Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent (vol. 2 of 2)

by Alfred von Reumont

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The collection of Italian poetry made by Lorenzo de’ Medici for Don Federigo is to be found—not, indeed, in the original, which was lost probably during the French invasion of Naples in 1495—but in a copy made either at the end of the fifteenth or in the sixteenth century, and now in the Florentine National Library (Magliabecchi), to which it passed with the Palatine MSS. (Fr. Palermo, I manoscritti Palatini di Firenze, Flor. 1853 seq.; i. 353 seq.). This MS. belonged to Marco Foscarini, with whose library it went in 1800 to Vienna, and later to the Archduke, afterwards Grand Duke, Leopold, when he collected and published the poems of Lorenzo (Opere di Lorenzo de’ Medici, Florence, 1825, 4 vols. i. p. xxvi., where occur also Apostolo Zeno’s remarks on the MS. in question). On the MSS. and printed copies of Lorenzo’s poems, compare the same edition, i. p. xiii.-xlv., and Gamba, Testi di Lingua, pp. 648-660. For a complete critically revised text much is still wanting, even after the splendid edition of 1825, which came out under the auspices of the della Crusca Academy. A large and well-arranged selection, Poesie di Lorenzo de’ Medici, Flor. 1859, has an introduction by Giosuè Carducci, which has been a guide to much of what is said here of Lorenzo as a poet.

The letter of Lorenzo to Don Federigo, from which extracts are given above, is among the Riccardi MSS., No. 2723, under the name of Poliziano, and was published under that name in the edition of the Rime by V. Manucci and L. Ciampolini, Flor. 1814. The mistake is palpable; Poliziano’s age and the agreement with Lorenzo’s views in the commentary on his poems, show it as clearly as do the historical allusions.

[2] Cf. Carducci’s edition of the Poesie di Lor. de’ Med., p. 54 seq., and Fabroni, supra, p. 10.

[3] Herr von Reumont here gives two or three specimens of Lorenzo’s sonnets translated into German verse. It is not attempted to retranslate these, but the English reader in search of examples of the poet’s style is referred to Roscoe’s Lorenzo de’ Medici, ii., iii., v.—Note by Translator.

[4] ‘Il montanino ha scarpe grosse e cervello fino.’ The fullest collection of rispetti and other Tuscan popular songs is that of G. Tigri, Canti popolari Toscani, first published at Florence in 1856, and reprinted several times since. The reproach against the ‘Wunderhorn’ has been repeated in this case, and indeed not without reason.

[5] Tommaso Lancillotto’s Chronicle in the Cronache inedite Modenesi, pp. 8, 9. Poesie musicali dei secoli XIV, XV, XVI, tratte da vari codici per cura di Ant. Cappelli, Bologna 1869. Cf. the last story of the fifth day of the Decameron.

[6] Oratio christiani gregis ad pastorem Xistum, Epist. 1. vi. 1. Cf. supra, i. 440.

[7] Lettere di Marsilio Ficino, i. 66 seq.

[8] Inscription on the monument in Sta. Maria del Fiore:

EN HOSPES HIC EST MARSILIUS SOPHIÆ PATER,
PLATONICUM QUI DOGMA CULPA TEMPORUM
SITU OBRUTUM ILLUSTRANS, ET ATTICUM DECUS
SERVANS, LATIO DEDIT FORES PRIMUS SACRAS,
DIVINO APERIENS MENTIS ACTUS NUMINE.
VIXIT BEATUS ANTE COSMI MUNERE
LAURIQUE MEDICI NUNC REVIXIT PUBLICO.
S. P. Q. F.
ANNO MXDXI.

[9] See a remarkable letter to Lorenzo, dated 1475, in which he speaks of the neglected muses, in Bandini, Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 1.

[10] In his poem of Xandra, book ii. Cf. Bandini, Specimen litt., i. 124.

