hostile feelings which he expresses concerning others who were equally entitled to complain of aggression on the part of those whom he defends," but "strict fidelity to the letter of the manuscript" would not allow them to omit "the instances in which this disposition appears." After Mackenzie's signal victory over the Macdonalds at Blar-na-Pairc, and Hector Roy's prowess at Drumchait, the Earl of Sutherland began to think that the family of Mackenzie, rapidly growing in power and influence, might be of some service in the prosecution of his own plans and in extending his power, and he accordingly entered into the bond of manrent with him already noticed. It has been seen that, for a long time after, the advantages of this arrangement were entirely on the side of the Sutherlands, as at the battle of Brora and other places previously mentioned. The appointment of Kintail as Deputy- Chamberlain of the Earldom of Ross was due to and in acknowledgment of these signal and repeated services, and the obligations and advantages of the office were found to be reciprocal. The first and only instance in which the Earl's connection with Mackenzie is likely to have been of service in the field is on the occasion when, in 1605, he sent "six score" men to support him against Glengarry, and these, it has been seen, had fled before they saw the enemy. So much for the favour and friendship of the House of Sutherland and its results before and after 1477.

Lord Colin became involved in legal questions with the Earl of Argyll about the superiority of Moidart and Arisaig, and thus spent most of the great fortune accumulated for him by his uncle the Tutor; but he was ultimately successful against Argyll. He was frequently at the Court of James VI., with whom he was a great favourite, and in 1623 he was raised to the peerage by the title of Earl of Seaforth, and Viscount Fortrose. From his influence at Court he was of great service to his followers and friends; while he exerted himself powerfully and steadily against those who became his enemies from jealousy of his good fortune and high position.

He imposed high entries and rents upon his Kintail and West Coast tenants, which they considered a most "grievous imposition." In Lord Kenneth's time and that of his predecessors, the people had their lands at very low rates. After the wars with Glengarry the inhabitants of the West Coast properties devoted themselves more steadily to the improvement of their stock and lands, and accumulated considerable means. The Tutor, discovering this, took advantage of their prosperity and imposed a heavy entry or grassum on their tacks payable every five years. "I shall give you one instance thereof. The tack of land called Muchd in Letterfearn, as I was told by Farquhar Mac Ian Oig, who paid the first entry out of it to the Tutor, paid of yearly duty before but 40 merks Scots, a cow and some meal, which cow and meal was usually converted to 20 merks but the Tutor imposed 1000 merks of entry upon it for a five years' tack. This made the rent very little for four years of the tack, but very great and considerable for the first year. The same method proportionately was taken with the rest of the lands, and continued so during the Tutor's and Colin's time, but Earl George, being involved in great troubles, contracted so much debt that he could not pay his annual rents yearly and support his own state, but was forced to delay his annual rents to the year of their entry, and he divided the entry upon the five years with the people's consent and approbation, so that the said land of Muchd fell to pay 280 merks yearly and no entry." From this account, taken from the contemporary Ardintoul Manuscript, it appears that the system of charging rent on the tenant's own improvements is an injustice of considerable antiquity.

Colin "lived most of his time at Chanonry in great state and very magnificently. He annually imported his wines from the Continent, and kept a store for his wines, beers, and other liquors, from which he replenished his fleet on his voyages round the West Coast and the Lewis, when he made a circular voyage every year or at least every two years round his own estates. I have heard John Beggrie, who then served Earl Colin, give an account of his voyages after the bere seed was sown at Allan (where his father and grandfather had a great mains, which was called Mackenzie's girnel or granary), took a Journey to the Highlands, taking with him not only his domestic servants but several young gentlemen of his kin, and stayed several days at Killin, whither he called all his people of Strathconan, Strathbran, Strathgarve, and Brae Ross, and did keep courts upon them and saw all things rectified. From thence he went to Inverewe, where all his Lochbroom tenants and others waited upon him, and got all their complaints heard and rectified. It is scarcely credible what allowance was made for his table of Scotch and French wines during these trips amongst his people. From Inverewe he sailed to the Lewis, with what might be called a small navy, having as many boats, if not more loaded with liquors, especially wines and English beer, as he had under men. He remained in the Lewis for several days, until he settled all the controversies arising among the people in his absence, and setting his land. From thence he went to Sleat in the Isle of Skye, to Sir Donald Macdonald, who was married to his sister Janet, and from that he was invited to Harris, to Macleod's house, who was married to his sister Sybilla. While he tarried in these places the lairds, the gentlemen of the Isles, and the inhabitants came to pay their respects to him, including Maclean, Clanranald, Raasay, Mackinnon, and other great chiefs. They then convoyed him to Islandonain. I have heard my grandfather, Mr Farquhar MacRa (then Constable of the Castle), say that the Earl never came to his house with less than 300 and sometimes 500 men. The Constable was bound to furnish them victuals for the first two meals, till my Lord's officers were acquainted to bring in his own customs. There they consumed the remains of the wine and other liquors. When all these lairds and gentlemen took their leave of him, he called the principal men of Kintail, Lochalsh, and Lochcarron together, who accompanied him to his forest of Monar, where they had a great and most solemn hunting day, and from Monar he would return to Chanonry about the latter end of July." [Ardintoul MS.]

He built the Castle of Brahan, which he thought of erecting where the old castle of Dingwall stood, or on the hill to the west of Dingwall, either of which would have been very suitable situations; but the Tutor who had in view to erect a castle where he afterwards erected Castle Leod, induced the Lord High Chancellor, Seaforth's father-in-law, to prevail upon him to build his castle upon his own ancient inheritance, which he subsequently did, and which was then one of the most stately houses in Scotland. He also added greatly to the Castle of Chanonry, and "as be was diligent in secular affairs, so be and his lady were very pious and religious." They went yearly to take the Sacraments from the Rev. Thomas Campbell, minister of Carmichael, a good and religious man, and staid eight days with him; nor did their religion consist in form and outward show. They proved its reality by their good works. He had usually more than one chaplain in his house. He provided the kirks of the Lewis without being obliged to do so, as also the five kirks of Kintail, Lochalsh, Lochcarron, Lochbroom, and Gairloch, all of which he was patron, with valuable books from London, the works of the latest and best authors, "whereof many are yet extant" He also laid the foundation for a church in Strathconan and Strathbran, of which the walls are "yet to be seen in Main in Strathconan, the walls being built above the height of a man above the foundation, and he had a mind to endow it had he lived longer." He mortified 4000 merks for the Grammar School of Chanonry, and had several works of piety in his view to perform if his death had not prevented it. The last time he went to Court some malicious person, envying his greatness and favour, laboured to give the King a bad impression of him, as if he were not thoroughly loyal; but the King himself was the first who told him what was said about him, which did not a little surprise and trouble the Earl, but it made no impression on the King, who was conscious and sufficiently convinced of his loyalty and fidelity. After his return from Court his only son, Lord Alexander, died of smallpox at Chanonry, on the 3d of June, 1629, to the great grief of all who knew him, but especially his father and mother. His demise hastened her death at Edinburgh, on the 20th February, 1631. She was buried with her father at Fife on the 4th of March; after which the Earl contracted a lingering sickness, which, for some time before his death, confined him to his chamber, during which "he behaved most Christianly, putting his house in order, giving donations to his servants, etc." He died at Chanonry on the 15th of April, 1633, in the 36th year of his age, and was buried there with his father on the 18th of May following, much lamented and regretted by all who knew him. The King sent a gentleman all the way to Chanonry to testify his respect and concern for him, and to attend his funeral, which took place, on the date already stated, with great pomp and solemnity. "Before his death he called his successor, George of Kildene, to his bedside, and charged him with the protection of his family; but above all to be kind to his men and followers, for that he valued himself while he lived upon their account more than upon his great estate and fortune." [Ardintoul, Letterfearn, and other Family MSS.] On the occasion of his last visit to London the King complimented him on being the best archer in Britain.

Colin married, first, Lady Margaret Seton, daughter of Alexander,
Earl of Dunfermline, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, with issue -

I. Alexander Lord Kintail, who died young.

II. Anna, who married Alexander, second Lord Lindsay, who was created Earl of Balcarres by Charles II. in 1651. By him Lady Anna had two sons, Charles and Colin. Charles succeeded his father, and died unmarried. Colin then became third Earl, and married Jane, daughter of David, Earl of Northesk, by whom he had issue an only daughter, who married Alexander Erikine, third Earl of Kellie. Secondly, the Earl of Balcarres married Jane, daughter of William, second Earl of Roxburgh, by whom he had an only daughter, who married John Fleming, sixth Earl of Wigton. This Earl of Balcarres married a third time Margaret, daughter of James Campbell, Earl of Loudon, by whom he had two sons, Alexander and James. Alexander succeeded his father, but died without issue, and was succeeded by James, fifth Earl of Balcarres, from whom the present line descends uninterruptedly, carrying along with it, in right of the said Anna Mackenzie, daughter of Colin, first Earl of Seaforth, first Countess of Balcarres, the lineal representation of the ancient House of Kintail. Anna married, secondly, Archibald, ninth Earl of Argyll, beheaded in 1685, and died in 1706.

III. Jean, who married John, Master of Berriedale, with issue, George, sixth Earl of Caithness, who died without issue in 1676. She afterwards married Lord Duffus, with issue, and died in 1648. His lordship died, as already stated, at Chanonry on the 15th of April, 1633, and was buried in the Cathedral Church of Fortrose in a spot chosen by himself. His son, Lord Alexander, having died before his father, on the 3d of June, 1629, and Colin having had no other issue male, he was succeeded by his brother,

XIV. GEORGE, SECOND EARL OF SEAFORTH,

THIRD LORD MACKENZIE OF KINTAIL, eldest son of Kenneth, the first Lord, by his second marriage. During the life of his father and brother he was known as George Mackenzie of Kildun. In 1633 he was "served heir male to his brother Colin, Earl of Seaforth, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, in the lands and barony of Ellandonnan, including the barony of Lochalsh, in which was included the barony of the lands and towns of Lochcarron, namely, the towns and lands of Auchnaschelloch, Coullin, Edderacharron, Attadill, Ruychichan, Brecklach, Achachoull, Delmartyne, with fishings in salt water and fresh, Dalcharlarie, Arrinachteg, Achintie, Slumba, Doune, Stromcarronach, in the Earldom of Ross, of the old extent of L13 6s 8d, and also the towns of Kisserin, and lands of Strome, with fishings in salt and fresh water, and the towns and lands of Torridan with the pertinents of the Castle of Strome; Lochalsh, Lochcarron, and Kisserin, including the davach of Achvanie, the davach of Achnatrait, the davach of Stromcastell, Ardnagald, Ardneskan, and Blaad, and the half davach of Sannachan, Rassoll, Meikle Strome, and Rerag, in the Earldom of Ross, together of the old extent of L8 13s 4d." ["Origines Parochiales Scotiae", p. 401.] He was served heir male to his father Kenneth, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, in the lands and barony of Pluscardine, on the 14th of January, 1620; and had charters of Balmungie and Avoch, on the 18th of July, 1635; of Raasay, on the 18th of February, 1637 and of Lochalsh, on the 4th of July, 1642.

His high position in the North, and his intimate friendship at this period with the powerful House of Sutherland, is proved by the fact that he and Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat, on the 2d of November, 1633, stood godfathers to George Gordon, second son of John, Earl of Sutherland; and there cannot be any doubt that to the influence of the latter must mainly be attributed Seaforth's vacillating conduct during the earlier years of the great civil wars which became the curse of Scotland for so many years after. In 1635 the Privy Council, with the view of putting down the irregularities then prevalent in the Highlands, demanded securities from the chiefs of clans, heads of families, and governors of counties, in conformity with a general bond, previously agreed to, that they should be responsible for their clans and surnames, men-tenants, and servants. The first called upon to give this security was the Earl of Huntly; then followed the Earls of Sutherland and Seaforth, and afterwards Lord Lorn and all the chiefs in the western and northern parts of the Kingdom.

In the following year the slumbering embers of religious differences broke out into a general blaze all over the country. Then began those contentions about ecclesiastical questions, church discipline and liturgies, at all times fraught with the seeds of discontent and danger to the common weal, and which in this case ultimately led to such sad and momentous consequences as only religious feuds can. Charles I. was playing the despot with his subjects, not only in Scotland, but in England. He was governing without a Parliament, defying and trying to crush the desires and aspirations of a people born to govern themselves and to be free. His infatuated attempt to introduce the Liturgy of the Church of England into the Calvinistic and Presbyterian pulpits of Scotland was as insane as it was unavailing. But his English as well as Scottish subjects were at the same time almost in open rebellion for their liberties. He tried to put down the rising in Scotland by the sword, but his means and military skill were unequal to the task. He failed to impose the English Liturgy on his Scottish subjects, but his attempt to do so proved the deliverance of his English subjects from high-handed tyranny. It is only natural that in these circumstances Seaforth, though personally attached to the King, should be found on the side of the Covenant, and that he should have joined the Assembly, the clergy, and the nobles in the Protest, and in favour of the renewal of the Confession of Faith previously accepted and confirmed by James VI. in 1580, 1581, and 1590, at the same time that these several bodies entered into a covenant or bond of mutual defence among themselves against all opposition from whatever source.

The principal among the Northern nobles who entered into this engagement were the Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland, Lord Lovat, the Rosses, Munroes, Grant of Grant, Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Innes, the Sheriff of Moray, Kilravock, Cumming of Altyre, and the Tutor of Duffus. These, with their followers under command of the Earl of Seaforth, who was appointed General of the Covenanters north of the Spey, marched to Morayshire, where they met the Royalists on the northern banks of the river ready to oppose their advance. [On May 14, 1639, 4000 men met at Elgin under the command of the Earl of Seaforth, and the gentlemen following, viz.: The Master of Lovat, the Master of Ray, George, brother to the Earl of Sutherland, Sir James Sinclare of Murkle, Laird of Grant, Young Kilravock, Sheriff of Murray, Laird of Innes, Tutor of Duffus, Hugh Rose of Achnacloich, John Munro of Lemlare, etc. They encamped at Speyside, to keep the Gordons and their friends from entering Murray; and they remained encamped till the pacification, which was signed June 18, was proclaimed, and intimated to them about June 22. - "Shaw's MS. History of Kilravock.">[ An arrangement was here come to between Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, Seaforth's brother, on behalf of the Covenanters, and a representative from the Gordons for their opponents, that the latter should recross to the south side of the Spey, and that the Highlanders should return home. About the same time Seaforth received a despatch from Montrose, then at Aberdeen and fighting for the Covenant, intimating the pacification entered into on the 20th of June between the King and his subjects at Berwick, and requesting Seaforth to disband his army - an order which was at once obeyed. Shortly after, however, Montrose dissociated himself from the Covenanters, joined the King's side and raised the Royal standard. The Earl of Seaforth soon after this was suspected of lukewarmness for the Covenant. In 1640 the King arrived at York on his way north to reduce the Covenanting Scots, after they had resolved to invade England, and, as a precautionary measure, to imprison or expel all suspected Royalists from the army. Among the suspects are found the Earl of Seaforth, Lord Reay, and several others, who were taken before the Assembly, kept in ward at Edinburgh for two months; and in 1641, on the King's arrival in Scotland, the Earl of Traquair, who had been summoned before Parliament as an opponent to the Lords of the Covenant succeeded in persuading the Earls of Montrose, Wigton, Athole, Hume, and Seaforth (who had meanwhile escaped), and several other influential chiefs, to join in a bond against the Covenanters.

Soon after this Montrose leaves Elgin with the main body of his army, and marches towards the Bog of Gight, accompanied by the Earl of Seaforth, Sir Robert Gordon, Grant of Grant, Mackenzie of Pluscardine, and several other gentlemen who came to him at Elgin, to support the King. After this, however, fearing that depredations might be committed upon his followers by a garrison of two regiments then stationed at Inverness, and the other Covenanters of that district, he permitted Seaforth, Grant of Grant, and other Morayshire gentlemen, to return home in order to defend their estates, but before permitting them to depart he made them swear allegiance to the King and promise that they should never again under any circumstances take up arms against his Majesty or any of his loyal subjects, and to rejoin him with all their available forces as soon as they were able to do so. Seaforth, however, with unaccountable want of decision, disregarded his oath, again joined the Covenanters, and excused himself in a letter to the Committee of Estates, saying that he had joined the Royalists through fear of Montrose, at the same time avowing that he would abide by "the good cause to his death" - a promise not much to be trusted.

He is soon again in the field, this time against Montrose. Wishart says that "the Earl of Seaforth, a very powerful man in those parts (and one of whom he entertained a better opinion) with the garrison of Inver-ness, which were old soldiers, and the whole strength of Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, and the sept of the Frasers, were ready to meet him with a desperate army of 5000 horse and foot." Montrose had only 1500 - the Macdonalds of Glengarry and the Highlanders of Athol having previously gone home, against the earnest solicitude of Montrose that they should complete the campaign, according to their usual custom, to deposit the booty obtained in their repeated victories under their great chief, but on the plea of repairing their houses and other property which had been so much injured by their enemies in their absence. The great commander, however, although he knew many of the garrison to be old soldiers, decided to attack the superior numbers against him, correctly surmising that a great many of his opponents were newly raised recruits "from among husband-men, cowherds, tavern-boys and kitchen-boys," and would be raw and unserviceable. Fortunately for Seaforth and his forces, matters turned out otherwise. The gallant Marquis, on his way to Inverness, was informed of Argyll's descent on Lochaber, and, instantly changing his route, he fell down upon him at Inverlochy so unexpectedly, that when Argyll, by an ignominious flight in one of his boats, made himself secure, he had the well-merited reward of personal cowardice and pusillanimity of witnessing fifteen hundred of his devoted adherents cut down, among whom were a great number of the leading gentlemen of the clan, who deserved to fight under a better and less cowardly commander. Among those who fell were Campbell of Auchinbreck, Campbell of Lochnell, his eldest son, and his brother Colin; Macdougall of Rara, and his eldest son, Major Menzies, brother to the Chief of Achattens Parbreck, and the Provost of the Church of Kilmuir. The power of the Campbells was thus broken, and so probably would that of Seaforth had Montrose attacked him first.

After this brilliant victory at Inverlochy, on the 2d February, 1645, Montrose returned to Moray, by Badenoch, where on his march to Elgin, he was met by Thomas Mackenzie of Piuscardine and others, sent by Seaforth and the Covenanters as commissioners to treat with him. They received an indignant answer. The Marquis declined any negotiation, but offered to accept the services of such as would join and obey him as the King's Lieutenant-General. The Earl of Seaforth was then sent by the Committee of Ross and Sutherland, in person, and meeting the Marquis between Elgin and Forres, he was arrested and for several days detained prisoner. He was subsequently released, but all the authorities plead ignorance of the terms.

When the Royalists marched south, the Laird of Lawers, who was then Governor of the Castle of Inverness, cited all those who had communications with Montrose in Moray, and compelled them to give bonds for their appearance, to answer for their conduct, before Parliament, if required to do so. Among them were Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine; and, after the affair at Fettercairn, and the retreat of Montrose from Dundee, the Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland, with the whole of the Clan Fraser, and most of the men of Caithness and Moray, are found assembled at Inverness, where General Hurry, who had retreated before Montrose, joined them with a force of Gordons - 1000 foot and 200 horse - the whole amounting to about 3500 of the former and 400 of the latter, which included Sutherlands, Mackenzies, Frasers, Roses, and Brodies, while the followers of Montrose consisted of Gordons, Macdonalds, Macphersons, Mackintoshes, and Irish, to the number of about 3000 foot and 300 horse. [Shaw's MS. History.] Montrose halted at the village of Auldearn, and General Hurry finding such a large force waiting for him at Inverness, decided to retrace his steps the next morning, and give battle to the Marquis at that village.

The author of the Ardintoul MS. tells how Seaforth came to take part in the battle of Auldearn, and gives the following interesting account of his reasons and of the engagement: "General Hurry sent for Seaforth to Inverness, and during a long conference informed him that although he was serving the States himself he privately favoured the King's cause. He advised Seaforth to dismiss his men and make a pretence that he had only sent for them to give them new leases of their lands, and in case it was necessary to make an appearance to fight Montrose, he could bring, when commanded to do so, two or three companies from Chanonry and Ardmeanach, which the Marquis would accept. It was, however, late before they parted, and Lady Seaforth, who was waiting for her lord at Kessock, prepared a sumptuous supper for her husband and his friends. The Earl and his guests kept up the festivities so long and so well that he 'forgot or delayed to advertise his men to dismiss till to-morrow,' and going to bed very late, before he could stir in the morning all the lairds and gentlemen of Moray came to him, most earnestly entreating him by all the laws of friendship and good neighbourhood, and for the kindness they had for him while he lived among them, and which they manifested to his brother yet living amongst them, that his lordship would not see them ruined and destroyed by Montrose and the Irish, when he might easily prevent it without the least loss to himself or his men, assuring him that if he should join General Hurry with what forces he had then under his command, Montrose would go away with his Irish and decline to fight them. Seaforth, believing his visitors, and thinking, as they said, that Montrose with so small a number would not venture to fight, his opponents being twice the number, and many of them trained soldiers. Hurry told him that he was to march immediately against Montrose and being of an easy and compassionate nature, Seaforth yielded to their request, and sent immediately in all haste for his Highlanders, crossed the ferry of Kessock, and marched straight with the rest of his forces to Auldearn, where Montrose had his camp; but the Moray men found themselves mistaken in thinking the Marquis would make off, for he was not only resolved but glad of the opportunity to fight them before Baillie, whom he knew was on his march north with considerable forces, could join General Hurry, and so drawing up his men with great advantage of ground he placed Alexander Macdonald, with the Irish, on the right wing beneath the village of Auldearn, and Lord Gordon with the horse on the left. On the south side of Auldearn, he himself (Montrose) biding in town, and making a show of a main battle with a few men, which Hurry understanding and making it his business that Montrose should carry the victory, and that Seaforth would come off without great loss, he set his men, who were more than double the number of their adversaries, to Montrose's advantage, for he placed Sutherland, Lovat's men, and some others, with the horse under Drummond's command, on the right wing, opposite to my Lord Gordon, and Loudon and Laurie's Regiments, with some others on the left wing, opposite Alexander Macdonald and the Irish, and placed Seaforth's men for the most in the midst, opposite Montrose, where he knew they could not get hurt till the wings were engaged. Seaforth's men were commanded to retire and make off before they had occasion or command to fight; but the men hovering, and not understanding the mystery, were commanded again to make off and follow Drummond with the horse, who gave only one charge to the enemy and then fled, which they did by leaving both the wings and some of their own men to the brunt of the enemy, because they stood at a distance from them, the right wing being sore put to by my Lord Gordon, and seeing Drummond with the horse and their neighbours fly, they began to follow. Sutherland and Lovat suffered great loss, while on the left wing, Loudon's Regiment and Lawrie with his Regiment were both totally cut off betwixt the Irish and the Gordons, who came to assist them after Sutherland's and Lovat's men were defeated. Seaforth's men got no hurt in the pursuit, nor did they lose many men in the fight, the most considerable being John Mackenzie of Kernsary, cousin-german to the Earl, and Donald Bain, brother to Tulloch and Chamberlain to Seaforth in the Lewis, both being heavy and corpulent men not fit to fly, and being partly deceived by Seaforth's principal ensign or standard-bearer in the field, who stood to it with some others of the Lochbroom and Lewis men, till they were killed, and likewise Captain Bernard Mackenzie, with the rest of his company, which consisted of Chanonry men and some others thereabout, being somewhat of a distance from the rest of Seaforth's men, were killed on the spot. There were only four Kintail men who might make their escape with the rest if they had looked rightly to themselves, namely, the Bannerman of Kintail, called Rory Mac Ian Dhomh'uill Bhain, alias Maclennan, who, out of foolhardiness and indignation, to see that banner, which was wont to be victorious, fly in his hands, fastens the staff of it in the ground, and stands to it with his two-handed sword drawn, and would not accept of quarter, though tendered to him by my Lord Gordon in person; nor would he suffer any to approach him to take him alive, as the gentlemen beholders wished, so that they were forced to shoot him. The other three were Donald the bannerman's brother, Malcolm Macrae, and Duncan Mac Ian Oig. Seaforth and his men, with Colonel Hurry and the rest, came back that night to Inverness, all the men laying the blame of the loss of the day upon Drummond, who commanded the horse, and fled away with them, for which, by a Council of War, he was sentenced to die; but Hurry assured him that he would get him absolved, though at the very time of his execution he made him keep silence, but when Drummond was about to speak, he caused him to be shot suddenly, fearing, as was thought, that he would reveal that what was acted was by Hurry's own directions. This account of the Battle of Auldearn I had from an honourable gentleman and experienced soldier, as we were riding by Auldearn, who was present from first to last at this action, and who asked Hurry, 'Who set the battle with such advantage to Montrose and to the inevitable loss and overthrow of his own side?' to whom Hurry, being confident of the gentlemen, said, 'I know what I am doing, we shall have by-and-bye excellent sport between the Irish and the States Regiments, and I shall carry off Seaforth's men without loss;' and that Hurry was more for Montrose than for the States that day is very probable, because, shortly thereafter when he found opportunity, he quitted the States service, and is reckoned as first of Montrose's friends, who, in August next year, embarked with Montrose to get off the nation, and returned with him again in his second expedition to Scotland, and was taken prisoner at Craigchonachan, and sent south and publicly executed with Montrose as guilty of the same fault."

Montrose gained another engagement at Alford on the 2nd of July, after which he was joined by a powerful levy of West Highlanders under Colla Ciotach Macdonald, Clanranald, and Glengarry, the Macnabs, Macgregors, and the Stewarts of Appin. In addition to these some of the Farquharsons of Braemar and small parties of lesser septs from Badenoch rallied round the standard of Montrose. Thus, as a contemporary writer says, "he went like a current speat (spate) through this kingdom." Seeing all this - the great successes of Montrose and so many Highlanders joining - Seaforth, who had never been a hearty Covenanter, began to waver. The Estates sent a commission to the Earl of Sutherland appointing him as their Lieutenant north of the Spey, but he refused to accept it. It was then offered to Seaforth, who likewise declined it, but instead "contrived and framed ane band, under the name of an humble remonstrance, which he perswaded manie and threatened others to subscryve. This remonstrance gave so great a distast to both the Church and State, that the Earl of Seaforth was therefore excommunicate by the General Assemblie; and all such as did not disclaim the raid remonstrance within some days thereafter, were, by the Committee of Estates, declared inimies to the publick. Hereupon the Earl of Seaforth joined publicly with Montrose in April, 1646, at the siege of Inverness, though before that time be had only joined in private councils with him." [Gordon's "Earldom of Sutherland," p. 529.]

At Inverness, through the action of the Marquis of Huntly and the treachery of his son, Lord Lewis Gordon, Montrose was surprised by General Middleton, but he promptly crossed the river Ness in face of a regiment of cavalry, under Major Bromley, who crossed the river by a ford above the town, while another detachment crossed lower down towards the sea with a view to cut off his retreat. These he succeeded in beating back with a trifling loss on either side, whereupon he marched unmolested to Kinmylies, and the following morning he went round by Beauly and halted at Fairley, where slight marks of field works are still to be seen; and now, for the first time, he found himself in the territories of the Mackenzies, accompanied by Seaforth in person. Montrose, here finding himself in a level country, with an army mainly composed of raw levies newly raised by Seaforth among his own people, and taught by their chief's vacillating conduct and example to have little interest or enthusiasm in either cause, did not consider it prudent to engage Middleton, who pursued him with a disciplined force, including a considerable following of cavalry, ready to fight with every advantage on his side in a level country. He therefore moved rapidly up through the valley of Strathglass, crossed to Loch-Ness, and passed through Stratherrick in the direction of the river Spey. Meanwhile Middleton advanced to Fortrose and laid siege to the castle, which was at the time under the charge of Lady Seaforth. She surrendered after a siege of four days; and having removed a considerable quantity of stores and ammunition, sent by Queen Henrietta for the use of Montrose on his arrival there, Middleton gave the Countess, whom he treated with the greatest civility and respect, possession of the stronghold.

The Committee on Public Affairs, which, throughout the contest, acted in opposition to the Royal authority, and held sederunts at Aberdeen and Dundee as well as at Edinburgh, gratified their malignity, after Montrose gave up the fight in 1646, by fining the loyalists in enormous amounts of money, and decerning them to "lend" to the committee such sums - in many cases exorbitant - as they thought proper. Sir Robert Farquhar, formerly a Bailie of Aberdeen, was treasurer, and in the sederunt held in that city, the committee threw a comprehensive net over the clan Mackenzie. Sixteen of the name were decerned to lend the large sum of L28,666 13s 4d Scots; but from the other side of the balance sheet it is found that they declined to lend a penny; and Sir Robert credits himself as treasurer thus: "Item of the loan moneys above set down there is yet resting unpaid, and wherefore no payment can be gotten, as follows - viz. - Be the name of Mackenzie, sixteen persons, the sum of L28,666 13s 4d Scots." The following are the names and sums decerned against each of them: Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, L2000; Alexander Mackenzie of Kilcoy, L2000; Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle, L2000; Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, L6000; Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, L3333 6s 8d; Hector Mackenzie of Scotsburn, L2000; Roderick Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, L1333 6s 8d; John Mackenzie of Dawach-Cairn, L1333 6s 8d; William Mackenzie of Multavie, L1000; Kenneth Mackenzie of Scatwell, L2000; Thomas Mackenzie of Inverlael, L1333 6s 8d; Colin Mackenzie of Mullochie, L666 13s 4d; Donald Mackenzie of Logie, L666 13s 4d; Kenneth Mackenzie of Assint, L1000; Colin Mackenzie of Kincraig, L1000; Alexander Mackenzie of Suddie, L1000. Among the other sums decerned is one of L6666 13s 4d against "William Robertson in Kindeace, and his son Gilbert Robertson," and in Inverness and Ross the loan amounted to the respectable sum of L44,783 6s 8d, of which the treasurer was allowed to retain L15,000 in his own hands. The sum, with large amounts of disbursements by the committee, show that they were more fortunate with others than with the Clan Mackenzie. ["Antiquarian Notes," pp. 307-308-309.]

The Earl of Seaforth taking advantage of being on opposite sides to the Earl of Sutherland, now asserted some old claims against Donald Ban Mor Macleod, IX. of Assynt, a follower of the house of Sutherland, who afterwards became notorious as the captor of the great Montrose himself. In May, 1646, Mackenzie laid siege to his castle, on the Isle of Assynt.

A document written by a friend of the family of Assynt, in 1738, for Norman Macleod, XIX. of Macleod, who, in that year, in virtue of a disposition of all his estates made by Neil Macleod of Assynt to John Breac Macleod, XVI. of Macleod, dated the 24th of November, 1681, commenced a process against Mackenzie, gives a most interesting account of the proceedings, from the Macleod point of view, by which Seaforth obtained possession of the lands of Assynt. This document or "Information" came into the possession of Simon Lord Lovat, with whose papers it found its way to the Rev. Donald Fraser, minister of Killearnan, and is now the property of that gentleman's grandson, the Rev. Hector Fraser, Halkirk. It was read by Mr William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness, before the Gaelic Society there on the 19th of March, 1890, and is published at length in their Transactions for that year, vol. XVI. pp. 197-207. According to the writer of this paper, Neil Macleod was in possession of Assynt from 1650 to 1672, when in the latter year "he was violently dispossessed by Seaforth," and was from 1672 to 1692, when be obtained a "Decree of Spulzie" against Seaforth, endeavouring to recover his right, but without avail. He says that from the time Seaforth got a right, "such as it was," to the Island of Lewis for a payment of ten thousand merks, "and afterwards, in lieu of that, for a mile of the wood of Letterew," he and his family had it in view to make themselves masters of the estate of Macleod of Assynt, who, he erroneously states, "was lineal heir to the estates of Lewis." In order to give effect to this intention Seaforth purchased several old claims, "some of them very unjust," against Assynt, which were made over to Thomas Mackenzie of Plus-cardine, Seaforth's brother. In 1637 the two Mackenzies, in virtue of these claims and the titles founded upon them, gave a wadset of the lands of Assynt to Kenneth Mackenzie of Scatwell in security for forty thousand merks. In 1640 "the Legal of those claims and apprisings being expired, Seaforth did, with his friends and clan, to the number of 1000 men, invade Assynt, and did there commit great outrages. He being for this pursued at law, was decerned in 40,000 pounds Scots of damages," which paid a great part of his claim upon the estate, and it is maintained that the remainder was afterwards paid by the means, which are set forth in the same document, along with somewhat intricate statements, which would occupy too much space here. The "Information" proceeds with the following interesting details, which we give, with very slight alteration, in his own words.

He says that in 1646 Seaforth having joined Montrose at Inverness, where were likewise 100 men of Assynt under his Superior's (Seaforth) command, and Neil of Assynt himself, then a minor, being a friend, in Seaforth's house at Brahan, Seaforth ordered his men in the Highlands to fall upon Assynt's estate, where they made fearful havoc, carried away, as Neil represents, 3000 cows, 2000 horses, 7000 sheep and goats, and burnt the habitations of 180 families. When complaint was made of this in the South, Seaforth was bought off by the interest of General Middleton, and by virtue of a capitulation which he had with Seaforth when in the North.

In the year 1654 Seaforth led a body of his own men, with a part of the broken army under the command of Middleton, to Assynt and made great depredations, destroyed a very great quantity of wine and brandy, which the Laird of Assynt had bought, besides other commodities, in all to the value of 50,000 merks, out of a ship then on that coast, carrying off 2400 cows, 1500 horses, about 6000 sheep and goats, besides burning and destroying many families. Assynt was not liable in law to any such usage from them, having receipts from Seaforth and Lord Reay for his proportion of the levy appointed at that time for the King's service. When Middleton came to that country he declared that he had given no warrant for what Seaforth had done, and that in presence of Lord Macdonald and Sir George Munro, etc. When Assynt pursued Seaforth before the English judges of the time, Seaforth defeated his process by proving that Neil had been in arms against the English, and did then allege no cause for the injuries done by him to Assynt, except a private quarrel. But when Macleod afterwards, at the Restoration, pursued Seaforth, he alleged in defence that he had acted by a warrant from Middleton, who was then commissioner for the Parliament. But Neil says, if there was any such warrant it was certainly given after the injuries had been done to him. However, things stood then in such a way that Neil was not likely to procure any justice.

There was another claim which seems to have brought matters to a crisis. Macleod had become a party to a bond of caution granted by Ross of Little Tarrel in the sum of L150 sterling, for which, in 1656, an apprising was laid upon the estate of Assynt, at the instance of Sinclair of Mey, in Caithness, who subsequently assigned his claim to Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbat and John Mackenzie, second son of Kenneth Mor, third Earl of Seaforth, afterwards known as the Hon. John Mackenzie of Assynt. The matter was contested for a time, but "in the year 1668 or 1669 or 1670, the legal apprising being expired, decree of mails and duties was obtained upon the claim against the estate of Assynt and ejection against himself. Upon pursuing this ejection in 1671, several illegal steps were alleged against Assynt, particularly holding out the Castle of Ard-Bhreac against the King, and his otherwise violently opposing the ejection; whereupon Neil of Assynt, who it seems had been negligent in defending himself against the foresaid accusations, was denounced rebel, and a commission of fire and sword was obtained in July, 1672, against him and his people," granted to Lord Strathnaver, Lord Lovat, Munro of Fowlis, and others, who at once invaded his territories with a force of 2300 men "and committed the most horrid barbarities," until all the country of Assynt was destroyed.

After this raid Neil, "under the benefit of a protection," went to consult Seaforth, who gave him a certificate of having obeyed the King's laws, and fifteen days to consider a proposition which his lordship made to him to dispose of his estates to himself on certain conditions, and so settle the dispute between them for ever. But Macleod, considering that it was not safe for him to return to his own country, resolved to proceed to Edinburgh by sea, and to carry his charter chest along with him. "Seaforth being apprehensive, it seems, of the con-sequences of Assynt's going to Edinburgh, immediately entered into correspondence and concert about the matter with the Laird of Mey, in Caithness. The consequence was: Assynt being driven by unfavourable winds to the Orkneys the Laird of Mey, with a body of men, seized him there, to be sure under the notion of an outlaw, and, by commission from Seaforth, stripped him to his shirt, robbed him of everything, particularly of his charter chest, and of all the writs and evidents belonging to his family and estates, carried them to the castle of Mey; where he was kept prisoner in a vault. From thence he was carried prisoner, under a strong guard, to Tam, and at last to Brahan, Seaforth's house. In Brahan (to which place the charter chest was brought, as was afterwards proved in the Process of Spoilzie) Neil was many months detained prisoner in a vault, in most miserable circumstances, still threatened with worse usage if he would not agree to subscribe a blank paper, probably designed for a disposition of his estates, which was, it seems, the great thing designed to be procured from him by all this bad usage. At last Neil was brought south to Edinburgh, where he arrived after being in thirteen or fourteen prisons, and in the end he obtained the remission formerly mentioned," for the offence of defending the Castle of Assynt, and all the other crimes that were alleged against him.

His apologist makes out a strong case for him, if half his allegations are true. In any case it is but fair to state them. Neil was in prison, according to the "Information," when the ejection proceedings were carried out against him. He was ignorant of the legal steps taken against him until it was too late, and, in consequence of his great distance from Edinburgh, he was unable to correspond with his legal advisers there in time for his defence. His messengers, carrying his correspondence, were more than once seized, on their way south, and imprisoned at Chanonry. When in the south, the contributions of his friends towards his support and the expenses of his defence were intercepted, and his people at home were put to great hardships by their new master, the Hon. John Mackenzie, "for any inclination to succour him in his distress." "By all these means, the unfortunate gentleman was reduced to great poverty and misery, and was disabled from procuring the interest or affording the expense needful in order to obtain justice against such potent adversaries." And "it was easy for them (the Mackenzies), being now possessed of his estate, to get in old unjust patched claims from such as had them, and being possessed of his charter chest and the retired vouchers of debts therein contained, by all these means, to make additional titles to the estate of Assynt, while he, poor gentleman, besides his other misfortunes, was deprived of his writs and of all his evidences needful to be produced in his defence against the claims of his adversaries." If a tithe of all this is true poor Neil deserves to be pitied indeed. But after giving such a long catalogue of charges, involving the most cruel and deceitful acts against the Mackenzies, the author of them is himself doubtful about their accuracy, for he says that, although the Mackenzies, after possessing the estates, had all the advantages and means for doing the unjust things which he alleges against them of inventing new claims and additional titles, "it is not pretended to be now told what additional titles they made" - an admission which largely discounts and disposes of the other charges made by Macleod's apologist. And, notwithstanding all his disadvantages and difficulties, Neil made another effort "towards obtaining justice to himself and his family"; and to that end, in 1679 and 1680, he commenced a new process against Seaforth and all others "whom he knew to have or pretended to have" claims against him or his estate. It was, however, objected (1) that he had no title in his own person to the lands of Assynt, and (2) that he was at the horn and had no personam standi in judices. Neil made "very pertinent" answers to these objections in 1682, but he was wisely advised to stop the proceedings of reduction, and to commence a Process of Spulzie against the Earl Sinclair, of Mey, the Laird of Dunbeath, and others. Seaforth having died while these proceedings were pending, there appears in process an Oath by his successor, "who swears that he not then nor formerly had the charter chest, nor knew what was become of it; and as he was not charged with having a hand in the Spulzie he was freed thereof and of the consequences of it, by their Lordships. Neil having given in an inventory of the writs contained in his chest, his oath in litem was taken thereanent, and he referred his expenses and damages to the judgment of the Lords," with the result that, in 1692, they decerned in his favour for the sum of two thousand pounds Scots, in name of damages and expenses, to be paid to him by the defenders, and at the same time superseding his further claim until he should give in more particulars regarding it. He assigned this decree to his nephew, Captain Donald Macleod of Geanies, and it remained as the basis of the process which was raised by Norman Macleod, XIX. of Macleod, in 1738, already referred to "for what thereof is unpaid." But Neil, "being unable by unparalleled bad usage, trouble, and poverty, and at length by old age, it does not appear that lie went any further towards obtaining of justice for himself than what is above narrated in relation to the process of reduction and Spulzie"; and that his friends failed in their subsequent efforts to punish Mackenzie or re-possess themselves of the Assynt estates is sufficiently well-known. [For Neil's connection with the Betrayal of Montrose see Mackenzie's "History of the Macleods," pp. 410-419.]

In 1648 Seaforth again raised a body of 4000 men in the Western Islands and Ross-shire, whom he led south, to aid the King's cause, but after joining in a few skirmishes under Lanark, they returned home to "cut their corn which was now ready for their sickles." During the whole of this period Seaforth's fidelity to the Royal cause was open to considerable suspicion, and when Charles I. threw himself into the hands of the Scots at Newark, and ordered Montrose to disband his forces, Earl George, always trying to be on the winning side, came in to Middleton, and made terms with the Committee of Estates; but the Church, by whom he had previously been excommunicated, continued implacable, and would only agree to be satisfied by a public penance in sackcloth within the High Church of Edinburgh. The proud Earl consented, underwent this ignominious and degrading ceremonial, and his sentence of excommunication was then removed. Notwithstanding this public humiliation, after the death of the ill-fated and despotic Charles I., Seaforth, in 1649, went over to Holland, and joined Charles II., by whom he was made Principal Secretary of State for Scotland, the duties of which, however, he never had the opportunity of performing.

Charles was proclaimed King on the 5th of February, 1649, in Edinburgh, and it was decided by him and his friends in exile that Montrose should make a second attempt to recover Scotland; for, on the advice of his friends, Charles declined the humiliating terms offered him by the Scottish faction, and, in connection with the plans of Montrose, a rising took place in the North, under Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, brother to the Earl of Seaforth, Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, Colonel John Munro of Lemlair, and Colonel Hugh Fraser. On the 22d February they entered Inverness, expelled the troops from the garrison, and afterwards demolished the walls and fortifications. On the 26th of February a Council of War was held, present - Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, Preses, Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, H. Fraser of Belladrum, Jo. Cuthbert of Castlehill, R. Mackenzie, of Davochmaluak; Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, R. Mackenzie of Redcastle, John Munro of Lumlair, Simon Fraser of Craighouse, and Alex. Mackenzie of Suddie.

This Committee made certain enactments, by which they took the customs and excise of the six northern counties entirely into their own hands. The Provost of Inverness was made accountable "for all the money which, under the name of excise, has been taken up in any of the foresaid shires since his intromissions with the office of excise taking." Another item is that Duncan Forbes be pleased to advance money "upon the security which the Committee will grant to him," to be repaid out of the readiest of the "maintaince and excise." Cromarty House was ordered to be put in a position of defence, for which it was "requisite that some faill be cast and led," and all Sir James Fraser's tenants within the parishes of Cromarty and Cullicudden, together with those of the laird of Findrassie, within the parish of Rosemarkie, were ordered "to afford from six hours in the morning to six hours at night, and one horse out of every oxengait daily for the space of four days, to lead the same faill to the House of Cromarty." By the tenth enactment the Committee find it expedient for their safety that the works and forts of Inverness be demolished and levelled to the ground, and they ordain that each person appointed to this work shall complete his proportion thereof before the 4th day of March following "under pain of being quartered upon, aud until the said task be performed." They further enact that a garrison be placed in Culloden House, "which the Committee is not desirous of for any intention of harm towards the disturbance of the owner, but merely because of the security of the garrison of Calder, which, if not kept in good order, is like to infest all the well-affected of the country circumjacent." [For these minutes see "Antiquarian Notes," pp. 157-8.] General Leslie having been sent against them, they retired to the mountains of Ross, when Leslie advanced to Fortrose and placed a garrison in the castle. He made terms with all the other leaders except Pluscardine, who would not listen to any accommodation, and who, immediately on Leslie's return south, descended from his mountain fastnesses, attacked and re-took the Castle of Chanonry.