[11] The copy of Christophori Landini Florentini ad illustrem Fridericim principem Urbinatem Disputationum Camaldulensiam libri IV., now in the Laurentian library, was written by Pietro Cennini, son of Bernardo, the first Florentine printer, finished at the end of spring, and collated with the original. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 188 seq. (see also p. 3 seq. as to the meeting and the persons present). The first edition is said (ibid. p. 192) to have been printed in 1475(?) and a second at Strasburg in 1508. It was translated into Italian by Antonio Cambini, a literary man much employed by Lorenzo and also in the service of his son the Cardinal. He was also in communication with the Este family, and afterwards attached himself to Savonarola, at whose fall his house was burnt down. (Cf. Cappelli, l. c. p. 309; Villari, Storia di G. Savonarola, ii. 388.)

[12] Manni, Istoria del Decamerone, pt. i. chap. xxix.

[13] Mehus, Traversari, p. 178.

[14] Mehus, l. c. p. 176.

[15] ‘Che ‘l Dante io leggeva per mio piacere e per fare cosa grata alla vostra inclyta città.’ Milan, May 29, 1473, in Fabroni, Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 76.

[16] On the various editions of the old biographies of Dante, see G. C. Galletti in Phil. Villani liber, &c., where Villani, Leon. Bruni, and Giann. Manetti are printed, the last with Melius’ notes for his edition, Flor. 1747. The MS. of G. M. Filelfo in the Laurentiana was published by D. Morini, Flor. 1826.

[17] Vide section iii. chap. iii.

[18] For the numerous bibliographical works on the history of Dante and his writings, we can only give a general reference to the Bibliografia Dantesca of Colomb de Batines and the Enciclopedia Dantesca of Ferrazzi.

[19] According to the colophon, the printing was finished on August 30, 1481. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 131, 140-143; Colomb de Batines, l. c. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 43; Marsilio’s Address, Bandini, pp. 132-134; Batines, pp. 43, 44. The Magliabecchian copy has been lately rebound, and not in very good taste.

[20] Paradiso, xxv. 7. Girol. Benivieni, Cantico in laude di Dante Alighieri, in Works, Venice 1522. Cf. Bandini, ii. 134-136. The latter part of the poem, from the line ‘La patria, che a me madre, a Te noverca,’ refers to the above-quoted lines of Dante. The restoration of citizen rights to the poet’s great-great-grandson, who bore his name, and who was a friend of Poliziano (Letter to Lorenzo, Flor. June 5, 1490, in the Prose volgari, &c., p. 76), did not take place till 1496, and was paid for! (Gaye, l. c. p. 584.)

[21] Isidoro del Lungo, Un documento Dantesco, Arch. Stor. Ital., series iii. vol. xix. p. 4.

[22] Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 499 seq. Palmieri’s Latin biography of the grand seneschal was translated into Italian by a relative of the latter, Donato Acciaiuolo.

[23] On the Giostra, see above, i. 264 seq., and Salvator Bongi’s oft-mentioned edition of the Lettere di Luigi Pulci. A new edition of Ciriffo Calvaneo, with full bibliographical references by S. L. G. Audin, appeared at Florence in 1834.

[24] L. Ranke’s academical treatise, Zur Geschichte der italienischen Poesie, Berlin, 1837, contains an excellent account of the elements and the development of the romantic epopee. The last edition of Morgante, which was first printed at Venice in 1481 and at Florence in the following year (Gamba, Testi di Lingua, p. 241 seq.) is that by P. Sermolli, published at Florence a few years ago. The oldest impression of the Reali di Francia is that published at Modena in 1491, ten years after Pulci’s poem.

[25] L. Pulci, Lettere, p. 38. Cf. supra, i. 313.

[26] February 1, 1468. L. Pulci, Lettere, p. 8.

[27] A petition of his widow, July 14, 1485, states that he had been dead more than eight months. Cf. Lettere, pp. 10, 102, 114.

[28] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 98.

[29] Isidoro del Lungo, La patria e gli antenati d’Angelo Poliziano in Arch. Stor. Ital., series iii. vol. xi. p. 9 seq. Id. Uno Scolare dello studio fiorentino nel sec. XV, in the Nuova Antologia, x. 215, seq. Fr. Otto Mencke’s Historia Vitæ, etc. Ang. Pol., Leipzig, 1736, will always be valuable as a careful collection of literary and critical materials. Opera Ang. Politiani, Flor. 1499. Le Stanze, l’Orfeo e le Rime di Messer Ang. Ambrogini Pol., illustrate da Giosuè Carducci, Flor. 1863. Prose volgari e Poesie latine e greche di A. A. P. raccolte da Isidoro del Lungo, Flor. 1867.