Pluscardine was then joined by his nephew, Lord Reay, at the head of three hundred men, which increased his force to eight or nine hundred. General Middleton and Lord Ogilvie, having brought up their forces, Mackenzie advanced into Badenoch, with the view of raising the people in that and the neighbouring districts, where he was joined by the Marquis of Huntly, formerly Lord Lewis Gordon, and they at once attacked and took the Castle of Ruthven. After this they were pressed closely by Leslie, and fell down from Badenoch to Balvenny Castle, whence they sent General Middleton and Mackenzie to treat with Leslie, but before they reached their destination, Carr, Halket, and Strachan, who had been in the North, made a rapid march from Fortrose, and on the 8th of May surprised Lord Reay with his nine hundred followers at Balvenny, with considerable loss on both sides. Eighty Royalists fell in the defence of the castle. Carr at once dismissed the Highlanders to their homes on giving their oath never again to take up arms against the Parliament, but he detained Lord Reay and some of his kinsmen, Mackenzie of Redcastle, and a few leaders of that name, and sent them prisoners to Edinburgh. Having there given security to keep the peace in future, Lord Reay, Ogilvy, Huntly, and Middleton were forgiven, and allowed to return home, Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle, being the only one kept in prison, until he was some time after released, through the influence of Argyll, on payment of a fine of seven thousand merks Scots.

Carr now returned to Ross and laid siege to Redcastle, the only stronghold in the North which still held out for the Royal cause. The officer in charge recklessly exposed himself on the ramparts, and was pulled down by a well-directed shot from the enemy. The castle was set on fire by the exasperated soldiers. Leslie then placed a garrison in Brahan and Chanonry Castles, and returned south. The garrisons were then expelled, some of the men hanged, the walls demolished, and the fortifications razed to the ground. Thus ended an insurrection which probably would have had a very different result had it been delayed until the arrival of Montrose. The same year General Leslie himself came to Fortrose with nine troops of horse, and forwarded detachments to Cromarty and "Seaforth's strongest hold" of Ellandonnan Castle.

The following account of this period by a contemporary writer is very interesting: "Immediately after the battle of Auldearn Seaforth met and communed with Montrose, the result of which was that Seaforth should join Montrose, for the King against the Parliament and States, whom they now discovered not to be for the King as they professed; but in the meantime that Seaforth should not appear, till he had called upon and prevailed with his neighbours about him, namely, My Lord Reay, Balnagown, Lovat, Sir James Macdonald of Sleat, Macleod of Dunvegan, and others, to join him and follow him as their leader. Accordingly, Seaforth having called them together, pointed out to them the condition the King was in, and how it was their interest to rise and join together immediately for his Majesty's service and relief. All of them consented and approved of the motion, only some of them desired that the Parliament who professed to be for the King as well as they, and desired to be rid of Montrose and his bloody Irish, should first be made acquainted with their resolution. Seaforth, being unwilling to lose any of them, condescended, and drew up a declaration, which was known as Seaforth's Remonstrance, as separate from Montrose, whereof a double was sent them; but the Parliament was so far from being pleased therewith that they threatened to proclaim Seaforth and all who should join him as rebels. Now, after the battle of Alford and Kilsyth, wherein Montrose was victorious, and all in the south professing to submit to him as the King's Lieutenant, he was by the treachery of Traquair and others of the Covenanters, surprised and defeated at Philiphaugh. In the beginning of the next year, 1646, he came north to recruit his army. Seaforth raised his men and advertised his foresaid neighbours to come, but none came except Sir James Macdonald, who, with Seaforth, joined Montrose at Inverness, which they besieged, but Middleton, who then served in the Scots armies in England, being sent with nearly 1000 horse and 800 foot, coming suddenly the length of Inverness, stopped Montrose's progress. Montrose was forced to raise the siege and quit the campaign, and retired with Seaforth and Sir James Macdonald to the hills of Strathglass, to await the arrival of the rest of their confederates, Lord Reay, Glengarry, Maclean, and several others, who, with such as were ready to join him south, were likely to make a formidable army for the King but, in the meantime, the King having come to the Scots army, the first thing they extorted from him was to send a herald to Montrose, commanding him to disband his forces, and to pass over to France till his Majesty's further pleasure. The herald came to him in the last of May, 1646, while he was at Strathglass waiting the rest of the King's faithful friends who were to join him. For this Montrose was vexed, not only for the King's condition, but for those of his faithful subjects who declared themselves for him and before he would disband he wrote several times to the King, but received no answer, except some articles from the Parliament and Covenanters, which after much reluctance, he was forced to accept, by which he was to depart the Kingdom against the first of September following, and the Covenanters were obliged to provide a ship for his transportation, but finding that they neglected to do so, meeting with a Murray ship in the harbour of Montrose, he went aboard of her with several of his friends, namely, Sir John Hurry, who served the States the year before, John Drummond, Henry Brechin, George Wishart, and several others, leaving Seaforth and the rest of his friends to the mercy of these implacable enemies; for the States and Parliament threatened to forfeit him for acting contrary to their orders, and the Kirk excommunicated him for joining with the excommunicated traitor, as they called him, James Graham; for now the Kirk began to rule with a high hand, becoming more guilty than the bishops, of that of which they charged him with as great a fault for meddling with civil and secular affairs; for they not only looked upon them to form the army and to purge it of such as whom, in their idiom, they called Malignants, but really such as were loyal to the King; and also would have no Acts of Parliament to pass without their consent and approbation. Their proselytes in the laity were also heavy upon and uneasy to such as they found or conceived to have found with a tincture of Malignancy, whereof many instances might be given." But to return to Seaforth. "After he was excommunicated by the Kirk he was obliged to go to Edinburgh, where he was made prisoner and detained two years, till in the end he was, with much ado, released from the sentence of excommunication, and the process of forfeiture against him discharged; for that time he returned home in the end of the year, 1648, but King Charles I. being before that time murdered, and King Charles II. being in France, finding that he would not be for any time on fair terms with the States and Kirk, he proposed to remove his family to the Island of Lewis, and dwell there remote from public affairs, and to allocate his rents on the mainland to pay his most pressing debts, in order to which, having sent his lady in December to Lochcarron, where boats were attending to transport himself and children to the Lewis by way of Lochbroom, wherein his affairs called him, he, without acquainting his kinsmen and friends, went aboard a ship which he had provided for that purpose, and sailed to France, where the King was, who received him most graciously and made him one of his secretaries. This did incense the States against him, so that they placed a garrison in his principal house at Brahan, under the command of Captain Scott, who (afterwards) broke his neck from a fall from his horse in the Craigwood of Chanonry, as also another garrison in the Castle of Ellandonnan, under the command of one William Johnston, which remained to the great hurt and oppression of the people till, in the year 1650, some of the Kintail men, not bearing the insolence of the garrison soldiers, discorded with them, and in harvest that year killed John Campbell, a leading person among them, with others, for having wounded several at little Inverinate, without one drop of blood drawn out of the Kintail men, who were only 10 in number, while the soldiers numbered 30. After this the garrison was very uneasy and greatly afraid of the Kintail men, who threatened them so, that shortly thereafter they removed to Ross, being commanded then by one James Chambers; but Argyll, to keep up the face of a garrison there, sent ten men under the command of John Muir, who lived there civilly without molesting the people, the States were so incensed against the Kintail men for this brush and their usage of the garrison, that they resolved to send a strong party next spring to destroy Kintail and the inhabitants thereof. But King Charles II., after the defeat of Dunbar, being at Stirling recruiting his army against Cromwell, to which Seaforth's men were called, it proved an act of oblivion and indemnity to them, so that the Kintail men were never challenged for their usage of the garrison soldiers. Though the Earl of Seaforth was out of the kingdom, he gave orders to his brother Pluscardine to raise men for the King's service whenever he saw the King's affairs required it; and so, in the year 1649, Pluscardine did raise Seaforth's men and my Lord Reay joining him with his men, marched through Inverness, went through Moray, and crossed the Spey, being resolved to join the Gordons, Atholes, and several others who were ready to rise, and appeared for the King. Lesley, who was sent from the Parliament to stop their progress, called Pluscardine to treat with him, while Seaforth's and my Lord Reay's men encamped at Balveny, promising a cessation of hostilities. For some days Colonel Carr and Strachan, with a strong body of horse, surprised them in their camp, when they lay secure, and taking my Lord Reay, Rory Mackenzie of Redcastle, Rory Mackenzie of Fairburn, John Mackenzie of Ord, and others, prisoners, threatening to kill them unless the men surrendered and disbanded; and the under officers fearing they would kill them whom they had taken prisoners, did their utmost to hinder the Highlanders from fighting, cutting their bowstrings, etc., so they were forced to disband and dissipate. Pluscardine, in the meantime, being absent from them, and fearing to fall into their hands, turned back to Spey with Kenneth of Coul, William Mackenzie of Multavie, and Captain Alexander Bain, and swam the river, being then high by reason of the rainy weather, and so escaped from their implacable enemies. My Lord Reay, Red-castle, and others were sent to Edinburgh as prisoners, as it were to make a triumph, where a solemn day of thanksgiving was kept for that glorious victory. My Lord Reay and the rest were set at liberty, but Redcastle was still kept prisoner, because when he came from home he garrisoned his house of Redcastle, giving strict commands to those he placed in his house not to render or give it until they had seen an order under his hand, whereupon Colonel Carr and Strachan coming to Ross, after the defeat of Balvenny, summoned the garrison to come forth, but all in vain; for they obstinately defended the house against the besiegers until, on a certain day, a cousin of Carr's advancing in the ruff of his pride, with his cocked carbine in his hand, to the very gates of the castle, bantering and threatening those within to give up the castle under all highest pain and danger, he was shot from within and killed outright. This did so grieve and incense Colonel Carr, that he began fairly to capitulate with them within, and made use of Redcastle's own friends to mediate and persuade them, till in the end, upon promise and assurance of fair terms, and an indemnity of what passed, they came out, and then Carr and his party kept not touches with them, but, apprehending several of them, and finding who it was that killed his cousin, caused him to be killed, and thereafter, contrary to the promise and articles of capitulation, rifled the house, taking away what he found useful, and then burnt the house and all that was within it. In the meantime Redcastle was kept prisoner at Edinburgh, none of his friends being in a condition to plead for him, till Ross of Bridly, his uncle by his mother, went south, and being in great favour with Argyll, obtained Redcastle's liberation upon payment of 7000 merks fine." [Ardintoul MS.]

While these proceedings were taking place in the Highlands, Seaforth was in Holland at the exiled Court of Charles II., and when Montrose arrived there Seaforth earnestly supported him in urging on the King the bold and desperate policy of throwing himself on the loyalty of his Scottish subjects, and in strongly protesting against the acceptance by his Majesty and his friends of the arrogant and humiliating demand made by the commissioners sent over to treat with him by the Scottish faction. It is difficult to say whether Seaforth's zeal for his Royal master or the safety of his own person influenced him most during the remainder of his life, but whatever the cause, he adhered steadfastly to the exiled monarch to the end of a life which, in whatever light it may be viewed, cannot be commended as a good example to others. Such vacillating and time-serving conduct ended in the only manner which it deserved. He might have been admired for taking a consistent part on either side, but with Earl George self-preservation and interest appear to have been the only governing principles throughout the whole of this trying period of his country's history. The Earl of Cromarty thought differently, and says that "this George, being a nobleman of excellent qualifications, shared the fortune of his Prince, King Charles I., for whom he suffered all the calamities in his estate that envious or malicious enemies could inflict. He was made secretary to King Charles II. in Holland, but died in that banishment before he saw an end of his King and his country's calamities or of his own injuries." We have seen that his conduct was by no means steadfast in support of Charles, and it may now be safely asserted that his calamities were due more to his own indecision and accommodating character than to any other cause.

Earl George married early in life, Barbara, daughter of Arthur Lord
Forbes (sasine to her in 1637) with issue -

I. Kenneth Mor, his heir and successor.

II. Colin, who has a sasine in 1648, but died young and unmarried.

III. George of Kildun, who married, first, Mary daughter of Skene of Skene, with issue - (1) Kenneth, who went abroad and was no more heard of; (2) Isobel; and several others who died young. He married, secondly, Margaret, daughter of Urquhart of Craighouse, with issue - Colin of Kildun and several other children of whom no trace can be found. All his descendants are said to be extinct.

IV. Colin, who has a sasine of Kinachulladrum in 1721, as "only child now in life, and heir of his brother Roderick." He married Jean, daughter of Robert Laurie, Dean of Edinburgh, with issue - (1) Captain Robert Mackenzie, killed in Flanders, without issue, Colin married, secondly, Lady Herbertshire, with issue, (2) Dr George Mackenzie, who, in 1708, wrote a manuscript "History of the Fitzgeralds and Mackenzies," frequently quoted in this work, and "Lives of Eminent Scotsmen." He, with his father sold the estate of Kinachulladrum to Roderick Mackenzie, IV. of Applecross, in 1721, and died without issue. (3) Barbara, who married Patrick Oliphant.

V. Roderick, I. of Kinachulladrum, who married, first, Anna, daughter of Ogilvie of Glencairn, in 1668 (sasine 1670), with issue - (1) Alexander, II. of Kinachulladrum, who married Anne, daughter of Alexander Mackenzie, III. of Applecross (marriage contract 1707), with issue - Anne, his only child alive in 1766; (2) Kenneth, who died without issue; and two daughters. Roderick married, secondly, Catherine Scougall, daughter of the Bishop of Aberdeen, with issue, all of whom died young.

VI. Jean, who married, first, John Earl of Mar, with issue; and, secondly, Lord Fraser.

VII. Margaret, who married Sir William Sinclair of Mey, with issue.

VIII. Barbara, who married Sir John Urquhart of Cromarty.

IX. John, first of Gruinard, a natural son whose illegitimacy is fully established in the chapter dealing with the Chiefship of the clan. When his Lordship received the news of the disastrous defeat of the King's forces at Worcester he fell into a profound melancholy and died in 1651, at Schiedam in Holland - where he had lived in exile since the beginning of January, 1649 - in the forty-third year of his age. He was succeeded by his eldest son,

XV. KENNETH MOR, THIRD EARL OF SEAFORTH,

Kenneth was born at Brahan Castle in 1635, and when he was five or six years old his father placed him under the care of the Rev. Farquhar Macrae, minister of Kintail, and constable of Ellandonnan Castle, who had a seminary in his house which was attended by the sons of the neighbouring gentry, who kept young Kintail company. One of the manuscript historians of the family, referring to this practical early training of his Lordship, says - "This might be thought a preposterous and wrong way to educate a nobleman, but they who would consider where the most of his interest lay, and how he was among his people, followers, and dependants, on which the family was still valued, perhaps will not think so, for by this the young lord had several advantages; first, by the wholesome, though not delicate or too palatable diet he prescribed to him and used him with, he began to have a wholesome complexion, so nimble and strong, that he was able to endure Stress and fatigue, labour and travel, which proved very useful to him in his after life; secondly, he did not only learn the language but became thoroughly acquainted with and learned the genius of his several tribes or clans of his Highlanders, so that afterwards he was reputed to be the fittest chief or chieftain of all superiors in the Highlands and Isles of Scotland; and thirdly, the early impressions of being among them, and acquaint with the bounds, made him delight and take pleasure to be often among them and to know their circumstances, which indeed was his interest and part of their happiness, so that it was better to give him that first step of education than that which would make him a stranger at home, both as to his people, estate, and condition but when he was taken from Mr Farquhar to a public school, he gave great evidence of his abilities and inclination for learning, and being sent in the year 1651 to the King's College at Aberdeen, under the discipline of Mr Patrick Sandylands, before he was well settled or made any progress in his studies King Charles II., after his army had been defeated at Dunbar the year before, being then at Stirling recruiting and making up his army, with which he was resolved to march into England, the young laird was called home in his father's absence, who was left in Holland (as already described), to raise his men for the King's service, and so went straight to Kintail with the particular persons of his name, viz., the Lairds of Pluscardine and Lochslinn, his uncles; young Tarbat, Rory of Davochmaluag, Kenneth of Coul, Hector of Fairburn, and several others, but the Kintail men, when called upon, made a demur and declined to rise with him, because he was but a child, and that his father, their master, was in life, without whom they would not move, since the King, if he had use for him and for his followers, might easily bring him home." [Ardintoul MS.]

Kenneth, like his father in later years, became identified with the fate of Charles II., and devoted himself unremittingly to the services of that monarch during his exile. From his great stature he was known among the Highlanders as "Coinneach Mor." On the arrival of the King at Garmouth, in June, 1650, his reception throughout all Scotland was of a most cheering character, but the Highlanders, who always favoured the Stuarts, were specially joyous on the return of their exiled king. After the defeat by Oliver Cromwell of the Scottish army at Dunbar - a defeat brought about by the interference of the Committee of Estates and the Kirk with the duties of those in charge of the forces, and whose plans, were they allowed to carry them out, would have saved Scotland from the first great defeat it had ever received at the hands of an enemy - the King resolved to come north and throw himself upon the patriotism and loyalty or his Highland subjects. He was, however, captured and taken back to Perth, and afterwards to Edinburgh, by the Committee of Estates, on whom, it is said, his attempted escape to the Highlands "produced a salutary effect;" and they began to treat him with some respect, going the length even of admitting him to their deliberations. A large number of the Highlanders were already in arms to support him; but the Committee, having the King in their power, induced him to write to the Highland chiefs requesting them to lay down their arms. This they refused, and to enforce the King's orders a regiment, under Sir John Drown, was despatched to the North, but it was surprised and defeated on the night of the 21st of October by Sir David Ogilvy of Airley. On receiving this intelligence, General Leslie hastened north with a force of 3000 cavalry. General Middleton, who supported the King's friends in the Highlands, and who was then at Forfar, hearing of Leslie's advance, forwarded him a letter containing a copy of a bond and oath of engagement which had been entered into by Huntly, Athole, the Earl of Seaforth, and other leading Highland chiefs, by which they had pledged themselves on oath to join firmly and faithfully together, and "neither for fear, threatening, allurement, nor advantage, to relinquish the cause of religion, of the king, and of the kingdom, nor to lay down their arms without a general consent; and as the best undertakings did not escape censure and malice, they promised and swore, for the satisfaction of all reasonable persons, that they would maintain the true religion, as then established in Scotland, the National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant, and defend the person of the King, his prerogative, greatness, and authority, and the privileges of parliament, and the freedom of the subject." Middleton pointed out that the only object of himself and friends was to unite the Scots in the defence of their common rights, and that, as would be seen from this bond, the grounds on which they entered into association were exactly the same as those professed by Leslie himself. Considering this, and seeing that the independence of Scotland was at stake, he urged that all Scotsmen should join for the preservation of their common liberties. Middleton proposed to join Leslie, to place himself under his command, and expressed a hope that he would not shed the blood of his countrymen nor force them to shed the blood of their bethren in self-defence. These communications ended in a treaty between Leslie and the leading Royalists at Strathbogie, dated 4th November, by which Middleton and his followers received an indemnity, and laid down their arms. ["Balfour," vol, iv., p. 129. "Highland Clans," p. 285]

Immediately after the battle of Worcester, at which Charles was defeated by Cromwell in 1651 - where we find among those present Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine as one of the Colonels of foot for Inverness and Ross, and Alexander Cam Mackenzie, fourth son of Alexander, fifth of Gairloch - Charles fled to the Continent, and, after many severe hardships and narrow escapes, he found refuge in Flanders, where he continued to reside, often in great want and distress, until the Restoration, when in May, 1660, he returned to England "indolent, selfish, unfeeling, faithless, ungrateful, and insensible to shame or reproach." The Earl of Cromarty says that subsequent to the treaty agreed upon between Middleton and Leslie at Strathbogie, "Seaforth joined the King at Stirling. After the fatal battle of Worcester he continued a close prisoner until the Restoration of Charles." He was excepted from Oliver Cromwell's Act of Grace and Pardon in 1654, and his estates were forfeited, without any provision being allowed out of it for his wife and family. He supported the King's cause as long as there was an opportunity of fighting for it in the field, and when forced to submit to the opposing forces of Cromwell and the Commonwealth, he was committed to prison, where, with "much firmness of mind and nobility of soul," he endured a tedious captivity for many years, until Charles II. was recalled, when he ordered his old and faithful friend Seaforth to be released, after which he became a great favourite at his licentious and profligate Court.

During the remainder of his life little or nothing of any importance is known of him, except that he lived in the favour and merited smiles of his sovereign, in the undisputed possession and enjoyment of the extensive estates and honours of his noble ancestors, which, through his faithful adherence to the House of Stuart, had been nearly lost during the exile of the second Charles and his own captivity. Referring to the position of affairs at this period, the Laird of Applecross says that the "rebels, possessing the authority, oppressed all the loyal subjects, and him with the first; his estate was over-burthened to its destruction, but nothing could deter him so as to bring him to forsake his King or his duty. Whenever any was in the field for him, he was one, seconding that falling cause with all his power, and when he was not in the field against the enemy, he was in the prison by him until the restoration of the King." Restored to liberty, he, on the 23d of April, 1662, received a Commission of the Sheriffship of Ross, which was afterwards renewed to him and to his eldest son Kenneth, jointly, on 31st of July, 1675; and when he had set his affairs in order at Brahan, he re-visited Paris, leaving his Countess Isobel, daughter of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat, and sister to the first Earl of Cromarty, in charge of his interests in the North.

Kenneth married early in life Isobel, daughter of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat, father of George, first Earl of Cromarty, with issue -

I. Kenneth Og, his heir and successor.

II. John Mackenzie of Assynt, who married Sibella, daughter of
Alexander Mackenzie, III. of Applecross (marriage contract 1697).
He has a sasine in 1695 and 1696. They had issue, an only son,
Kenneth, who married his cousin Frances, daughter of Alexander
Mackenzie of Assynt and Conansbay, and died in 1723, without issue.

III. Hugh, who died young and unmarried. There is a sasine to him as third son in 1667.

IV. Colonel Alexander, also designated of Assynt and Conansbay.
He has a sasine as "third lawful son now in life" of the lands of
Kildin, dated October, 1694. He married Elizabeth, daughter of John
Paterson, Bishop of Ross (marriage contract 1700), with issue - Major
William Mackenzie, who married Mary, daughter and co-heiress of
Mathew Humberston, county Lincoln, whose two sons - Colonel Thomas
Francis Mackenzie, and Francis Humberston Mackenzie, created Lord
Seaforth in 1797, and who died without surviving male issue, the
last of his line in 1815 - succeeded to the family estates.

V. Margaret, who married James, second Lord Duffus, with issue.

VI. Anne, who died unmarried.

VII. Isabel, who married, first, in February, 1694, Roderick
Macleod, XVI I. of Macleod, without issue; and, secondly, Sir Duncan
Campbell of Lochnell, with issue.

VIII. Mary, who, as his second wife, married Alexander Macdonald, XI. of Glengarry, with issue - John, who carried on the succession, and others. She has a life-rent sasine in 1696. Kenneth Mor died in December, 1678, when he was succeeded by his eldest son,

XVI. KENNETH OG, FOURTH EARL OF SEAFORTH,

So described by the Highlanders to distinguish him from his father. At an early age he began to reap the benefits of his predecessor's faithful adherence to the fortunes of Charles II. In 1678, before his father died, his name is found among the chiefs, who, by a proclamation dated 10th of October in that year, were called upon to give their bond and caution for the security of the peace and quiet of the Highlands, which the leaders were to give, not only for themselves but for all the members of their respective Clans. In spite of all the enactments and orders hitherto passed, the inhabitants and broken men in the Highlands were "inured and accustomed to liberty and licentiousness" during the late troubles, and "still presumed to sorn, steal, oppress, and commit other violences and disorders." The great chiefs were commanded to appear in Edinburgh on the last Tuesday of February, 1679, and yearly thereafter on the second Thursday of July, to give security and receive instructions as to the peace of the Highlands. To prevent any excuse for non-attendance, they were declared free from caption for debt or otherwise while journeying to and from Edinburgh, and other means were to be taken, which might be thought necessary or expedient until the Highlands were finally quieted, and "all these wicked, broken, and disorderly men utterly rooted out and extirpated." A second proclamation was issued, in which the lesser barons - heads of the branches of clans - whose names are given, were to go to Inverlochy by the 20th of November following, as they were "by reason of their mean condition," not able to come in to Edinburgh and find caution, and there to give in bonds and securities for themselves, their men, tenants, servants, and indwellers upon their lands, and all of their name descended of their families, to the Earl of Caithness, Sir James Campbell of Lawers, James Menzies of Culdarers, or any two of them. These lists are interesting, showing, as they do, those who were considered the greater and lesser barons at the time. We find four Mackenzies in the former but not one in the latter. [For the full lists see "Antiquarian Notes," pp. 184 and 187.]

On the 1st of March, 1681, Kenneth was served heir male to his great-grandfather, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, in his lands in the Lordship of Ardmeanach and in the Earldom of Ross; was made a member of the Privy Council by James II. on his accession to the throne in 1685, and chosen a Knight Companion of the Thistle, on the revival of that ancient Order in 1687. The year after the Revolution Seaforth accompanied his Royal master to France, but when that Prince returned to Ireland in the following year to make a final effort for the recovery of his kingdom, he was accompanied thither by the Earl. There he took part in the siege of Londonderry and in other engagements, and as an expression of gratitude James created him Marquis of Seaforth, under which title he repeatedly appears in various legal documents. This well-meant and deserved honour, however, came too late in the falling fortunes and declining powers of the ex-King, and does little more than mark his Royal confirmation of the steady adherence of the chiefs of Kintail to the cause of the unfortunate Stuarts.

Viscount Dundee in a letter to the "Laird of Macleod," dated "Moy, June 23, 1689" [About this time Viscount Tarbat boasted to General Mackay of his great influence with his countrymen, especially the Clan Mackenzie, and assured him "that though Seaforth should come to his own country and among his friends, he (Tarbat) would overturn in eight days more than the Earl could advance in six weeks yet be proved as backward as Seaforth or any other of the Clan. And though Redcastle, Coul, and others of the name of Mackenzie came, they fell not on final methods, but protested a great deal of affection for the cause." - "Mackay's Memoirs.">[ in which he details his own and the King's prospects, gives a list of those who are to join him. "My Lord Seaforth," he says, "will be in a few days from Ireland to raise his men for the King's service;" but the fatal shot which closed the career of that brilliant star and champion of the Stuart dynasty at Killiecrankie, arrested the progress of the family of Seaforth in the fair course to all the honours which a grateful dynasty could bestow; nor was the family of Kintail singular in this respect - seeing its flattering prospects withered at, perhaps, a fortunate moment for the prosperity of the Empire. Jealousies have now passed away on that subject, and it is not our business to discuss or in any way confound the principles of contending loyalties.

To check the proceedings of the Mackenzies, Mackay placed a garrison of a hundred Mackays in Brahan Castle, the principal seat of the Earl, and an equal number of Rosses in Castle Leod, the mansion of Viscount Tarbat, both places of strength, and advantageously situated for watching the movements of the Jacobite Mackenzies. ["Life of General Mackay," by John Mackay of Rockfield, pp. 36-37.]

Seaforth seems to have left Ireland immediately after the battle of the Boyne, and to have returned to the Highlands. The greater part of the North was at the time hostile to the Government, and General Mackay was obliged to march north, with all haste, before a general rising could take place under Buchan, who now commanded the Highlanders who stood out for King James. Mackay was within four hours march of Inverness before Buchan, who was then at that place "waiting for the Earl of Seaforth's and the other Highlanders whom he expected to join him in attacking the town," knew of his approach. Hearing of the proximity of the enemy, Buchan at once retreated, crossed the River Ness, and retired along the north side of the Beauly Firth, eastward through the Black Isle. In this emergency, Seaforth, fearing the personal consequences of the part be had acted throughout, sent two of his friends to General Mackay, offering terms of submission and whatever securities might be required for his future good behaviour, informing him at the same time that, although he had been forced to appear on the side of James, he never entertained any design of molesting the Government forces or of joining Buchan in his attack on the town of Inverness. Mackay replied that he could accept no security other than the surrender of his Lordship's person, at the same time conjuring him to comply, as he valued his own safety and the preservation of his family and people, and assuring him that in the case of surrender he should be detained in civil custody in Inverness, and treated with the respect due to his rank, until the will of the Government should become known. Next day the Earl's mother, the Countess Dowager of Seaforth, and Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul proceeded to Inverness, to plead with Mackay for a mitigation of the terms proposed, but finding him inflexible, they told him that Seaforth would accede to any conditions agreed to by them in his behalf. It was thereupon stipulated that he should deliver himself up at once and be kept a prisoner in Inverness until the Privy Council decided as to his ultimate disposal. With the view of concealing his voluntary submission from his own clan and his other Jacobite friends, it was agreed that the Earl should allow himself to be siezed at one of his seats by a party of horse under Major Mackay, as if he were taken by surprise. He, however, disappointed those sent to take him, in excuse of which, his mother and he, in letters to General Mackay, pleaded the delicate state of his health, which, it was urged, would suffer from imprisonment; and indeed few can blame him for any unwillingness to place himself absolutely at the disposal of such a body as the Privy Council of Scotland then was - many of whom would not hesitate in the slightest to sacrifice him, if by so doing they could only see any chance of obtaining a share, however small, of his extensive estates.

General Mackay became so irritated at the deception thus practised upon him that he resolved to treat Seaforth's vassals "with all the rigour of military execution," and he sent his Lordship a message that if he did not surrender forthwith according to his promise, he should at once carry out his instructions from the Privy Council by entering his country with fire and sword, and seizing all the property belonging to himself or to his clan as lawful prize; and, lest the Earl should have any doubt as to his intention of executing this terrible treat, he immediately ordered three Dutch regiments from Aberdeen to Inverness, and decided on leading a competent body of horse and foot in person from the garrison at the latter place, to take possession of Brahan Castle. The General, at the same time wrote instructing the Earl of Sutherland, Lord Reay, and Ross of Balnagown, to send a thousand of their men, under Major Wishart an experienced officer acquainted with the country, to take up their quarters in the more remote districts of the Seaforth estates, should that extreme step, as he much feared, become necessary. Having, however, a friendly disposition towards the followers of Seaforth, on account of their being "all Protestants and none of the most dangerous enemies," and being more anxious to get hold of his Lordship's person than to ruin his friends, he caused information of his intentions to be sent to Seaforth's camp by some of his own party, as if from a feeling of friendship for him the result being that, contrary to Mackay's expectations, Seaforth surrendered - thus relieving him from a most disagreeable duty, [Though the General "was not immediately connected with the Seaforth family himself, some of his near relatives were, both by the ties of kindred and of ancient friendship. For these, and other reasons it may be conceived what joy and thankfulness to Providence he felt for the result of ibis affair, which at once relieved him from a distressing dilemma, and promised to put a speedy period to his labours in Scotland." - Mackay's "Life of General Mackay.">[ - and he was at once committed a prisoner to the Castle of Inverness.

Writing to the Privy Council about the disaffected chiefs at the time, General Mackay says - "I believe it shall fare so with the Earl of Seaforth, that is, that he shall haply submit when his country is ruined and spoyled, which is the character of a true Scotsman, wyse behinde the hand." [Letters to the Privy Council, dated 1st September, 1690.] By warrant, dated 7th October, 1690, the Privy Council directs Mackay "to transport the person of Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, with safety from Inverness to Edinburgh, in such way and manner as he should think fit." This done, he was on the 6th November following confined within the Castle of Edinburgh, but, little more than a year afterwards, he was liberated, on the 7th January, 1692, having found caution to appear when called upon, and on condition that he should not go ten miles beyond the walls of Edinburgh. He appears not to have implemented these conditions for any length of time, for shortly after he is again in prison almost immediately makes his escape is apprehended on the 7th of May, the same year, at Pencaitland and again kept confined in the Castle of Inverness, from which he is ultimately and finally liberated on giving sufficient security for his peaceable behaviour, ["Records of the Privy Council," and "Mackay's Memoirs.">[ the following being the order for his release:

"William R., Right trusty and right-well-beloved Councillors, &c., we greet you well. Whereas we are informed that Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, did surrender himself prisoner to the commander of our garrison at Inverness, and has thrown himself on our Royal mercy; it is our will and pleasure, and we hereby authorise and require you to set the said Earl of Seaforth at liberty, upon his finding bail and security to live peaceably under our Government and to compear before you when called. And that you order our Advocate not to insist in the process of treason waged against him until our further pleasure be known therein. For doing whereof this shall be your warrant, so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Kensington, the first day of March, 1696-7, and of our reign the eighth year. By his Majesty's command. (Signed) "TULLIBARDINE."

During the remaining years of his life, Seaforth appears to have lived mainly in France. Apart from his necessary absence from his own country during the long-continued period of political irritation, the exhausted state of his paternal revenues would have rendered his residence abroad highly expedient. We accordingly find several discharges for feu-duties granted by others in his absence, such as the following:

"I, Maister Alexander Mackenzie, lawful brother to the Marquis of Seaforth, grants me to have received from John Mathesone, all and hail the somme of seaven hundred and twentie merks Scots money and that in complete payment of his duties and or the lands of both the Fernacks and Achnakerich, payable Martimass ninety (1690), dated 22d November, 1694."

There is another by "Isobel, Countess Dowager of Seaforth, in 1696, tested by 'Rorie Mackenzie, servitor to the Marquis of Seaforth,'" and an original discharge by "me, Isobell, Countess Dowager of Seaforth, Lady Superior of the grounds, lands, and oyes under-written," to Kenneth Mackenzie of Dundonnel, dated at Fortrose, 15th November, 1697, signed, "Isobell Seaforth." [Allangrange Service, on which occasion thc originals were produced.] It may fairly be presumed that, during the whole of this period, Earl Kenneth was in retirement, and that be took no personal part in the management of his estates for the remainder of his life.

His clansmen, however, seem to have been determined to protect his interest as much as they could. A certain Sir John Dempster of Pitliver had advanced Seaforth and his mother, the Countess Dowager, a large sum of money and obtained a decree of Parliament to have the amount refunded to him. The cash was not forthcoming, and Sir John secured letters of horning and arrestment against them, and employed several officers to serve them, but they returned the letters unexecuted, not finding notum accessum in the Earl's country, and they refused altogether to undertake the duty again without the assistance of the King's forces in the district. Sir John petitioned for this aid, and humbly craved the Privy Council to allow him "a competent assistance of his Majesty's forces at Fort-William, Inverness, or where they are lying adjacent to the places where the said dilligence is to be put in execution, to support and protect the messengers" in the due enforcement of the legal dilligence against the Earl and his mother, "by horning, poinding, arrestment, or otherways," and to recommend to the Governor at Fort-William, or the commander of the forces at Inverness, to grant a suitable force for the purpose. Their Lordships having considered the petition, recommended Sir Thomas Livingstone, commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces, to order some of the officers already mentioned to furnish the petitioner "with competent parties of his Majesty's forces" to support and protect the messengers in the due execution of the "legal dilligence upon the said decreet of Parliament." [For this document see "Antiquarian Notes," pp 118-119.]

The Earl married Lady Frances Herbert, second daughter of William, Marquis of Powis, an English nobleman, by Lady Elizabeth Somerset, daughter of Edward, Marquis of Worcester, with issue -

I. William, his heir and successor.

II. Mary, who married John Careyl, with issue.

He died at Paris,in 1701, and was succeeded by his only son,

XVII. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL OF SEAFORTH,

Generally known among the Highlanders as "Uilleam Dubh." He succeeded at a most critical period in the history of Scotland, just when the country was divided on the great question of Union with England, which in spite of the fears of most of the Highland chiefs and nobles of Scotland, ultimately turned out so beneficial to both. He would, no doubt, have imbibed strong Jacobite feelings during his residence with his exiled parents in France. But little information of William's proceedings during the first few years of his rule is obtainable. He seems to have continued abroad, for on the 23d of May, 1709, an order is found addressed to the forester at Letterewe signed by his mother the Dowager, "Frances Seaforth." But on the 22d of June, 1713, she addresses a letter to Colin Mackenzie of Kincraig, in which she says - "I find my son William is fully inclined to do justice to all. Within fifteen days he will be at Brahan." [Original produced at Allangrange Service in 1829.]

At this period the great majority of the southern nobles were ready to break out into open rebellion, while the Highland chiefs were almost to a man prepared to rise in favour of the Stuarts. This soon became known to the Government. Bodies of armed Highlanders were seen moving about in several districts in the North. A party appeared in the neighbourhood of Inverness which was, however, soon dispersed by the local garrison. The Government became alarmed, and the Lords Justices sent a large number of half-pay officers, chiefly from the Scottish regiments, to officer the militia, under command of Major General Whitham, commander-in-chief at the time in Scotland. These proceedings alarmed the Jacobites, most of whom returned to their homes. The Duke of Gordon was confined in Edinburgh Castle, and the Marquis of Huntly and Lord Drummond in their respective residences. The latter fled to the Highlands and offered bail for his good behaviour. Captain Campbell of Glendaruel, who had obtained a commission from the late Administration to raise an independent company of Highlanders, was apprehended at Inverlochy and sent prisoner to Edinburgh. Sir Donald Macdonald, XI. of Sleat, was also seized and committed to the same place, and a proclamation was issued offering a reward of L100,000 sterling for the apprehension of the Chevalier, should he land or attempt to land in Great Britain. King George, on his arrival, threw himself entirely into the arms of the Whigs, who alone shared his favours. A spirit of the most violent discontent was excited throughout the whole kingdom, and the populace, led on by the Jacobite leaders, raised tumults in different parts of the King's dominions. The Chevalier, taking advantage of this excitement, issued a manifesto to the chief nobility, especially to the Dukes of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Argyll, who at once handed them to the Secretaries of State.

The King dissolved Parliament in January, 1715, and issued an extraordinary proclamation calling together a new one. The Whigs were successful both in England and Scotland, but particularly in the latter, where a majority of the peers, and forty out of the forty-five members then returned to the Commons, were in favour of his Majesty's Government. The principal Parliamentary struggle was in the county of Inverness between Mackenzie of Prestonhall, strongly supported by Glengarry and the other Jacobite chiefs, and Forbes of Culloden, brother of the celebrated President, who carried the election through the influence of Brigadier-General Grant and the friends of Lord Lovat.

The Earl of Mar, who had rendered himself extremely unpopular among the Jacobite chiefs, afterwards rewarded some of his former favourites by advocating the repeal of the Union. He was again made Secretary of State for Scotland in 1713, but was unceremoniously dismissed from office by George I., and he vowed revenge. He afterwards found his way to Fife, and subsequently to the Braes of Mar. On the 19th of August, 1715, he despatched letters to the principal Jacobites, among whom was Lord Seaforth, inviting them to attend a grand hunting match at Braemar on the 27th of the same month. This was a ruse meant to cover his intention to raise the standard of rebellion and that the Jacobites were let into the secret is evident from the fact that as early as the 6th of August those of them in Edinburgh and its neighbourhood were aware of his intentions to come to Scotland. Under pretence of attending this grand match, a considerable number of noblemen and gentlemen arrived at Aboyne at the appointed time. Among them were the Marquis of Huntly, eldest son of the Duke of Gordon the Marquis of Tullibardine, eldest son of the Duke of Athole; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, Errol, Southesk, Carnwarth, Seaforth, and Linlithgow; the Viscounts Kilsyth, Kenmure, Kingston, and Stormont Lords Rollo, Duffus, Drummond, Strathallan, Ogilvie, and Nairne; and about twenty-six other gentlemen of influence in the Highlands, among whom were Generals Hamilton and Gordon, Glengarry, Campbell of Glendaruel, and the lairds of Aucterhouse and Auldbar. ["Rae," p 189; "Annals of King George," pp. 15-16.] Mar delivered a stirring address, in which he expressed regret for his past conduct in favouring the Union, and, now that his eyes were opened, promising to do all in his power to retrieve the past and help to make his countrymen again a free people. He produced a commission from James appointing him Lieutenant-General and Commander of all the Jacobite forces in Scotland, and at the same time informed the meeting that he was supplied with money, and that an arrangement had been made by which he would be able to pay regularly any forces that might be raised, so that no gentleman who with his followers should join his standard would be put to any expense, and that the country would be entirely relieved of the cost of conducting the war; after which the meeting unanimously resolved to take up arms for the purpose of establishing the Chevalier on the Scottish throne. They then took the oath of fidelity to Mar as the representative of James VIII. and to each other, and separated, each going home after promising to raise his vassals and to be in readiness to join the Earl whenever summoned to do so. They had scarcely arrived at their respective destinations when they were called upon to meet him at Aboyne on the 3d of September following, where, with only sixty followers, Mar proclaimed the Chevalier at Castletown in Braemar, after which he proceeded to Kirkmichael, and on the 6th of September, raised his standard in presence of a force of 2000, mostly consisting of cavalry. When in course of erection, the ball on the top of the flag-staff fell off. This was regarded by the Highlanders as a bad omen, and it cast a gloom over the proceedings of the day.

Meanwhile Colonel Sir Hector Munro, who bad served as Captain in the Earl of Orkney's Regiment with reputation in the wars of Queen Anne, raised his followers, who, along with a body of Rosses, numbered about 600 men. With these, in November, 1715, he encamped at Alness and on the 6th of October following he was joined by the Earl of Sutherland, accompanied by his son, Lord Strathnaver, and by Lord Reay, with an additional force of 600, in the interest of the Whig Government, and to cover their own districts and check the movements of the Western clans in effecting a junction with the Earl of Mar, whom Earl William and Sir Donald Macdonald had publicly espoused, as already stated, at the pretended hunting match in Braemar. The meeting at Alness was instrumental in keeping Seaforth in the North. If the Earl and his mother's clans had advanced a month earlier the Duke of Argyll would not have dared to advance against Mar's united forces, who might have pushed an army across the Forth sufficient to have paralyzed any exertion that might have been made to preserve a shadow of the Government. It may be said that if Dundee had lived to hold the commission of Mar, such a junction would not have been necessary, which amounts to no more than saying that the life of Dundee would have been tantamount to a restoration of the Stuarts Mar was not trained in camp, nor did he possess the military genius of Dundee. Had Montrose a moiety of his force things would have been otherwise. Mar, trusting to Seaforth's reinforcement, was inactive, and Seaforth was for a time kept in by the collocation of Sutherland's levies, till he was joined by 700 Macdonalds and detachments from other clans, amounting, with his own followers, to 3000 men, with which he promptly attacked the Earl of Sutherland, who fled with his mixed army precipitately to Bonar-Bridge, where they dispersed. A party of Grants on their way to join them, on being informed of Sutherland's retreat, thought it prudent to retrace their steps. Seaforth, thus relieved, levied considerable fines on Munro's territories, which were fully retaliated for during his absence with the Jacobite army, to join which he now set out; and Sir John Mackenzie of Coul, whom he had ordered to occupy Inverness, was, after a gallant resistance, forced by Lord Lovat, at the head of a mixed body of Frasers and Grants, to retire with his garrison to Ross-shire. "Whether he followed his chief to Perth does not appear; but on Seaforth's arrival that Mar seems for the first time to have resolved on the passage of the Firth - a movement which led to the Battle of Sheriffmuir - is evident and conclusive as to the different features given to the whole campaign by the Whig camp at Alness, however creditable to the noble Earl and his mother's confederates. But it is not our present province to enter on a military review of the conduct of either army preceding this consequential conflict, or to decide to which party the victory, claimed by both parties, properly belonged suffice it to say that above 3000 of Seaforth's men formed a considerable part of the second line, and seem from the general account on that subject to have done their duty." [Bennetsfield MS.] A great many of Seaforth's followers were slain, among whom were four Highlanders who appear to have signally distinguished themselves. They were John Mackenzie of Hilton, who commanded a company of the Mackenzies, John Mackenzie of Applecross, John Mac Rae of Conchra, and John Murchison of Achtertyre. Their prowess on the field had been commemorated by one of their followers, John MacRae, who escaped and returned home, in an excellent Gaelie poem, known as "Latha Blar an t-Siorra," the " Day of Sheriffmuir." The fate of these renowned warriors was keenly regretted by their Highland countrymen, and they are still remembered and distinguished amongst them as "Ceithear Ianan na h-Alba," or The four Johns of Scotland.