[30] Prose volgari, p. 109.

[31] Ibid. p. 248.

[32] See Prose volgare, p. 481: ‘O cui tyrrheni florentia signa leonis.’

[33] Epistolæ, viii. 6, 7.

[34] See the poems addressed to Cardinal Riario in the Prose volgare, pp. 111-114. Cf. supra, i. 346.

[35] These four books were printed by Cardinal Angelo Mai in the second volume of the Spicilegium Romanum, from two MSS. in the Vatican, and thence in the Prose volgare, pp. 431-523. The MSS. came to the Vatican from Fulvio Orsini. The one on parchment, with the Medici arms on a red leather binding, is the copy of books ii. and iii., presented by the author to Lorenzo. The other contains books iv. and v., apparently in Poliziano’s handwriting and without a dedication.

[36] There has been much question as to the relation between the original ‘Orfeo,’ which the author wanted to destroy, and the later one, which was turned into a tragedy in several acts. The latter was published in 1776 by Ireneo Affò, with a detailed introduction and excursus; and in 1812 Vincenzo Ranucci wrote some extensive philological observations upon it which were reprinted in the Carducci edition, pp. 113-188. The question which has lately been raised as to Poliziano’s authorship of this second version must be left for decision to the poet’s biographers. There is a prospect of a detailed account of his life by I. del Lungo.

[37] It has been shown in vol. i. p. 299, that Poliziano did not begin this poem so early as has been imagined, from an idea that Giuliano’s tournament was held at the same time as that of his brother. That he was at work upon it in 1476 is proved by the allusion to the death of Simonetta, the young beauty to whom Giuliano’s heart was given, an event which Poliziano sang also in Latin, Prose volgare, p. 149. [In Simonettam, ‘Dum pulchra effertur nigro Simonetta pheretro.’]

[38] Laurus, the poetical name by which the poets of the time distinguished Lorenzo.

[39] Roscoe’s translation.

[40] ‘In violas a Venere mea dono acceptas,’ in Prose volgare, p. 238; Carducci, p. cviii. Agnolo Firenzuola and Giulio Perticari have translated this elegy in very different styles. Cf. supra, p. 15.

[41] The diploma (with a wrong date) was printed from the archiepiscopal archives of Florence in Bandini, l. c. i. 188.

[42] Prose volgare, pp. 285-427.

[43] Epist. l. x. 14.

[44] Prælectio in Priora Aristotelis analytica cui titulus Lamia. La Strega, prelezione alle Priora d’Aristotile nello studio Fiorentino l’anno 1483 per Ang. Ambr. Poliziano volgar. da Isidori del Lungo, Flor. 1864. The immediate neighbourhood of Fiesole, where Poliziano was so thoroughly at home, still recalls the witch-traditions of the middle ages. The subterranean chambers of the Roman theatre (unhappily in great part destroyed) on the northern slope of the hill are called by the people the Witches’ grottos—(Buche delle Fate); they are not far from the stone grotto on the eastern slope, the Fonte Soterra, which is always full of cool water, and the Latomie, which Brunelleschi opened for the purposes of his wonderful buildings (Fr. Inghirami, Memorie storiche per servire di guida all’Osservatore in Fiesole, Fiesole 1839), p. 60 seq.

[45] The translation appeared at Rome in 1493. The dedication to the Pope and his Brief are in book viii. of the Epistolæ. The poem ‘Herodianus in laudem traductoris sui,’ is in Prose volgare, etc., p. 264.

[46] Letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, June 5, 1490, ibid. p. 76.

[47] Letter to Piero de’ Medici, Florence, May 23, 1494, ibid. p. 84.

[48] Poliziano’s Letters to Madonna Clarice (cf. vol. ii. book vi. ch. iii.) are in I. del Lungo, Prose volgare, p. 45 seq., and also his letters from Pistoja, Caffagiuolo, Careggi, and Fiesole, to Lorenzo and his mother, some of which had already been printed by Fabroni.