During the preceding troubles Ellandonnan Castle got into the hands of the King's troops, but shortly before Sheriffmuir it was again secured by the following clever stratagem: A neighbouring tenant applied to the Governor for some of the garrison to cut his corn, as he feared from the appearance of the sky and the croaking of ravens that a heavy storm was impending, and that nothing but a sudden separation of his crop from the ground could save his family from starvation. The Governor readily yielded to his solicitations, and sent the garrison of Government soldiers then in the castle to his aid, who, on their return, discovered the ruse too late for the Kintail men were by this time reaping the spoils, and had possession of the castle. "The oldest inhabitant of the parish remembers to have seen the Kintail men under arms, dancing on the leaden roof, just as they were setting out for the Battle of Sheriffmuir, where this resolute band was cut to pieces." ["Old Statistical Account of Kintail," 1792.]

Inverness continued meanwhile in possession of the Mackenzies, under command of the Governor, Sir John Mackenzie of Coul, and George Mackenzie of Gruinard. Macdonald of Keppoch was on the march to support Sir John at Inverness, and Lord Lovat, learning this, gathered his men together, and on the 7th of November decided to throw himself across the river Ness and place his forces directly between Keppoch and the Governor. Sir John, on discovering Lovat's movement, resolved to make a sally out of the garrison and place the enemy between him and the advancing Keppoch, where he could attack him with advantage, but Macdonald became alarmed and returned home through Glen-Urquhart, whereupon Lord Lovat marched straight upon Inverness, and took up a position about a mile to the west of the town. The authorities were summoned to send out the garrison and the Governor, or the town would be burnt and the inhabitants put to the sword. Preparations were made for the attack, but Sir John Mackenzie, considering that any further defence was hopeless, on the 10th of November collected together all the boats he could find and at high water safely effected his escape from the town, when Lovat marched in without opposition. His Lordship advised the Earl of Sutherland that he had secured possession of Inverness, and on the 15th of November the latter, leaving Colonel Robert Munro of Fowlis as Governor of Inverness, went with his followers, accompanied by Lord Lovat with some of his men, to Brahan Castle, and compelled the responsible men of the Clan Mackenzie who were not in the South with the Earl of Seaforth to come under an obligation for their peaceable behaviour, and to return the arms previously taken from the Munros by Lord Seaforth at Alness; to release the prisoners in their possession, and promise not to assist Lord Seaforth directly or indirectly in his efforts against the Government; that they would grant to the Earl of Sutherland any sum of money he might require from them upon due notice for the use of the Government; and, finally, that Brahan Castle, the principal residence of the Earl of Seaforth, should be turned into a garrison for King George.

Seaforth returned from Sheriffmuir, and again collected his men near Brahan, but the Earl of Sutherland with a large number of his own men, Lord Reay's, the Munros, Rosses, Culloden's men, and the Frasers, marched to meet him and encamped at Beauly, within a few miles of Mackenzie's camp, and prepared to give him battle, which, when my Lord Seaforth saw, he thought it convenient to capitulate, own the King's authority, disperse his men, and propose the mediation of these Government friends for his pardon. Upon his submission the King was graciously pleased to send down orders that upon giving up his arms and coming into Inverness, he might expect his pardon; yet upon the Pretender's Anvil at Perth and my Lord Huntly's suggestions to him that now was the time for them to appear for their King and country, and that what honour they lost at Dunblane might yet be regained; but while he thus insinuated to my Lord Seaforth, he privately found that my Lord Seaforth had by being an early suitor for the King's pardon, by promising to lay down his arms, and owning the King's authority, claimed in a great measure to an assurance of his life and fortune, which he thought proper for himself to purchase at the rate of disappointing Seaforth, with hopes of standing by the good old cause, till Seaforth, with that vain hope, lost the King's favour that was promised him; which Huntly embraced by taking the very first opportunity of deserting the Chevalier's cause, and surrendering himself upon terms made with him of safety to his life and fortune. This sounded so sweet to him that he sleeped so secure as never to dream of any preservation for a great many good gentlemen that made choice to stand by him and serve under him that many other worthy nobles who would die or banish rather that not show their personal bravery, and all other friendly offices to their adherents." [Lord Lovat's Account of the taking of Inverness. "Patten's Rebellion.">[

In February, 1716, hopeless of attaining his object, the unfortunate son of James II. left Scotland, the land of his forefathers, never to visit it again, and Earl William followed him to the common resort of the exiled Jacobites of the time. On the 7th of the following May an Act of attainder was passed against the Earl and the other chiefs of the Jacobite party. Their estates were forfeited, though practically in many cases, and especially in that of Seaforth, it was found extremely difficult to carry the forfeiture into effect. The Master of Sinclair is responsible for the base and unfounded allegation that the Earl of Seaforth, the Marquis of Huntly, and other Jacobites, were in treaty with the Government to deliver up the Chevalier to the Duke of Argyll, that they might procure better terms for themselves than they could otherwise expect. This odious charge, which is not corroborated by any other writer, must be looked upon as highly improbable." [Fullarton's "Highland Clans," p 471.] If any proof of the untruthfulness of this charge be required it will be found in the fact that the Earl returned afterwards to the Island of Lewis, and re-embodied his vassals there under an experienced officer, Campbell of Ormundel, who had served with distinction in the Russian army; and it was not until a large Government force was sent over against him, which he found it impossible successfully to oppose, that he recrossed to the mainland and escaped to France.

Among the "gentlemen prisoners" taken to the Castle of Stirling on the day following the Battle of Sheriffmuir the following are found in a list published in Patten's Rebellion - Kenneth Mackenzie, nephew to Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul Joh Maclean, adjutant to Colonel Mackenzie's Regiment Colonel Mackenzie of Kildin, Captain of Fairburn's Regiment; Hugh MacRae, Donald MacRae, and Christopher MacRae.

The war declared against Spain in December, 1718, again revived the hopes of the Jacobites, who, in accordance with a stipulation between the British Government and the Duke of Orleans, then Regent of France, had previously, with the Chevalier and the Duke of Ormont at their head, been ordered out of France. They repaired to Madrid, where they held conferences with Cardinal Alberoni, and concerted an invasion of Great Britain. On the 10th of March, 1719, a fleet, consisting of ten men-of-war and twenty-one transports, having on board five thousand men, a large quantity of ammunition, and thirty thousand muskets, sailed from Cadiz under the command of the Duke of Ormond, with instructions to join the rest of the expedition at Corunna, and to make a descent at once upon England, Scotland, and Ireland. The sorry fate of this expedition is well known. Only two frigates reached their destination, the rest having been dispersed and disabled off Cape Finisterre by a violent storm which lasted about twelve days. The two ships which survived the storm and reached Scotland had on board the Earl of Seaforth and Earl Marischal, the Marquis of Tullibardine, some field officers, three hundred Spaniards, and arms and ammunition for two thousand men. They entered Lochalsh about the middle of May; effected a landing in Kintail and were there joined by a body of Seaforth's vassals, and a party of Macgregors under command of the famous Rob Roy; but the other Jacobite chiefs, remembering their previous disappointments and misfortunes, stood aloof until the whole of Ormond's forces should arrive. General Wightman, who was stationed at Inverness, hearing of their arrival, marched to meet them with 2000 Dutch troops and a detachment of the garrison at Inverness. Seaforth's forces and their allies took possession of the pass of Glenshiel, but on the approach of the Government forces they retired to the pass of Strachell, which they decided to defend at all hazards. They were there engaged by General Wightman, who, after a smart skirmish of about three hours duration, and after inflicting some loss upon the Jacobites, drove them from one eminence to another, till night came on, when the Highlanders, their chief having been seriously wounded, and giving up all hopes of a successful resistance, retired during the night to the mountains, carrying Seaforth along with them and the Spaniards next morning surrendered themselves prisoners of war. [The Spaniards kept their powder magazine and ball behind the manse, but after the battle of Glenshiel they set fire to it lest it should fall into the hands of the King's troops. These balls are still gathered up by sportsmen, and are found in great abundance upon the glebe. - "Old Statistical Account of Kintail.">[ Seaforth, Marischal, and Tullibardine, with the other principal officers, managed to effect their escape to the Western Isles, from which they afterwards found their way to the Continent. Rob Roy was placed in ambush with the view of attacking the Royal troops in the rear and it is said of him that having more zeal than prudence he attacked the rear of the enemy's column before they had become engaged in front his small party was routed, and the intention of placing the King's troops between two fires was thus defeated. [" New Statistical Account of Glenshiel," by the Rev. John Macrae, who gives a minute description of the scenes of the battle, and informs us that in constructing the parliamentary road which runs through the Glen a few years before he wrote, several bullets and pieces of musket barrels were found and the green mounds which covered the graves of the slain, and the ruins of a rude breast-work which the Highlanders constructed on the crest of the hill to cover their position still marked the scene of the conflict.] General Wightman sent a detachment to Ellandonnan Castle, which he ordered to be blown up and demolished.

General Wightman advanced from the Highland Capital by Loch-Ness and a recent writer pertinently asks, "Why he was allowed to pass by such a route without opposition? It is alleged that Marischal and Tullibardine had interrupted the movements of the invaders by ill timed altercations about command, but we are provoked to observe that some extraordinary interposition seems evident to frustrate every scheme towards forwarding the cause of the ill-fated house of Stuart. Had the Chevalier St George arrived earlier, as he might have done; had William Earl of Seaforth joined the Earl of Mar some time before, as he ought to have done; and strengthened as Mar would then have been, had he boldly advanced on Stirling, as it appears he would have done, Argyll's force would have been annihilated, and James VIII. proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh. Well did the brave Highlanders indignantly demand, 'What did you call us to arms for? Was it to run away? What did our own King come for? Was it to see us butchered by hangmen?' There was a fatuity that accompanied all their undertakings which neutralised intrepidity, devotedness, and bravery which the annals of no other people can exhibit, and paltry jealousies which stultified exertions, which, independently of political results, astonished Europe at large." [Bennetsfield MS.]

An Act of Parliament for disarming the Highlanders was passed in 1716, but in some cases to very little purpose for some of the most disaffected clans were better armed than ever, although by the Act the collectors of taxes were allowed to pay for the arms given in, in no case were any delivered except those which were broken, old, and unfit for use, and these were valued at prices far above what they were really worth. Not only so, but a lively trade in old arms was carried on with Holland and other Continental countries, and these arms were sold to the commissioners as Highland weapons, at exorbitant prices. General Wade afterwards found in the possession of the Highlanders a large quantity of arms which they obtained from the Spaniards who took part in the battle of Glenshiel, and he computed that the Highlanders opposed to the Government possessed at this time no less than five or six thousand arms of various kinds.

Wade arrived in Inverness on the 10th of August, 1723, and in virtue of another Act passed the same year, he was empowered to proceed to the Highlands and to summon the clans to deliver up their arms, and to carry several other recommendations of his own into effect. On his arrival he immediately proceeded to business, went to Brahan Castle, and called on the Mackenzies to deliver up their weapons. He took those presented to him on the word of Murchison, factor on the estate and by the representation of Sir John Mackenzie Lord Tarbat, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Cromarty, and Sir Colin Mackenzie of Coul, at the head of a large deputation of the clan, he compromised his more rigid instructions and accepted a selection of worn-out and worthless arms, and at the same time promised that if the clan exhibited a willing disposition to comply with the orders of the Government he would use his influence in the next Parliament to procure a remission for their chief and his followers; and we find, that "through his means, and the action of other minions of Court (Tarbat was then in power), Seaforth received a simple pardon by letters patent in 1726, for himself and his clan, whose submission was recognised in the sham form of delivering their arms, a matter of the less consequence as few of that generation were to have an opportunity of wielding them again in the same cause."

General Wade made a report to the Government, from which we take the following extract: "The Laird of the Mackenzies, and other chiefs of the clans and tribes, tenants to the late Earl of Seaforth, came to me in a body, to the number of about fifty, and assured me that both they and their followers were ready to pay a dutiful obedience to your Majesty's commands, by a peaceable surrender of their arms; and if your Majesty would be graciously pleased to procure them an indemnity for the rents that had been misplaced for the time past, they would for the future become faithful subjects to your Majesty, and pay them to your Majesty's receiver for the use of the public. I assured them of your Majesty's gracious intentions towards them, and that they might rely on your Majesty's bounty and clemency, provided they would merit it by their future good conduct and peaceable behaviour; that I had your Majesty's commands to send the first summons to the country they inhabited; which would soon give them an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their promises, and of having the merit to set the example to the rest of the Highlands, who in their turns were to be summoned to deliver up their arms, pursuant to the Disarming Act; that they might choose the place they themselves thought most convenient to surrender their arms; and that I would answer that neither their persons nor their property should be molested by your Majesty's troops. They desired they might be permitted to deliver up their arms at the Castle of Brahan, the principal seat of their late superior. who, they said, had promoted and encouraged them to this their submission; but begged that none of the Highland companies might be present; for, as they had always been reputed the bravest, as well as the most numerous of the northern clans, they thought it more consistent with their honour to resign their arms to your Majesty's veteran troops; to which I readily consented. Summonses were accordingly sent to the several clans and tribes, the inhabitants of 18 parishes, who were vassals or tenants of the late Earl of Seaforth, to bring or send in all their arms and warlike weapons to the Castle of Brahan, on or before the 28th of August. On the 25th of August I went to the Castle of Brahan with a detachment of 200 of the regular troops, and was met there by the chiefs of the several clans and tribes, who assured me they had used their utmost diligence in collecting all the arms they were possessed of, which should be brought thither on the Saturday following, pursuant to the summons they had received; and telling me they were apprehensive of insults or depredations from the neighbouring clans of the Camerons and others, who still continued in possession of their arms. Parties of the Highland companies were ordered to guard the passes leading to their country; which parties continued there for their protection, till the clans in that neighbourhood were summoned and had surrendered their arms. On the day appointed the several clans and tribes assembled in the adjacent villages, and marched in good order through the great avenue that leads to the Castle; and one after the other laid down their arms in the court-yard in great quiet and decency, amounting to 784 of the several species mentioned in the Act of Parliament. The solemnity with which this was performed had undoubtedly a great influence over the rest of the Highland clans; and disposed them to pay that obedience to your Majesty's commands, by a peaceable surrender of their arms, which they had never done to any of your Royal predecessors, or in compliance with any law either before or since the Union."

The following account of Donald Murchison's proceedings and of Seaforth's vassals during his exile in France is abridged from an interesting and valuable work. [Chambers's "Domestic Annals of Scotland.">[ It brings out in a prominent light the state of the Highlands and the futility of the power of the Government during that period in the North. As regards several of the forfeited estates which lay in inaccessible situations in the Highlands, the commissioners had up to this time been entirely baffled, never having been able even to get them surveyed. This was so in a very special manner in the case of the immense territory of the Earl of Seaforth, extending from Brahan Castle, near Dingwall in the east, across to Kintail in the west, as well as in the large island of the Lewis. The districts of Lochalsh and Kintail, on the west coast, the scene of the Spanish invasion of 1719, were peculiarly difficult of access, there being no approach from the south, east, or north, except by narrow and difficult paths, while the western access was only assailable by a naval force. To all appearance this tract of ground, the seat of many comparatively opulent tacksmen and cattle farmers, was as much beyond the control of the six commissioners assembled at their office in Edinburgh, as if it had been amongst the mountains of Tibet or upon the shores of Madagascar.

For several years after the insurrection, the rents of this district were collected, without the slightest difficulty, for the benefit of the exiled Earl, and regularly transmitted to him. At one time a large sum was sent to him in Spain. The chief agent in the business was Donald Murchison, descendant of a line of faithful adherents of the "High Chief of Kintail." Some of the later generations of the family had been entrusted with the keeping of Ellandonnan Castle, a stronghold dear to the modern artist as a picturesque ruin, but formerly of serious importance as commanding a central point from which radiate Loch Alsh and Loch Duich, in the midst of the best part of the Mackenzie country. Donald was a man worthy of a more prominent place in his country's annals than he has yet attained; he acted under a sense of right which, though unfortunately defiant of Acts of Parliament, was still a very pure sense of right; and in the remarkable actions which he performed he looked solely to the good of those towards whom he had a feeling of duty. A more disinterested hero - and he was one - neverlived.

When Lord Seaforth brought his clan to fight for King James in 1715, Donald Murchison and an elder brother, John, accompanied him as field officers of the regiment - Donald as Lieutenant-Colonel, and John as Major. The late Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, the distinguished Geologist, great-grandson of John, possessed a large ivory and silver "mill," which once contained the commission sent from France to Donald, as Colonel, bearing the inscription: "James Rex: forward and spare not." John fell at Sheriffmuir, in the prime of life; Donald returning with the remains of the clan, was entrusted by the banished Earl with the management or estates no longer legally but still virtually his. And for this task Donald was in various respects well qualified, for, strange to say, the son or the castellan of Ellandonnan - the Sheriffmuir Colonel - had been "bred a writer" in Edinburgh, and was as expert at the business of a factor or estate-agent as in wielding the claymore. [For a short time before the insurrection, he had acted as factor to Sir John Preston of Preston Hall, in Mid-Lothian, then also a forfeited estate, but of minor value.]

In bold and avowed insubordination to the Government of George the First, Mackenzie's tenants continued for ten years to pay their rents to Donald Murchison, setting at nought all fear of ever being compelled to repeat the payment to the commissioners.

In 1720 his Majesty's representatives made a movement for asserting their claims upon the property. In William Ross of Easterfearn and Robert Ross, a bailie of Tain, they found two men bold enough to undertake the duty of stewardship in their behalf over the Seaforth property, the estates of Grant or Glenmoriston, and or Chisholm of Strathglass. Little, however, was done that year beyond sending out notices to the tenants, and preparing for more strenuous measures for next year. The stir they made only produced excitement, not dismay. Some of the duine-uasals from about Lochcarron, coming down with their cattle to the south-country fairs, were heard to declare that the two factors would never get anything but leaden coin from the Seaforth tenantry. Donald went over the whole country showing a letter he had got from the Earl, encouraging the people to stand out at the same time telling them that the old Countess was about to come north with a factory for the estate, when she would allow as paid for any rents which they might hand to him. The very first use to be made of this money was to bring both the old and the young Countesses home immediately to Brahan Castle, where they were to live as they used to do. Part of the funds thus acquired, Murchison used in keeping on foot a party of some sixty armed Highlanders, who, in virtue of his commission as colonel, he proposed to employ in resisting any troops of George the First which might be sent to Kintail. Nor did he wait to be attacked, but in June, 1720, hearing of a party of excisemen passing near Dingwall with a large quantity of aqua vitae, he fell upon them and rescued their prize. The collector of the district reported this transaction to the Board of Excise, but no notice was taken of it.

In February, 1721, the two factors sent officers of their own into the western districts, to assure the tenants of good usage, if they would make a peaceable submission but the men were seized, robbed of their papers, money, and arms, and quietly sent across the Frith of Attadale, though only after giving their solemn assurance that they would never attempt to renew their mission. Resenting this procedure the two factors caused a constable to take a military party from Bernera Barracks, Glenelg, into Lochalsh, and, if possible, capture those who had been guilty. They made a stealthy night-march, and took two men; but the alarm was given, the two men escaped, and began to fire down upon their captors from a hillside; then they set fire to the bothy as a signal, and such a coronach went over all Kintail and Lochalsh as made the soldiers glad to beat a quick retreat.

After some further proceedings, all ineffectual, the two factors were enabled, on the 13th day of September, to set forth from Inverness with a party of thirty soldiers and some armed servants of their own, with the design of enforcing submission to their claims. Let it be remembered that in those days there were no roads in the Highlands, nothing but a few horse-tracks along the principal lines in the country, where not the slightest effort had ever been made to smooth away the natural difficulties of the ground. In two days the factors reached Invermoriston; but here they were stopped for three days, waiting for their heavy luggage, which was storm-stayed in Castle Urquhart, and there nearly taken in a night attack by a partisan warrior bearing the name of Evan Roy Macgillivray. The tenantry of Glenmoriston at first fled with their cattle, but afterwards a number of them came in and made the appearance of submission. The party then moved on towards Strathglass, while Evan Roy respectfully followed, to pick up any man or piece of baggage that might be left behind. At Erchless Castle, and at Invercannich, seats of the Chisholm, they held courts, and received the submission of a number of the tenants, whom, however, they subsequently found to be "very deceitful."

There were now forty or fifty miles of the wildest Highland country before them, where they had reason to believe they should meet groups of murderous Camerons and Glengarry Macdonalds, and also encounter the redoubtable Donald Murchison himself, with his guard of Mackenzies, unless their military force should be sufficiently strong to render all such opposition hopeless. An arrangement having been made that they should receive an addition of fifty soldiers from Bernera, with whom to pass through the most difficult part of their journey, it seemed likely that they would appear too strong for resistance and, indeed, intelligence was already coming to them, that "the people of Kintail, being a judicious opulent people, would not expose themselves to the punishments of law," and that the Camerons were absolutely determined to give no further provocation to the Government. Thus assured, they set out in cheerful mood along the valley of Strathglass, and, soon after passing a place called Knockfin, they were reinforced by Lieutenant Brymer with the expected fifty men from Bernera. There were now about a hundred well armed men in the invading body. They spent the next day (Sunday) together in rest, to gather strength for the ensuing day's march of about thirty arduous miles, by which they hoped to reach Kintail.

At four in the morning of Monday, the 2d of October, the party went forward, the Bernera men first, and the factors in the rear. They were as yet far from the height of the country, and from its more difficult passes; but they soon found that all the flattering tales of non-resistance were groundless, and that the Kintail men had come a good way out from that district in order to defend it. The truth was, that Donald Murchison had assembled not only his stated band of Mackenzies, but a levy of the Lewis men under Seaforth's cousin, Mackenzie of Kildun; also an auxiliary corps of Camerons, Glengarry and Glenmoriston men, and some of those very Strathglass men who had been making appearances of submission. Altogether he had, if the factors were rightly informed, three hundred and fifty men with long Spanish firelocks, under his command, and all posted in the way most likely to give them an advantage over the invading force.

The rear-guard, with the factors, had scarcely gone a mile when they received a platoon of seven shots from a rising ground near them to the right, which, however, had only the effect of piercing a soldier's hat. The Bernera company left the party at eight o'clock, as they were passing Lochanachlee, and from this time is heard of no more; how it made its way out of the country does not appear. The remainder still advancing, Easterfearn, as he rode a little before his men, had eight shots levelled at him from a rude breast-work near by, and was wounded in two places, but was able to appear as if he had not been touched. Then calling out some Highlanders in his service, he desired them to go before the soldiers and do their best, according to their own mode of warfare, to clear the ground of such lurking parties, so that the troops might advance in safety. They performed this service pretty effectually, skirmishing as they went on, and the main body advanced safely about six miles. They were here arrived at a place called Ath-na-Mullach, where the waters, descending from the Cralich and the lofty mountains of Kintail, issue eastwards through a narrow gorge into Loch Affric. It was a place remarkably well adapted for the purpose of a resisting party. A rocky boss, called Torr-a-Bheathaich, then densely covered with birch, closes up the glen as with a gate. The black mountain stream, "spear-deep," sweeps round it. A narrow path wound up the rock, admitting of passengers in single file. Here lay Murchison with the best of his people, while inferior adherents were ready to make demonstrations at a little distance. As the invading party approached, they received a platoon from a wood on the left, but nevertheless went on. When, however, they were all engaged in toiling up the pass, forty men concealed in the heather close by fired with deadly effect, inflicting a mortal wound on Walter Ross, Easterfearn's son while Bailie Ross's son was wounded by a bullet which swept across his breast. The Bailie called to his son to retire, and the order was obeyed; but the two wounded youths and Bailie Ross's servant were taken prisoners, and carried up the hill, where they were quickly divested of clothes, arms, money, and papers. Easterfearn's son died next morning. The troops faced the ambuscade manfully and are said to have given their fire thrice, and to have beaten the Highlanders from the bushes near them; but, observing at this juncture several parties of the enemy on the neighbouring heights, and being informed of a party of sixty in their rear, Easterfearn deemed it best to temporise.

He thereupon sent forward a messenger to ask who they were that opposed the King's troops, and what they wanted. The answer was that, in the first place, they required to have Ross of Easterfearn delivered up to them. This was pointedly refused; but it was at length arranged that Easterfearn should go forward and converse with the leader of the opposing party. The meeting took place at Beul-ath-na-Mullach, and Easterfearn found himself confronted with Donald Murchison. It ended with Easterfearn giving up his papers, and covenanting, under a penalty of five hundred pounds, not to officiate in his factory any more; after which he gladly departed homewards with his associates, under favour of a guard of Donald's men to conduct them safely past the sixty men who were lurking in the rear. It was alleged afterwards that the commander was much blamed by his own people for letting the factors off with their lives and baggage, particularly by the Camerons, who had been five days at their post with hardly anything to eat; and Murchison only pacified them by sending them a good supply of meat and drink. He had in reality given a very effective check to the two gentlemen-factors, to one of whom he imparted in conversation that any scheme of Government stewartship in Kintail was hopeless, for he and sixteen others had sworn that, if any person calling himself a factor came there, they would take his life, whether at kirk or at market, and deem it a meritorious action, though they should be cut to pieces for it the next minute.

A bloody grave for young Easterfearn in Beauly Cathedral concluded this abortive attempt to take the Seaforth estates within the scope of a law sanctioned by statesmen, but against which the natural feelings of nearly a whole people revolted.

A second attempt was then made to obtain possession of the forfeited Seaforth estates for the Government. It was calculated that what the two factors and their attendants with a small military force had failed to accomplish in the preceding October, when they were beaten back with fatal loss at Ath-na-Mullach, might now be effected by a military party alone, if they should make their approach through a less critical passage. A hundred and sixty of Colonel Kirk's regiment left Inverness under Captain M'Neill, who had at one time been Commander of the Highland Watch. They proceeded by Dingwall, Strathgarve, and Loch Carron, an easier, though a longer way. Donald Murchison, nothing daunted, got together his followers, and advanced to the top of Mam Attadale, by a high pass from Loch Carron to the bead of Loch Long, separating Lochalsh from Kintail. Here a gallant relative, Kenneth Murchison, and a few others, volunteered to go forward and plant themselves in ambush in the defiles of the Coille Bhan (White Wood), while the bulk of the party should remain where they were. It would appear that this ambush party consisted of thirteen men, all peculiarly well armed.

On approaching this dangerous place the Captain of the invading party went forward with a sergeant and eighteen men to clear the wood, while the main body came on slowly in the rear. At a place called Altanbadubh, in the Coille Bhan, he encountered Kenneth and his associates, whose fire wounded himself severely, killed one of his grenadiers, and wounded several others of the party. He persisted in advancing, and attacking the handful of natives with sufficient resolution they slowly withdrew, as unable to resist; but the Captain now obtained intelligence that a large body of Mackenzies was posted in the mountain pass of Attadale. It seemed to him as if there was a design to draw him into a fatal ambuscade. His own wounded condition probably warned him that a better opportunity might occur afterwards. He turned his forces about, and made the best of his way back to Inverness. Kenneth Murchison quickly rejoined Colonel Donald on Mam Attadale, with the cheering intelligence that one salvo of thirteen guns had repelled the hundred and sixty red-coats. After this we hear of no more attempts to comprise the Seaforth property.

Strange as it may seem, Donald Murchison, two years after this a second time resisting the Government troops, came down to Edinburgh with eight hundred pounds of the Earl's rents, that he might get the money sent abroad for Seaforth's use. He remained a fortnight in the city unmolested. He on this occasion appeared in the garb of a Lowland gentleman; he mingled with old acquaintances, "doers" and writers; and appeared at the Cross amongst the crowd of gentlemen who assembled there every day at noon. Scores knew all about his doings at Ath-na-Mullach and the Coille Bhan; but thousands might have known without the chance of one of them betraying him to the Government.

General Wade, in his report to the King in 1725, stated that the Seaforth tenants, formerly reputed the richest of any in the Highlands, were now become poor, by neglecting their business, and applying themselves to the use of arms. "The rents" he says, "continue to be collected by one Donald Murchison, a servant of the late Earl's, who annually remits or carries the same to his master in France. The tenants, when in a condition, are said to have sent him free gifts in proportion to their circumstances, but are now a year and a-half in arrear of rent. The receipts he gives to the tenants are as deputy-factor to the Commissioners of the Forfeited Estates, which pretended power he extorted from the factor (appointed by the said Commissioners to collect those rents for the use of the public), whom he attacked with above four hundred armed men, as he was going to enter upon the said estate, having with him a party of thirty of your Majesty's troops. The last year this Murchison marched in a public manner to Edinburgh, to remit eight hundred pounds to France for his master's use, and remained fourteen days there unmolested. I cannot omit observing to your Majesty that this national tenderness the subjects of North Britain have one for the other is a great encouragement for rebels and attainted persons to return home from their banishment."

Donald went again to Edinburgh about the end of August, 1725. On the 2d of September, George Lockhart of Carnwath, writing from that city to the Chevalier St George, states, amongst other information regarding his party in Scotland, that Daniel Murchison (as he calls him) "is come to Edinburgh, on his way to France" - doubtless charged with a sum of rents for Seaforth. "He's been in quest of me, and I of him," says Lockhart, "these two days, and missed each other; but in a day or two he's to be at my country house, where I'll get time to talk fully with him. In the meantime, I know from one that saw him that he has taken up and secured all the arms of value on Seaforth's estate, which he thought better than to trust them to the care and prudence of the several owners; and the other chieftains, I hear, have done the same."

The Commissioners on the forfeited estates concluded their final report in 1725, by stating that they had not sold the estate of William, Earl of Seaforth, "not having been able to obtain possession and consequently to give the same to a purchaser." [In a Whig poem on the Highland Roads, written in 1737, Donald is characteristically spoken of as a sort of cateran, while, in reality, as every generous person can now well understand, he was a high-minded gentleman. The verses, nevertheless, as well as the appended note, are curious -

Keppoch, Rob Roy, and Daniel Murchison,
Cadets are servants to some chief of clan,
From theft and robberies scarce did ever cease,
Yet 'scaped the halter each, and died in peace.
This last his exiled master's rents collected,
Nor unto king or law would be subjected.
Though veteran troops upon the confines lay,
Sufficient to make lord and tribe a prey,
Yet passes strong through which no roads were cut,
Safe-guarded Seaforth's clan, each in his hu',
Thus in strongholds the rogue securely lay,
Neither could they by force be driven away,
Till his attainted lord and chief of late
By ways and means repurchased his estate.

"Donald Murchison, a kinsman and servant to the Earl of Seaforth, bred a writer, a man of small stature, but full of spirit and resolution, fought at Dunblane against the Government, anno 1715, but continued thereafter to collect Seaforth's rents for his lord's use, and had some bickerings with the King's forces on that account, till, about five years ago, the Government was so tender as to allow Seaforth to repurchase his estate, when the said Murchison had a principal band in striking the bargain for his master. How he fell under Seaforth's displeasure, and died thereafter, is not to the purpose here to mention.">[

The end of Donald's career can scarcely now be passed over in a slighting manner. The story is most painful. The Seaforth of that day - very unlike some of his successors - proved unworthy of the devotion which this heroic man had shown to him. When his lordship took possession of the estates which Donald had in a manner preserved for him, he discountenanced and neglected him. Murchison's noble spirit pined away under this treatment, and he died in the very prime of his days of a broken heart. He lies in a remote little church-yard in the parish of Urray, where his worthy relative, the late Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, raised a suitable monument over his grave. The traditional account of Donald Murchison, communicated to Chambers by the late Finlay Macdonald, Druidaig, states that the heroic commissioner had been promised a handsome reward for his services; but Seaforth proved ungrateful. "He was offered only a small farm called Bun-Da-Loch, which pays at this day to Mr Matheson, the proprietor, no more than L60 a year; or another place opposite to Inverinate House, of about the same value. It is no wonder he refused these paltry offers. He shortly afterwards left this country, and died in the prime of life near Conon. On his death-bed, Seaforth went to see him, and asked how he was, when he said, 'Just as you will be in a short time,' and then turned his back. They never met again."

The death of George I. in 1726, suggested to the Chevalier a favourable opportunity for attempting a second Rising, and of again stirring up his adherents in Scotland, whither he was actually on his way, until strongly remonstrated with on the folly and hoplessness of such an undertaking. It was pointed out to him that it could only end in the ruin of his family pretentions, and in that of many of his friends who might be tempted to enter on the rash scheme more through personal attachment to himself than from any reasonable prospect they might see of success. He therefore retraced his steps to Boulogne; and the Earl of Seaforth having been pardoned in the same year, [By letters dated 12th July, 1726, King George I. was pleased to discharge him from imprisonment or the execution of his person on his attainder, and King George II. made him a grant of the arrears of feu-duties due to the Crown out of his forfeited estate. An Act of Parliament was passed in 1733, to enable William Mackenzie, late Earl of Seaforth, to sue or maintain any action or suit notwithstanding his attainder, and to remove any disability in him, by reason of his said attainder, to take or inherit any real or personal estate that may or shall hereafter descend to him. - "Wood's Douglas' Peerage.">[ felt free once more to return to his native land, where, according to Captain Matheson, he spent the remainder of his life in retirement, and "with few objects to occupy him or to interest us beyond the due regard of his personal friends and the uninterrupted loyalty of his old vassals." He must, however, have been in tightened circumstances, for, on the 27th of June, 1728, he writes a letter to the Lord Advocate, in which he refers to a request he had made to Sir Robert Walpole, who advised him to put his claim in writing that it might be submitted to the King. This was done, but "the King would neither allow anything of the kind or give orders to be granted what his Royal father had granted before. On hearing this, I could not forbear making appear how ill I was used. The Government in possession of the estate, and I in the interim allowed to starve, though they were conscious of my complying with whatever I promised to see put in execution." He makes a strong appeal to his friend to contribute to an arrangement that would tend to the mutual satisfaction of all concerned, "for the way I am now in is most disagreeable, consequently, if not rectified, will choose rather to seek my bread elsewhere than continue longer in so unworthy a situation." ["Culloden Papers," pp. 103-4] Notwithstanding the personal remission granted in his favour for the part he had taken in the Rising of 1715, the title of Earl of Seaforth, under which alone he was proscribed, passed under attainder, while the older and original dignity of Kintail, which only became subordinate by a future elevation, remained unnoticed, and, consequently unvitiated in the male descent of Kenneth, first Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, granted by patent on the 19th of November, 1609, and it has accordingly been claimed. [This Act (of Attainder) omits all mention of the subordinate though older title of "Lord Kintail," which he and all the collateral branches descended of George, the second Earl, had taken up and assumed in all their deeds and transactions, though there was no occasion to use it in Parliament, as they appeared there as "Earls of Seaforth." It is questionable therefore, if the Act of Attainder of "William, Earl of Seaforth," by that designation only could affect the "barony of Kintail;" and as the designation to the patentee of it, "Suisque heredibus maxulis," seems to render the grant an entailed fee agreeable to the 7th of Queen Anne, c. 21, and the protecting clause of 26th Henry VIII. c. 13, the claimant George Falconer Mackenzie, is entitled to the benefit of such remainder, and in fact such remainder was given effect to by the succession of Earl George to his brother Colin's titles as his heir male collateral. - "Allangrange Service.">[

Earl William married in early life, Mary, the only daughter and co-heir of Nicholas Kenet of Coxhow, Northumberland, with issue, three sons -

I. Kenneth, who succeeded his father.

II. Ronald, who died unmarried.

III. Nicholas, who was drowned at Douay, without issue.

IV. Frances, who married the Hon. John Gordon of Kenmure, whose father was beheaded in 1715.

He died in 1740 in the Island of Lewis, was buried there in the
Chapel of Ui, and was succeeded by his eldest son,

XVIII. KENNETH, LORD FORTROSE,

Which courtesy title he continued to bear as the subordinate title of his father; and under this designation he is named as a freeholder of Ross in 1741. In the same year be was elected as member of Parliament for the Burgh of Inverness, for his own County of Ross in 1747, and again in 1754. In 1741, the year after Earl William's death, the Crown sold the Seaforth estates, including the lands of Kintail, the barony of Ellandonnan, and others, for L25,109 8s 31/2d, under burden of an annuity of L1000 to Frances, Countess Dowager of Seaforth. The purchase was for the benefit of Kenneth, Lord Fortrose. [Fraser's "Earls of Cromartie.">[ He does not appear to have passed much of his time in the Highlands, but about a year after his succession, he seems, from a warrant issued by his authority to have been in the North. It is signed by Colin Mackenzie, Baillie," and addressed to Roderick Mackenzie, officer of Locks, commanding him to summon and warn Donald Mackenzie, tacksman of Lainbest, and others, to compear before "Kenneth, Lord Fortrose, heritable proprietor of the Estate of Seaforth, at Braan Castle, or before his Lordship's Baron Baillies, or other judges appointed by him there, upon the 10th day of October next, to come to answer several unwarrantable and illegal things to be laid to their charge:" Dated at "Stornoway, 29th September, 1741." There is no doubt that in early life Lord Fortrose, during the exile of his father, held communications with the representative of the Stuarts. It is a common tradition in Kintail to this day that he and Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat were school companions of the Prince in France, and were among those who first imbued his mind with the idea of attempting to regain possession of his ancient Kingdom of Scotland, promising him that they would use their influence with the other northern chiefs to rise in his favour, although when the time for action came neither of them joined him.

The unfortunate position in which Kenneth found himself by the Jacobite proclivities of his ancestors, and especially those of his father, appears to have made a deep impression upon his mind, and to have induced him to be more cautious in supporting a cause which seemed certain to land him in final and utter ruin. But though he personally held aloof, several of the clan joined the Prince, mostly under George, third Earl of Cromarty, and a few under John Mackenzie, III. of Torridon. Several young and powerful Macraes, who strongly sympathised with the Prince, though unaccompanied by any of their natural leaders, left Kintail never again to return and, it is said, that several others had to be bound with ropes by their friends, to keep them at home. The influence of Lord President Forbes weighed strongly with Mackenzie in deciding him to support the Government, and, in return for his loyalty, the honours of the house of Seaforth were, in part, afterwards restored to his son.

In 1744 an exciting incident occurred in Inverness in which his Lordship played a conspicuous part, and which exemplifies the impetuous character of the Highland chiefs of the day. A court of the Freeholders of the county was being held there at Michaelmas to elect a collector of the land tax, at which were present, among others, Lord President Forbes, Norman Macleod of Macleod, Lord Fortrose, Lord Lovat, and many leading members of the Clan Fraser. A warm debate upon some burning business arose between Lords Lovat and Fortrose, when the former gave the latter the lie direct. To this Mackenzie replied by giving Lovat a smart blow in the face. Mutual friends at once intervened between the fiery antagonists. But the Fraser blood was up, and Fraser of Foyers, who was present, interfered in the interest of the chief of his clan, but more, however, it is said, in that capacity than from any personal esteem in which he held him. He felt that in his chief's person the whole clan had been insulted as if it had actually been a personal blow to every man of the name, and he instantly sprung down from the gallery and presented a loaded and cocked pistol at Mackenzie's head, to whom it would undoubtedly have proved fatal had not one of the gentlemen present, with great presence of mind, thrown his plaid over the muzzle, and thus arrested and diverted its contents. In another moment swords and dirks were drawn on both sides, but the Lord President and Macleod laid hold of Mackenzie and hurried him from the Court. Yet he no sooner gained the outside than one of the Frasers levelled him to the ground with a blow from a heavy bludgeon, notwithstanding the efforts of his friends to protect him. The matter was, however, afterwards, with great difficulty, arranged by mutual friends, between the great clans and their respective chiefs, otherwise the social jealousies and personal irritations which then prevailed throughout the whole Highlands, fanned by this incident, would have produced a lasting and bloody feud between the Frasers and the Mackenzies.

In the following year, shortly after the Lord President arrived at Culloden from the south, he wrote a letter to Mackenzie dated the 11th of October 1745, in which he tells him that the Earl of Loudon had come the day before to Cromarty, and brought some "credit" with him, which "will enable us to put the Independent Companies together for the service of the Government and for our mutual protection." He requested Fortrose to give immediate orders to pick out those who are first to form one of the companies, that they might receive their commissions and arms. Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn was to command. There was, the President said, a report that Barrisdale had gone to Assynt to raise the men of that country, to be joined to those of Coigeach, who were said to have orders to be in readiness to join Macdonald, and with instructions to march through Mackenzie's territories in order to find out how many of his Lordship's vassals could be persuaded, by fair means or foul, to join the standard of the Prince. "I hope this is not true," writes the President; "if it is, it is of the greatest consequence to prevent it. I wish Fairburn were at home; your Lordship will let me know when he arrives, as the Lord Cromarty has refused the company I intended for his son. Your Lordship will deliberate to whom you would have it given." ["Culloden Papers," pp. 421-2.]

Exasperated at this time by the exertions made by President Forbes to obstruct the designs of the disaffected, a plan was formed to seize him by some of the Frasers, a party of whom, amounting to about 200, attacked Culloden House during the night of the 15th of October, but the President being on his guard they were repulsed. [Fraser's "Earls of Cromartie.">[

On the 13th of October Mackenzie had written to Forbes that he surmised some young fellows of his name attempted to raise men for the Prince, but that he sent expresses to the suspected parts, with orders to the tenants not to stir under pain of death without his leave, though their respective masters should be imprudent enough to desire them to do so. The messengers returned with the people's blessings for his protection, and with assurances that they would do nothing without his orders, "so that henceforward your Lordship need not be concerned about any idle report from benorth Kessock." In a letter dated "Brahan Castle, 19th October 1745," Lord Fortrose refers to the attempt on the President's house, which, he says, surprised him extremely, and "is as dirty an action as I ever heard of," and he did not think any gentleman would be capable of doing such a thing. He adds, "as I understand your cattle are taken away, I beg you will order your steward to write to Colin, or anybody else here, for provisions, as I can be supplied from the Highlands. I am preparing to act upon the defensive, and I suppose will soon be provoked to act on the offensive. I have sent for a strong party to protect my house and overawe the country. None of my Kintail men will be down till Tuesday, but as the river is high, and I have parties at all boats, nothing can be attempted. Besides, I shall have reinforcements every day. I have ordered my servants to get, at Inverness, twelve or twenty pounds of powder with a proportionable quantity of shot. If that cannot be bought at Inverness, I must beg you will write a line to Governor Grant to give my servant the powder, as I can do without the shot … Barrisdale has come down from Assynt, and was collared by one of the Maclauchlans there for offering to force the people to rise, and he has met with no success there. I had a message from the Mackenzies in Argyllshire to know what they should do. Thirty are gone from Lochiel; the rest, being about sixty, are at home. I advised them to stay at home and mind their own business."

On the 28th of the same month his Lordship writes to inform the President that the Earl of Cromarty and his son, Macculloch of Glastullich, and Ardloch's brother, came to Brahan Castle on the previous Friday; that it was the most unexpected visit he had received for some time, that he did not like to turn them out, that Cromarty was pensive and dull; but that if he had known what he knew at the date of writing he would have made them prisoners, for Lord Macleod went since to Lochbroom and Assynt to raise men. He enclosed for the President's use the names of the officers appointed to the two Mackenzie companies, and intimated that he offered the commission to both Coul and Redcastle, but that both refused it. It was from Coul's house, he says, that Lord Macleod started for the North, and that vexed him. On the same day Forbes acknowledges receipt of this letter, and requests that the officers in the two companies should be appointed according to Mackenzie's recommedations, "without any further consideration than that you judge it right," and he desires to see Sir Alexander of Fairburn for an hour next day to carry a proposal to his Lordship for future operations. "I think," he adds, "it would be right to assemble still more men about Brahan than you now have; the expense shall be made good and it will tend to make Caberfey respectable, and to discourage folly among your neighbours." In a letter of 6th November the President says, "I supposed that your Lordship was to have marched Hilton's company into town (Inverness) on Monday or Tuesday; but I dare say there is a good reason why it has not been done."