[49] Poliziano afterwards sent the ode also to Lorenzo.

[50] The graceful description of the view of Florence and its neighbourhood from Fiesole (‘Talia Fœsuleo lentus meditabar in antro Rure suburbano Medicum) stands at the end of the poem of Rusticus, which bears the date 1483, but its origin is probably connected with the time referred to above.

[51] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 288.

[52] Fiesole, May 21 and July 18, 1479, in Prose volgari, pp. 71-74. Several Latin epigrams to Lorenzo (ibid. pp. 123, 124) are of this period.

[53] Prose volgari, p. 127 (‘O ego quam cupio reducis contingere dextram’).

[54] Latini dettati a Piero de’ Medici, 1481, ibid. pp. 17-41.

[55] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 280.

[56] Epist. xii. 7.

[57] D. M. Manni, Bartholomei Scalæ Collensis vita, Flor. 1768. Scala’s Florentine History, now completely forgotten, appeared at Rome in 1677. The Laurentiana contains a MS. collection of letters, poems, &c., by him, to and on Cosimo the elder, and dedicated to Lorenzo (cf. Moreni, Bibliographia, ii. 321).

[58] Ang. Pol. Epist. xii. 17.

[59] Accolti (on whom cf. Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 442 seq.) died in 1466, aged 51; the seals were not delivered to Scala till March 1473, so they must have been put into commission (Manni, l. c. 15). Accolti’s dialogue, De præstantia virorum sui ævi, which, in spite of the many reservations made by the author from personal motives, will deserve regard as the work of a man in high position, was first printed by Ben. Bacchini, Parma, 1689, and later by Galletti in Philippi Villani Liber, p. 97 seq.

[60] A. M. Bandini, Lettere Fiesolane, Flor. 1776, p. 30.

[61] A. Guidoni to Duke Ercole II., April 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 281.

[62] Ang. Pol. Epist. xii. 17-19.

[63] ‘Ad Bartholomæum Scalam’ in the Prose volgari, p. 273.

[64] In the Epigrammata Græca. Cf. Prose volgari, p. 199 seq.

[65] ‘Quæris quid mihi de tuo Marullo,’ in the Prose volgari, p. 124; ‘Quod plura Venerem tuus Marullus, ibid. p. 125.

[66] ‘Invectiva in Mabilium,’ ibid. p. 131 seq. The poems of Marullus were printed at Florence in 1497.

[67] F. Fossi, Monumenta ad Alamanni Rinuccini vitam contexandam, &c., Flor. 1791. G. Aiazzi, in Ricordi storici di Filippo Rinuccini, p. 139 seq.

[68] Anton. Francesco Gori has added to a MS. commentary on Rucellai’s treatise De Urbe Roma (in the Marucelliana at Florence) a life of the author. Cf. L. Passerini, Genealogia ec. della Famiglia Rucellai, p. 122 seq. Bernardo was born 1488, died 1514.

[69] L. Passerini, Degli Orti Oricellarj, in the Curiosità, p. 56 seq. The house, built on the ground bought from Nannina de’ Medici in 1482, was begun about the end of the century. It passed, with the beautiful gardens, to Bianca Cappello; it now, after many changes, belongs to a Countess Orloff.

[70] ‘Bernardo Bembo veneto oratori viro undecumque elegantissimo.’ In the Prose volgari, p. 251. The copy of Landino’s Xandra, once sent by him to Bembo, is in the Vatican library. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 164 seq.

[71] Foscarini, l. c. 267.

[72] Inscription on his tomb in Sta. Maria del Popolo:

BARBARIEM HERMOLEOS LATIO QUI DEPULIT OMNEM
BARBARUS HIC SITUS EST UTRAQUE LINGUA OEMIT
URBS VENETUM VITAM MORTEM DEDIT INCLYTA ROMA
NON POTUIT NASCI NOBILIUSQUE MORI.

[73] Florence, May 10, 1490. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 377.

[74] Gaye, l. c. i. 294.

[75] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 284; also in Prose volgari, p. 78 seq.