On the 8th of November Mackenzie informs the Lord President that the Earl of Cromarty had crossed the river at Contin, with about a hundred men on his way to Beauly, "owing to the neglect of my spies, as there's rogues of all professions." Lord Macleod, Cromarty's son came from Assynt and Lochbroom the same day, and followed his father to the rendezvous, but after traversing the whole of that northern district he did not get a single volunteer. "Not a man started from Ross-shire, except William, Kilcoy's brother, with seven men, and a tenant of Redcastle with a few more and if Lentran and Torridon did go off last night, they did not carry between them a score of men. I took a ride yesterday to the westward with two hundred men, but find the bounds so rugged that it's impossible to keep a single man from going by if he has a mind. However, I threatened to burn their cornyards if anybody was from home this day, and I turned one house into the river for not finding its master at home. It's hard the Government gives nobody in the North power to keep people in order. I don't choose to send a company to Inverness until I hear what they are determined to do at Lord Lovat's."

The Earl of Loudon writes to Marshal Wade, then Commander-in-Chief in the North, under date of 16th November, saying that 150 or 160 Mackenzies, seduced by the Earl of Cromarty, marched in the beginning of that week up the north side of Loch-Ness, expecting to be followed by 500 or 600 Frasers, under command of the Master of Lovat, but the Mackenzies had not on that date passed the mountains. On the 16th of December Fortrose writes asking for L400 expended by him during two months on his men going to and coming from the Highlands, for which he would not trouble him only that he bad a very "melancholy appearance" of getting his Martinmas rent, as the people would be glad of any excuse for non-payment, and the last severe winter, and their having to leave home, would afford them a very good one. He was told by the President in reply, that his letter had been submitted to Lord Loudon, that both of them agreed that his Lordship's expenses must have been far greater than what he claimed, "but as cash is very low with us at present, all we can possibly do is to let your Lordship have the pay of the two companies from the date of the letter signifying that they were ordered to remain at Brahan for the service of the Government. The further expense, which we are both satisfied it must have cost your Lordship, shall be made good as soon as any money to be applied to contingencies, which we expect, shall come to hand, and if it should not come so soon as we wish, the account shall be made up and solicited, in the same manner with what we lay out of our own purses, which is no inconsiderable sums." This correspondence will show the confidence which then existed between the Government and Lord Fortrose.

On the 9th of December the two Mackenzie companies were marched into Inverness. Next day, accompanied by a detachment from Fort-Augustus, they proceeded to Castle Dounie for the purpose of bringing Lord Lovat to account. The crafty old Simon agreed to come in to Inverness and to deliver up his arms on the 14th of the month, but instead of doing so he of course made good his escape.

After the battle of Prestonpans, the Government, on the recommendation of the Earl of Stair, forwarded twenty blank commissions to President Forbes, with orders to raise as many companies of 100 men each, among the Highlanders. Eighteen of the twenty were sent to the Earls of Sutherland and Cromarty, Lords Fortrose and Reay, the Lairds of Grant and Macleod, and Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat, with instructions to raise the Highland companies in their respective districts. The Earl of Cromarty, while pretending to comply with the instructions of the Lord President, offered the command of one of the companies to a neighbouring gentleman, whom he well knew to be a strong Jacobite, and at the same time made some plausible excuse for his son's refusal of another of the commissions.

When Lord John Drummond landed with a body of Irish and Scotch troops, in the service of the French, to aid Prince Charles, he wrote to Mackenzie announcing his arrival and earnestly requesting him to declare at once for the Stuart cause, as the only means by which he could "now expect to retrieve his character." All the means at Drummond's disposal proved futile, and the Mackenzies were thus kept out of the Rising of 1745.

That Prince Charles fully appreciated the importance of having the Mackenzies led by their natural chief, for or against him, will be seen from Lord Macleod's Narrative of the Rebellion. [Printed at length in Fraser's "Earls of Cromartie.">[ "We set out," his Lordship says, "from Dunblain on the 12th of January, and arrived the same evening at Glasgow. I immediately went to pay my respects to the Prince, and found that he was already set down to supper. Dr Cameron told Lord George Murray, who sat by the Prince, who I was, on which the Lord Murray introduced me to the Prince, whose hand I had the honour to kiss, after which the Prince ordered me to take my place at the table. After supper I followed the Prince to his apartment to give him an account of his affairs in the North, and of what had passed in these parts during the time of his expedition to England. I found that nothing surprised the Prince so much as to hear that the Earl of Seaforth had declared against him, for he heard without emotion the names of the other people who had joined the Earl of Loudon at Inverness; but when I told him that Seaforth had likewise sent two hundred men to Inverness for the service of the Government, and that he had likewise hindered many gentlemen of his clan from joining my father (the Earl of Cromarty) for the service of the Stuarts, he turned to the French Minister and said to him, with some warmth, "Hc! mon Dieu! et Seaforth est aussi contre moi!""

At this stage a hero named Mackenzie, who had done good service to the Prince in his wanderings through the Highlands after the battle of Culloden, may be mentioned. Such a small tribute is due to the gallant Roderick Mackenzie, whose intrepidity and presence of mind in the last agonies of death, saved his Prince from pursuit at the time, and was consequently the means of his ultimate escape in safety to France. Charles had been pursued with the most persevering assiduity, but Roderick's ruse proved so successful on this occasion that further search was for a time considered unnecessary. Mackenzie was a young man, of respectable family, who joined the Prince at Edinburgh, and served as one of his life-guards. Being about the same age as his Royal Highness, and, like him, tall, somewhat slender, and with features in some degree resembling his, he might, by ordinary observers not accustomed to see the two together, have passed for the Prince himself. As Roderick could not venture with safety to return to Edinburgh, where still lived his two maiden sisters, he after the battle of Culloden fled to the Highlands and lurked among the hills of Glenmoriston, where, about the middle of July, he was surprised by a party of Government soldiers. Mackenzie endeavoured to escape, but, being overtaken, he turned on his pursuers, and, drawing his sword, bravely defended himself. He was ultimately shot by one of the red-coats, but as he fell, mortally wounded, he exclaimed, "You have killed your Prince! You have killed your Prince!" whereupon he immediately expired. The soldiers, overjoyed at their supposed good fortune, cut off his head, and hurried off to Fort-Augustus with their prize. The Duke of Cumberland, quite convinced that he had now obtained the head of his Royal relative, packed it up carefully, ordered a post-chaise, and at once went off to London, taking the head along with him. After his arrival the deception was discovered, but meanwhile it proved of great assistance to Prince Charles in his ultimately successful efforts to escape.

Shortly after the battle of Culloden a fleet of ships appeared off the coast of Lochbroom, under the command of Captain Fergusson. They dropped anchor at Loch-Ceannard, when a large party went ashore and proceeded up the Strath to the residence of Mr Mackenzie of Langwell, connected by marriage with the Earl of Cromarty. Langwell having supported the Prince, fled out of the hated Fergusson's way; but his lady was obliged to remain at home to attend to a large family of young children, who were at the time laid up with smallpox. The house was ransacked. A large chest containing the family and other valuable papers, including a wadset of Langwell and Inchvannie from her relative, George, Earl of Cromarty, was burnt before her eyes; and about fifty head of fine Highland cattle were mangled by the swords and driven to the ships of the spoilers. Nor did this satisfy them. They committed similar depredations, without any discrimination between friend or foe, for eight days during which they remained in the neighbourhood. ["New Statistical Account of Lochbroom.">[

It is well known that Mackenzie had strong Jacobite feelings although his own prudence and the influence of Lord President Forbes secured his support for the Government. "Though many respectable individuals of the Clan Mackenzie had warmly espoused the cause of Charles, Lord Fortrose seems at no time to have proclaimed openly for him, whatever hopes he might have countenanced when in personal communication with the expatriated Sovereign, as indeed there is cause to infer something of the kind from a letter which, towards the end of November, 1745, was addressed by Lord John Drummond to Kenneth, pressing him instantly to join the Prince, then successfully penetrating the West of England, and qualifying the invitation by observing that it was the only mode for his Lordship to retrieve his character. Yet so little did Fortrose or his immediate followers affect the cause, that when Lord Lovat blockaded Fort-Augustus, two companies of Mackenzies, which bad been stationed at Brahan, were withdrawn, and posted by Lord Loudon, the commander-in-chief of the Government forces, at Castle Dounie, the stronghold of Fraser and, with the exception of these, the Royal party received no other support from the family of Seaforth, though many gentlemen of the clan served in the King's army. Yet it appears that a still greater number, with others whose ancestors identified themselves with the fortunes of the House of Kintail, were inclined to espouse the more venturous steps of the last of the Stuarts. George, the last Earl of Cromarty, being then paramount in power, and, probably so, in influence, even to the chief himself, having been, for certain reasons, liable to suspicions as to their disinterested nature, declared for Charles, and under his standard his own levy, with all the Jacobite adherents of the clan, ranged themselves, and were mainly instrumental in neutralizing Lord Loudon's and the Laird of Macleod's forces in the subsequent operations of 1746, driving them with the Lord President Forbes, to take shelter in the Isle of Skye." [Bennetsfield MS.]

Kenneth married on the 11th of September, 1741, Lady Mary, eldest daughter of Alexander Stewart, sixth Earl of Galloway, with issue -

I. Kenneth, his heir and successor.

II. Margaret, who on the 4th of June, married William Webb.

III. Mary, who married Henry Howard, of Effingham, with issue.

IV. Agnes, who married J. Douglas.

V. Catherine, who on the 1st of March, 1773, married Thomas Griffin
Tarpley, student of medicine.

VI. Frances, who married General Joseph Wald.

VII. Euphemia, who, on the 2nd of April, 1771, married William
Stewart of Castle Stewart, M.P. for the County of Wigton.

His wife died in London on the 18th of April, 1751, and was buried at Kensington, where a monument was raised to her memory. Kenneth died, also in London, on the 19th of October, 1761, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, when he was succeeded by his only son,

XIX. KENNETH, SIXTH EARL OF SEAFORTH,

Viscount Fortrose, and Baron Ardelve, in the Peerage of Ireland. From his small stature, he was generally known among the Highlanders as the "Little Lord." He was born in Edinburgh on the 15th of January, 1744, and at an early age entered the army. As a return for his father's loyalty to the House of Hanovar in 1745, and his own steady support of the reigning family, George III., in 1764, raised him to the peerage by the title of Baron Ardelve. He was created Viscount Fortrose in 1766, and in 1771, Earl of Seaforth, all in the peerage of Ireland. To evince his gratitude for this magnanimous act, he, in 1778, offered to raise a regiment for general service. The offer was accepted by his Majesty, and a fine body of 1130 men were in a very short time raised by his Lordship, principally on his own estates in the north and by gentlemen of his own name. Of these, five hundred were enlisted among his immediate vassals, and about four hundred from the estates of the Mackenzies of Scatwell, Kilcoy, Redcastle, and Applecross. The officers from the south to whom he gave commissions in the regiment brought about two hundred men, of whom forty-three were English and Irish. The Macraes of Kintail, always such faithful followers and able supporters of the House of Seaforth, were so numerous in the new regiment that it was known more by their name than by that of Seaforth's own kinsmen, and so much was this the case that the well-known mutiny which took place in Edinburgh, on the arrival of the regiment there, is still known as "the affair of the Macraes." [The Seaforth Highlanders were marched to Leith, where they were quartered for a short interval, though long enough to produce complaints about the infringement of their engagements, and some pay and bounty which they said were due them. Their disaffection was greatly increased by the activity of emissaries from Edinburgh, like those just mentioned as having gone down front London to Portsmouth. The regiment refused to embark, and marching out of Leith, with pipes playing and two plaids fixed on poles instead of colours, took a position on Arthur's Seat, of which they kept possession for several days, during which time the inhabitants of Edinburgh amply supplied them with provisions and ammunition. After much negotiation, a proper understanding respecting the cause of their complaint was brought about, and they marched down the hill in the same manner in which they had gone up, with pipes playing; and "with the Earls of Seaforth and Dunmore, and General Skene, at their head, they entered Leith, and went on board the transports with the greatest readiness, and cheerfulness." In this case, as in that of the Athole Highlanders, none of he men were brought to trial, or even put into confinement for these acts of open resistance. - "Stewart's Sketches - Appendix" p. lxvviv.] The regiment was embodied at Elgin in May, 1778, and inspected there by General Skene, when it was so effective that not a single man was rejected. Seaforth, appointed Colonel on the 29th of December, 1777, was now promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant, and the regiment was called the 78th (afterwards the 72nd), or Ross-shire Regiment of Highlanders.

The grievances complained of at Leith being removed, the regiment embarked at that port, accompanied by their Colonel, and the intention of sending them to India having been abandoned, one half of the corps was sent to Guernsey and the other half to Jersey. Towards the end of April, 1781, the two divisions assembled at Portsmouth, whence they embarked for India on the 12th of June following, being then 973 strong, rank and file. Though in excellent health, the men suffered so much from scurvy, in consequence of the change of food, that before their arrival at Madras, on the 2d of April, 1782, no fewer than 247 of them died. and out of those who landed alive only 369 were fit for service. Their Chief and Colonel died in August, 1781, before they arrived at St Helena, to the great grief and dismay of his faithful followers, who looked up to him as their principal source of encouragement and support. His loss was naturally associated in their minds with recollections of home, with melancholy remembrances of their absent kindred, and with forebodings of their own future destiny and so strong was this feeling impressed upon them that it materially contributed to that prostration of mind which made them all the more readily become the victims of disease. They well knew that it was on their account alone that he had determined to forego the comforts of a splendid fortune and high rank to encounter the privations and inconveniences of a long voyage and the dangers and other fatigues of military service in a tropical climate. ["Stewart's Sketches," and Fullarton's "History of the Highland Clans and Highland Regiments.">[

His Lordship married on the 7th of October, 1765, Lady Caroline Stanhope, eldest daughter of William, second Earl of Harrington, and by her - who died in London from consumption, from which she suffered for nearly two years, on the 9th of February, 1767, at the early age of twenty, ["Scots' Magazine" for 1767, p. 533.] and was buried at Kensington - he had issue, an only daughter, Lady Caroline, who was born in London on the 7th of July, 1766. She formed an irregular union with Lewis Malcolm Drummond, Count Melfort, a nobleman of the Kingdom of France, originally of Scottish extraction, and died in 1547. She is buried under a flat stone inscribed with her name in the St Pancras (Old) Burial Ground, London.

Thus the line of George, second Earl of Seaforth, who died in 1633, became extinct; and the reader must therefore now accompany us back to Kenneth Mor, the third Earl, to pick up the chain of legitimate succession. It has been already shown that the lineal descent of the original line of Kintail was diverted from heirs male in the person of Anna, Countess of Balcarres, daughter of Colin, first Earl of Seaforth.

Kenneth Mor, the third Earl, had four sons - (1) Kenneth Og, his heir and successor, whose line terminated in Lady Caroline, as above; (2) John of Assynt, whose only son, Alexander, had an only son Kenneth, who died in 1723 without issue; (3) Hugh, who died young; and (4) Colonel Alexander, afterwards designated of Assynt and Conansbay, who, as his second wife, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Paterson, Bishop of Ross, and sister of John Paterson, Archbishop of Glasgow. Colonel Alexander had no issue by his first wife, but by the second he had an only son and six daughters. The daughters were (1) Isabella, who married Basil Hamilton of Baldoon, became the mother of Dunbar, fourth Earl of Selkirk, and died in 1725; (2) Frances, who married her cousin, Kenneth Mackenzie of Assynt, without issue; (3) Jane, who married Dr Mackenzie, a cadet of Coul, and died at New Tarbat, on the 18th of September, 1776; (4) Mary, who married Captain Dougall Stuart of Blairhall, a Lord of Session and Justiciary, and brother of the first Earl of Bute, with issue; (5) Elizabeth, who died unmarried at Kirkcudbright, on the 12th of March, 1796, aged 81; and (6) Maria, who married Nicholas Price of Saintfield, County Down, Ireland, with issue. She was maid of honour to Queen Caroline, and died in 1732. Colonel Alexander's only son was,

Major William Mackenzie, who died on the 12th of March, 1770. He married Mary, daughter and co-heir of Matthew Humberston, Lincoln, with issue, two sons - (1) Thomas Frederick Mackenzie, Colonel of the 100th Regiment of foot, who assumed the name of Humberston in addition to his own on succeeding to his mother's property; and (2) Francis Humberston Mackenzie. Both of Major William's sons ultimately succeeded to the Seaforth estates. He had also four daughters - (1) Frances Cerjat, who married Sir Vicary Gibbs, M.P., his Majesty's Attorney-General, with issue; (2) Maria Rebecca, who married Alexander Mackenzie of Breda, younger son of James Mackenzie, III. of Highfield, with issue, six sons - William, a Lieutenant in the 78th Highlanders, who died at Breda, in Holland, from a wound which he received on the previous day at the taking of Merxein, in 1814 Thomas, a Midshipman, R.N., drowned at sea; Frederick, R.N., murdered at Calcutta in 1820; Francis, R.N., drowned at sea in 1828; and Colin, all without issue; also Captain Alexander, of the 25th Regiment, subsequently Adjutant of the Ross-shire Militia, who married Lilias Dunbar, daughter of James Fowler of Raddery, with issue - James Evan Fowler, who died unmarried; Alexander, now residing at Fortrose, and three daughters who died unmarried; (3) Elizabeth, who died without issue; and (4) Helen, who married Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser of Inverallochy, fourth son of Colin Mackenzie, VI. of Kilcoy, Colonel of the 78th Regiment, and M.P. for the County of Ross, with issue.

Major William died on the 12th of March, 1770, at Stafford, Lincolnshire. His wife died on the 19th of February, 1813, at Hartley, Herts. His eldest son,

Colonel Thomas Frederick Mackenzie-Humberston, it will be seen, thus became male heir to his cousin, Earl Kenneth, who died, without male issue, in 1781. The Earl, finding his property heavily encumbered with debts from which he could not extricate himself, conveyed the estates to his cousin and heir male, Colonel Thomas, in 1779, on payment of L100,000. Earl Kenneth died, as already stated, in 1781, and was succeeded by his cousin,

XX. COLONEL THOMAS FREDERICK MACKENZIE-HUMBERSTON,

In all his estates, and in the command of the 78th Ross-shire Highland Regiment, but not in the titles and dignities, which terminated with his predecessor. When the 78th was raised, in 1778, Thomas Frederick Mackenzie-Humberston was a captain in the 1st Regiment of Dragoon Guards, but he gave this up and accepted a captaincy in Seaforth's regiment of Ross-shire Highlanders. He was afterwards quartered with the latter in Jersey, and took a prominent share in repelling the attack made on that island by the French. On the 2nd of September, 1780, he was appointed from the 78th as Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant of the 100th Foot.

In 1781 he embarked with this regiment to the East Indies, and was at Port Preya when the outward bound East India fleet under Commodore Johnston was attacked by the French. He happened at the time to be ashore, but such was his ardour to share in the action that he swam to one of the ships engaged with the enemy. Immediately on his arrival in India he obtained a separate command on the Malabar Coast, but in its exercise he met with every possible discouragement from the Council of Bombay. This, however, only gave a man of his spirit greater opportunity of distinguishing himself, for, under all the disadvantages of having funds, stores, and reinforcements withheld from him, he undertook, with 1000 Europeans and 2500 Sepoys to wage an offensive war against Calicut. He was conscious of great personal resources, and harmony, confidence, and attachment on the part of his officers and men. He finally drove the enemy out of the country, defeated them in three different engagements, took the city of Calicut, and every other place of strength in the kingdom. He concluded a treaty with the King of Travancore, who was reinforced by a body of 1200 men. Tippoo then proceeded against him with an army of 30,000, more than one-third of them cavalry; Colonel Mackenzie-Humberston repelled their attack, and by a rapid march regained the Fort of Panami, which the enemy attempted to carry, but he defeated them with great loss. He served under General Matthews against Hyder Ali in 1782; but during the operations of that campaign, Matthews gave such proofs of incapacity and injustice, that Colonels Macleod and Humberston carried their complaints to the Council of Bombay, where they arrived on the 26th of February, 1783. The Council ordered General Matthews to be superseded, appointed Colonel Macleod to succeed him in command of the army, and desired Colonel Humberston to join him. They both sailed from Bombay on the 5th of April, 1783, in the "Ranger" sloop of war; but, notwithstanding that peace had been concluded with the Mahrattas, their ship was attacked on the 8th of that month by the Mahratta fleet, and after a desperate resistance of four hours, captured. All the officers on board were either killed or wounded, among them the young and gallant Colonel Mackenzie-Humberston, who was shot through the body with a four pound ball, and he died of the wound at Geriah, on the 30th April, 1783, in the 28th year of his age. A fine monument is erected to his memory in Fortrose Cathedral. He had only been Chief of the Clan for two years, and, dying unmarried, he was succeeded as head of the house and in the family estates by his next and only lawful brother, ["Douglas' Peerage." He had a natural son, Captain Humberston Mackenzie, of the 78th, killed at the storming of Ahmadnugger, on the 8th of August, 1803.]

XXI. FRANCIS HUMBERSTON MACKENZIE,

Raised to the peerage of the United Kingdom as Lord Seaforth and Baron Mackenzie of Kintail, in 1797. This nobleman was in many respects an able and remarkable man, was born in 1754, in full possession of all his faculties but a severe attack of scarlet fever, from which he suffered when about twelve years of age, deprived him of hearing and almost of speech. As he advanced in years he again nearly recovered the use of his tongue, but during the last two years of his life, grieving over the loss of his four promising sons, all of whom predeceased him, he became unable, or rather never made the attempt to articulate. In his youth he was intended to follow the naval profession, but his physical misfortunes made such a career impossible.

Little or nothing is known of the history of his early life. In 1784, and again in 1790, he was elected M.P. for the County of Ross. In 1787, in the thirty-third year of his age, he offered to raise a regiment on his own estates for the King's service, to be commanded by himself. In the same year the 74th, 75th, 76th, and 77th Regiments were raised, and the Government declined his patriotic offer, but agreed to accept his services in procuring recruits for the 74th and 75th. This did not satisify him, and he did not then come prominently to the front. On the 19th of May 1790, he renewed his offer, but the Government informed him that the strength of the army had been finally fixed at 77 Regiments, and his services were again declined. He was still anxious to be of service to his country, and when the war broke out in 1793, he for the third time renewed his offer, and placed his great influence at the service of the Crown. On this occasion a letter of service is granted in his favour, dated the 7th of March, 1793, empowering him, as Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant, to raise a Highland battalion, which, being the first embodied during the war, was to be numbered the 78th, the original Mackenzie regiment having had its number previously reduced to the 72d. The battalion was to consist of one company of grenadiers, one of light infantry, and eight battalion companies. The Mackenzie chief at once appointed as his Major his own brother-in-law, Alexander Mackenzie, at that time of Belmaduthy but afterwards of Inverallochy and Castle Fraser, fourth and younger son of Colin Mackenzie, VI. of Kilcoy, then a captain in the 73d Regiment, and a man who proved himself on all future occasions well fitted for the post. The following notice, headed by the Royal arms, was immediately posted throughout the counties of Ross and Cromarty, on the mainland, and in the Island of Lewis:

"SEAFORTH'S HIGHLANDERS to be forthwith raised for the defence of his Glorious Majesty, King George the Third, and the preservation of our happy constitution in Church and State.

"All lads of true Highland blood willing to show their loyalty and spirit, may repair to Seaforth, or the Major, Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy or the other commanding officers at headquarters at , where they will receive high bounties and soldier-like entertainment.

"The lads of this regiment will live and die together, as they cannot be draughted into other regiments, and must be reduced in a body, in their own country.

"Now for a stroke at the Monsieurs, my boys! King George for ever!
Huzza!"

The machinery once set agoing, applications poured in upon Seaforth for commissions in the corps from among his more immediate relatives, and from others who were but slightly acquainted with him. [Besides Seaforth himself, and his Major mentioned in the text, the following, of the name of Mackenzie, appear among the first list of officers:

Major. - Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, General in 1809.

Captains. - John Mackenzie of Gairloch, "Fighting Jack," Major in 1794. Lieutenant-Colonel the same year and Lieutenant-General in 1814; died the father of the British Army in 1860; and John Randoll Mackenzie of Suddie, Major-General in 1804, killed at Talavera in 1809.

Lieutenant. - Colin Mackenzie, Lieutenant-Colonel 91st Regiment.

Ensigns. - Charles Mackenzie, Kilcoy; and J. Mackenzie Scott, Captain 57th Regiment; killed at Albuera.]

The martial spirit of the people soon became thoroughly roused, and recruits came in so rapidly that on the 10th of July, 1793, only four months after the letter of service to Seaforth, the Regiment was marched to Fort-George, inspected and passed by Lieutenant-General Sir Hector Munro, when five companies were immediately embarked for Guernsey and the other five companies were landed in Jersey in September, 1793, and afterwards sent to Holland.

On the 13th of October, the same year, Mackenzie offered to raise a second battalion for the 78th, and on the 30th of the same month the King gave him permission to raise five hundred additional men on the original letters of service. But this was not what he wanted, and on the 28th of December following he submitted to the Government three alternative proposals for raising a second battalion. On the 7th of February, 1794, one of these was agreed to. The battalion was to be formed of eight battalion and two flank companies, each to consist of 100 men, with the usual number of officers and noncommissioned officers. He was, however, disappointed by the Government; for while he intended to have raised a second battalion for his own regiment, an order was issued signed by Lord Amherst, that it was to be considered a separate corps, whereupon the Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant addressed the following protest to Mr Dundas, one of the Secretaries of State:

St Alban Street, 8th February, 1794.

Sir, - I had sincerely hoped I should not be obliged to trouble you again; but on my going to-day to the War Office about my letter of service (having yesterday, as I thought, finally agreed with Lord Amherst), I was, to my amazement, told that Lord Amherst had ordered that the 1000 men I am to raise were not to be a second battalion of the 78th, but a separate corps. It will, I am sure, occur to you that should I undertake such a thing, it would destroy my influence among the people of my country entirely and instead of appearing as a loyal honest chieftain calling out his friends to support their King and country, I should be gibbeted as a jobber of the attachment my neighbours bear to me. Recollecting what passed between you and me, I barely state the circumstance; and I am, with great respect and attachment, sir, your most obliged and obedient servant,

F. H. MACKENZIE.

This had the desired effect the order for a separate corps was rescinded, and a letter of service was issued in his favour on the 10th of February, 1794, authorising him, as Lieutenant-Colonel- Commandant, to add the new battalion, the strength of which was to be one company of grenadiers, one of light infantry, and eight battalion companies, to his own regiment. The regiment was soon raised, inspected and passed at Fort-George in June of the same year by Lieutenant-General Sir Hector Munro; and in July following the King gave permission to have it named, as a distinctive title, "The Ross-shire Buffs." The two battalions were amalgamated in June, 1796. Another battalion was raised in 1804 - letter of service, dated 17th April. These were again amalgamated in July, 1817.

Although the regiment was not accompanied abroad by its Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant, he continued most solicitous for its reputation and welfare, as we find from the various communications addressed to him regarding it and the conduct of the men by Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, appointed its Lieutenant-Colonel from the first battalion, [John Randoll Mackenzie, also from the first battalion, was appointed senior Major.] and then in actual command; but as the history of the 78th Highlanders is not our present object, we must here part company with it and follow the future career of Francis Humberston Mackenzie.

As a reward for his eminent services to the Government he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Ross, and, on the 26th of October, 1797, raised to the dignity of a peer of the United Kingdom, by the titles of Lord Seaforth and Baron Mackenzie of Kintail, the ancient dignities of his house, with limitation to the heirs male of his body. His Lordship, having resigned the command of the 78th, was, in 1798, appointed Colonel of the Ross-shire Regiment of Militia. In 1800 he was appointed Governor of Barbadoes, an office which he retained for six years, after which he held high office in Demerara and Berbice. While Governor of Barbadoes he was for a time extremely popular, and was distinguished for his firmness and even-handed justice. He succeeded in putting an end to slavery, and to the practice of slave-killing in the island, which at that time was of very common occurrence, and deemed by the planters a venal offence punishable only by a small fine of œ15. In consequence of his humane proceedings in this matter he became obnoxious to many of the colonists, and, in 1806, he finally left the island. In 1808 he was made a Lieutenant-General.

These were singular incidents in the life of a man who may be said to have been deaf and dumb from his youth but who, in spite of these physical defects - sufficient to crush any ordinary man - had been able, by the force of his natural abilities and the favour of fortune, to overcome them sufficiently to raise himself to such a high and important position in the world. He took a lively interest in all questions of art and science, especially in natural history, and displayed at once his liberality and his love of art by his munificence to Sir Thomas Lawrence, in the youth and struggles of that great artist and famous painter, and by his patronage of others. On this point a recent writer says - "The last baron of Kintail, Francis. Lord Seaforth, was, as Sir Walter Scott has said, 'a nobleman of extraordinary talents, who must have made for himself a lasting reputation had not his political exertions been checked by painful natural infirmities.' Though deaf from his sixteenth year and though labouring under a partial impediment of speech, he held high and important appointments, and was distinguished for his intellectual activities and attainments … His case seems to contradict the opinion held by Kitto and others, that in all that relates to the culture of the mind, and the cheerful exercise of the mental faculties, the blind have the advantage of the deaf. The loss of the ear, that 'vestibule of the soul,' was to him compensated by gifts and endowments rarely united in the same individual. One instance of the chief's liberality and love of art may be mentioned. In 1796 he advanced a sum of L1000 to Sir Thomas Lawrence to relieve him from pecuniary difficulties. Lawrence was then a young man of twenty-seven. His career from a boy upwards was one of brilliant success, but he was careless and generous as to money matters, and some speculations by his father embarassed and distressed the young artist. In his trouble he applied to the Chief of Kintail. 'Will you,' he said in that theatrical style common to Lawrence, 'will you be the Antonio to a Bassanio?' He promised to pay the L1000 in four years, but the money was given on terms the most agreeable to the feelings and complimentary to the talents of the artist. He was to repay it with his pencil, and the chief sat to him for his portrait. Lord Seaforth also commissioned from West one of those immense sheets of canvas on which the old Academician delighted to work in his latter years. The subject of the picture was the traditionary story of the Royal hunt, in which Alexander the Third was saved from the assault of a fierce stag by Colin Fitzgerald, a wandering knight unknown to authentic history. West considered it one of his best productions, charged L800 for it, and was willing some years afterwards, with a view to the exhibition of his works, to purchase back the picture at its original cost. In one instance Lord Seaforth did not evince artistic taste. He dismantled Brahan Castle removing its castellated features and completely modernising its general appearance. The house, with its large modern additions, is a tall, massive pile of building, the older portion covered to the roof with ivy. It occupies a commanding site on a bank midway between the river Conon and a range of picturesque rocks. This bank extends for miles, sloping in successive terraces, all richly wooded or cultivated, and commanding a magnificent view that terminates with the Moray Firth." ["The Seaforth Papers," in the "North British Review," 1863, by Robert Carruthers, LL.D.]

The remarkable prediction of the extinction of this highly distinguished and ancient family is so well known that it need not be recapitulated here, and its literal fulfilment is one of the most curious instances of the kind on record. There is no doubt that the "prophecy" was widely known throughout the Highlands generations before it was fulfilled. Lockhart, in his "Life of Sir Walter Scott," says that "it connected the fall of the house of Seaforth not only with the appearance of a deaf 'Cabarfeidh,' but with the contemporaneous appearance of various different physical misfortunes in several of the other Highland chiefs, all of which are said to have actually occurred within the memory of the generation that has not yet passed away. Mr Morrit can testify thus far, that he heard the prophecy quoted in the Highlands at a time when Lord Seaforth had two sons alive, and in good health, and that it certainly was not made after the event," and then he proceeds to say that Scott and Sir Humphrey Davy were most certainly convinced of its truth, as also many others who had watched the latter days of Seaforth in the light of those wonderful predictions. [Every Highland family has its store of traditionary and romantic beliefs. Centuries ago a seer of the Clan Mackenzie, known as Kenneth Oag (Odhar), predicted that when there should be a deaf Caberfae the gift land of the estate would be sold, and the male line become extinct. The prophecy was well known in the North, and it was not, like many similar vaticinations, made after the event. At least three unimpeachable Sassenach writers, Sir Humphrey Davy, Sir Walter Scott, and Mr Morritt of Rokeby, had all heard the prediction when Lord Seaforth had two sons alive, both in good health. The tenantry were, of course, strongly impressed with the truth of the prophecy, and when their Chief proposed to sell part of Kintail, they offered to buy in the land for him, that it might not pass from the family. One son was then living, and there was no immediate prospect of the succession expiring; but, in deference to their clannish prejudice or affection, the sale of any portion of the estate was deferred for about two years. The blow came at last. Lord Seaforth was involved in West India plantations, which were mismanaged, and he was forced to dispose of part of the "gift land." About the same time the last of his four sons, a young man of talent and eloquence, and then representing his native county in Parliament, died suddenly, and thus the prophecy of Kenneth Oag was fulfilled. -

"Of the name of Fitzgerald remained not a male
To bear the proud name of the Chief of Kintail."

—Robert Carruthers, LL.D., in the "North British Review.">[

His Lordship outlived all his four sons, as predicted by the Brahan Seer. His name became extinct, and his vast possessions were inherited by a stranger, James Alexander Stewart, who married his eldest daughter, Lady Hood. The sign by which it would be known that the prediction was about to be fulfilled was also foretold in the same remarkable manner, namely, that in the day's of the last Seaforth there should be four great contemporary lairds, distinguished by certain physical defects described by the Seer. Sir Hector Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, was buck-toothed, and is to this day spoken of among the Gairloch tenantry as "An Tighearna storach," or the buck-toothed laird. Chisholm of Chisholm was hair-lipped, Grant of Grant half-witted, and Macleod of Raasay a stammerer. [For full details of this remarkable instance of family fate, see "The Prophecies of the Brahan Seer." - A. & W. Mackenzie, Inverness.]

To the testimony of those whose names have been already given we shall add the evidence of a living witness when the first edition of this work was in preparation. Duncan Davidson of Tulloch, Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Ross, in a letter addressed to the author, dated May 21, 1878, says - "Many of these prophecies I heard of upwards of 70 years ago, and when many of them were not fulfilled, such as the late Lord Seaforth surviving his sons, and Mrs Stewart Mackenzie's accident, near Brahan, by which Miss Caroline Mackenzie was killed."

It is impossible not to sympathise with the magnificent old Chief as he mourned over the premature death of his four promising sons, and saw the honours of his house for ever extinguished in his own person.

Many instances are related of his magnificent extravagance at home, while sailing round the West Coast, visiting the great principality of the Lewis, and calling on his way hither and thither on the other great chiefs of the West and Western Islands. Sir Walter Scott, in his "Lament for the Last of the Seaforths," adds his tribute -

In vain the bright course of thy talents to wrong.
Fate deadened thine ear and imprisoned thy tongue,
For brighter o'er all her obstructions arose
The glow of thy genius they could not oppose;
And who, in the land of the Saxon or Gael
Could match with Mackenzie, High Chief of Kintail?

Thy sons rose around thee in light and in love,
All a father could hope, all a friend cou'd approve;
What `vails it the tale of thy sorrows to tell?
In the spring time of youth and of promise they fell!
Of the line of MacKenneth remains not a male,
To bear the proud name of the Chief of Kintail.

This sketch of the great chief cannot better be closed than in the words of one already repeatedly quoted: "It was said of him by an acute observer and a leading wit of the age, the late Honourable Henry Erskine, the Scotch Dean of Faculty, that 'Lord Seaforth's deafness was a merciful interposition to lower him to the ordinary rate of capacity in society,' insinuating that otherwise his perception and intelligence would have been oppressive. And the aptness of the remark was duly appreciated by all those who had the good fortune to be able to form an estimate from personal observation, while, as a man of the world, none was more capable of generalizing. Yet, as a countryman, he never affected to disregard those local predilections which identified him with the County of Ross, as the genuine representative of Kintail, possessing an influence which, being freely ceded and supported, became paramount and permanent in the county which he represented in the Commons House of Parliament, till he was called to the peerage on the 26th October, 1797, by the title of Lord Seaforth and Baron of Kintail, with limitation to heirs male of his body, and which he presided over as his Majesty's Lord-Lieutenant. He was commissioned, in 1793, to reorganise the 78th or Ross-shire Regiment of Highlanders, which, for so many years, continued to be almost exclusively composed of his countrymen. Nor did his extraordinary qualifications and varied exertions escape the wide ranging eye of the master genius of the age, who has also contributed, by a tributary effusion, to transmit the unqualified veneration of our age to many that are to follow. He has been duly recognised by Sir Walter Scott, nor was he passed over in the earlier buddings of Mr Colin Mackenzie; but while the annalist is indebted to their just encomiums, he may be allowed to respond to praise worthy of enthusiasm by a splendid fact which at once exhibits a specimen of reckless imprudence joined to those qualities which, by their popularity, attest their genuineness. Lord Seaforth for a time became emulous of the society of the most accomplished Prince of his age. The recreation of the Court was play; the springs of this indulgence then were not of the most delicate texture; his faculties, penetrating as they were, had not the facility of detection which qualified him for cautious circumspection; he heedlessly ventured and lost. It was then to cover his delinquencies elsewhere, he exposed to sale the estate of Lochalsh; and it was then he was bitterly taught to feel, when his people, without an exception, addressed his Lordship this pithy remonstrance - 'Reside amongst us and we shall pay your debts.' A variety of feelings and facts, unconnected with a difference, might have interposed to counteract this display of devotedness besides ingratitude, but these habits, or his Lordship's reluctance, rendered this expedient so hopeless that certain of the descendants of the original proprietors of that valuable locality were combining their respective finances to buy it in, when a sudden announcement that it was sold under value, smothered their amiable endeavours. Kintail followed, with the fairest portion of Glenshiel, and the Barony of Callan Fitzgerald ceased to exist, to the mortification, though not to the unpopularity of this still patriarchal nobleman among his faithful tenantry and the old friends of his family." [Bennetsfield MS.]

He married on the 22d of April, 1782, Mary, daughter of the Rev.
Baptist Proby, D.D., Dean of Lichfield, and brother of John, first
Lord Carysfort, by whom he had issue -

I. William Frederick, who died young, at Killearnan.

II. George Leveson Boucherat, who died young at Urquhart.

III. William Frederick, who represented the County of Ross in Parliament, in 1812, and died unmarried at Warriston, near Edinburgh, in 1814.

IV. Francis John, a midshipman in the Royal Navy, who died unmarried at Brahan, in 1813.

V. Mary Frederica Elizabeth, who succeeded her father and of whom presently.

VI. Frances Catherine, who died without issue.

VII. Caroline, who was accidentally killed at Brahan, unmarried.

VIII. Charlotte Elizabeth, who died unmarried.

IX. Augusta Anne, who died unmarried.

X. Helen Ann, who married the Right Hon. Joshua Henry Mackenzie
of the Inverlael family, anciently descended from the Barons of
Kintail, a Lord of Session and Justiciary by the title of Lord
Mackenzie, with issue - two daughters, Frances Mary and Penuel
Augusta.

Lord Seaforth, having survived all his male issue, died on the 11th of January, 1815, at Warriston, near Edinburgh, the last male representative of his race. His lady outlived him, and died at Edinburgh on the 27th of February, 1829. The estates, in virtue of an entail executed by Lord Seaforth, with all their honours, duties, and embarrassments, devolved upon his eldest daughter, then a young widowed lady,

XXII. MARY ELIZABETH FREDERICA MACKENZIE, LADY HOOD,

Whom Scott commemorated in the well-known lines -

And thou, gentle dame, who must bear to thy grief,
For thy clan and thy country the cares of a Chief,
Whom brief rolling moons in six changes have left
Of thy husband, and father, and brethren bereft;
To thine ear of affection how sad is the hail
That salutes thee the heir of the line of Kintail.

She was born at Tarradale, Ross-shire, on the 27th of March, 1783, and married, first, at Barbadoes on the 6th of November, 1804, Sir Samuel Hood, K.B., Vice-Admiral of the White, and afterwards, in 1806, M.P. for Westminster. Sir Samuel died at Madras, on the 24th of December, 1814, without issue. Lady Hood then returned home, and, in 1815, entered into possession of the family estates, which had devolved upon her by the death of her father without male issue, when the titles became extinct.

She married secondly, on the 21st of May, 1817, the Right Hon. James Alexander Stewart of Glasserton, nephew of the seventh Earl of Galloway, who assumed the name of Mackenzie, was returned M.P. for the County of Ross, held office under Earl Grey, and was successively Governor of Ceylon, and Lord High Commissioner to the Ionian Islands. He died on the 24th of September, 1843. Mrs Sewart-Mackenzie died at Brahan Castle on the 28th of November, 1862, and was buried in the family vault in the Cathedral of Fortrose. Her funeral was one of the largest ever witnessed in the Highlands, many thousands being present on foot, while the vehicles that followed numbered more than 150. By her second marriage she had issue -

I. Keith William Stewart, her heir and successor.

II. Francis Pelham Proby, Lieutenant 71st Highlanders. He died unmarried in 1844.

III. George Augustus Frederick Wellington, who, born in 1824, married in November, 1850, Maria Louisa, daughter of General Thomas Marriot, H.E.IC.S., and died, without issue, in 1852.

IV. Mary Frances, who married, in 1838, the Hon. Philip Anstruther,
Colonial Secretary of Ceylon, with issue.

V. Caroline Susan, who, in 1844, married John Berney Petre, and died in 1867.

VI. Louisa Caroline, who, on the 17th of November, 1858, married, as his second wife, William Bingham second Lord Ashburton, who died on the 23rd of March, 1864, with issue, an only daughter, Mary Florence, who, in 1884, married the Hon. William George Spencer Scott, Earl Compton, M.P., eldest surviving son and heir of William Douglas Compton, fourth Marquis of Northampton, born in 1851, with issue - William Bingham Lord Wilmington, born in 1885; and Lady Margaret Louisa Lizzie.

Mrs Stewart Mackenzie and her husband, on her death on the 28th of
November, 1862, were succeeded in the estates by their eldest son,

XXIII. KEITH WIILLIAM STEWART MACKENZIE,

Born on the 9th of May, 1818. He was an officer in the 90th Regiment and subsequently Colonel-Commandant of the Ross-shire Highland Rifle Volunteers. He sold what remained of Kintail in 1869. He married first, on the 17th of May, 1844, Hannah Charlotte, daughter of James Joseph Hope Vere of Craigie Hall and Blackwood, Midlothian, with issue -

I. James Alexander Francis Humberston, his heir.

II. Susan Mary Elizabeth, who on the 15th of August, 1871, married, first, the Hon. John Constantine Stanley, Colonel Grenadier Guards, second son of the Right Hon. Edward Lord Stanley of Alderley. He was born on the 30th of September, 1837, and died on the 27th of April, 1878, leaving issue - two daughters. She married, secondly, the Right Hon. Sir Francis Henry Jeune, Q.C., President of the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty Division of the High Court of Justice, with issue - one son.

III. Julia Charlotte Sophia, who on the 8th of October, 1873, married, as his second wife, the Right Hon. Arthur, ninth Marquis of Tweeddale, who died in 1878, without issue. In 1887 she married, secondly, as his second wife, the Right Hon. Sir John Rose, Baronet, G.C.M.G., of Queensgate, London, who died in 1888, without issue. In 1892 she married, thirdly, Captain William Evans Gordon, without issue.

IV. Georgina Henrietta, who died young, on the 15th of October, 1868.

His first wife died in June, 1868. He married, secondly, on the 2nd of June, 1871, Alicia Almeira Bell, with issue - one daughter.

Keith Stewart Mackenzie died in June, 1881, when he was succeeded by his only son,

XXIV. JAMES ALEXANDER FRANCIS HUMBERSTON STEWART MACKENZIE,

Who was born on the 9th of October, 1847, Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding the 9th Lancers, and now of Seaforth. He is still unmarried.