[76] Piero Alamanni to Lorenzo, Rome, May 14, 1491; in Fabroni, l. c. p. 379.

[77] L. Geiger, Johann Reuchlin (Leipzig, 1871), p. 163 seq.

[78] In A. Cappelli, l. c. p. 282. Domenico Berti, Cenni e documenti intorno a Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, in the Rivista contemporanea, vol. xvi., Turin, 1859. The reports sent to Lorenzo during his stay at the baths, quoted here from the Medicean archives, agree substantially with the accounts given by Guidoni.

[79] In Cappelli, l. c. p. 303. The date of the Apology seems to be really wrong. In the register of Lorenzo’s correspondence (Ricordi di lettere scripti per Lor. de’ Med.) in the Florentine archives, we find notice of a letter written as late as February 12, 1488, ‘al conte della Mirandola, ringraziandolo dell’Apologia mandate,’ letter enclosed to Lorenzo Spinelli, one of the Medicean agents in France.

[80] Med. Arch., Filza 57.

[81] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 291. Some of the following extracts are in the same; some, unpublished, in the Med. Arch.

[82] A. Guidoni, Flor. September 25, 1488, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 303.

[83] Epist. lib. i. 4. Epigramm. Græca, lib. iii. in Prose volgari, p. 218.

[84] Disputationum de Astrologia, lib. xii. Epigramm. Græca, xlix. l. c. p. 214.

[85] Speech on accepting the office of Capitano del popolo, from L. B. Alberti’s papers, in Bonucci, Opere di L. B. A., vol. i. p. xlii.

[86] G. Perticaro, Intorno la morte di Pandolfo Collenuccio, in his Opere, Bologna, 1839, ii. 52 seq.

[87] Cf. Ben. Varchi’s remarks upon Naldi in Prose volgari inedite, p. 122.

[88] It is not intended in the present work to go into the details of these mostly uninteresting poetical productions. Bandini has noticed many of them in the catalogue of the Laurentiana; Roscoe has filled many pages with quotations and bibliographical notices; to add to them would be easy but useless.

[89] The Dieci di Balia, Florence, January 14, 1432, in Fabroni, Cosmi Med. Vita, ii. 8.

[90] Guicciardini, Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 209.

[91] Fabroni, Historia Academiæ Pisanæ, i. 109 seq.; Laur. Med. Vita, i. 49. Many other references to the University, ibid. ii. 74 seq. Carlo de’ Massimi, Carmen heroicum ad Laurentium Medicem de studio per eumden Pisis innovato, from a Laurentian MS., in Bandini, Laur. Cat., vol. iii., and Roscoe, iii. 237 seq. (No. lviii.)

[92] Fabroni, Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 77.

[93] Rosmini, Vita di Fr. Filelfo, ii 191.

[94] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 75, 76.

[95] Camillo Massimo, Sopra una inedita medaglia di Francesco Massimo dottore in legge e cavaliere, Rome, 1860. Francesco Massimo was elected Podestà of Siena in 1477, but could not assume the office owing to the death of his father. That he was in Florence in 1488-89, engaged in affairs of state, is shown by the following letter from Lorenzo to Giovanni Lanfredini at Rome: ‘Messer Francesco Massimi is going back, having gained the approval of the whole city as well as my own. He has in truth conducted himself so well that I have thought good to recommend him to his Holiness and to the Cardinal Giovanni Colonna. I do the same to you, and beg you to bear witness that his conduct could not have been more praiseworthy. In consideration of his good offices I shall be glad if you will introduce him wherever it may be agreeable to him.’ Florence, March 13, 1489 (Med. Arch. Filza 59).

[96] The Annales suorum temporum were printed by Gio. Lami in the Catalogus codd. MSS. bibl. Riccard., Livorno, 1756; and again by Galletti, in Phil. Villani liber, &c., p. 151 seq. According to a letter of Fonti to Lorenzo, he once intended writing a history of the Medici. He praised the chief scholars of his time in a pretty epigram, ibid. p. 153.

[97] Gaye, l. c. i. 273.

[98] Med. Arch., Filza 59.

[99] Venice, June 20, 1491, in Prose volgari, p. 78.

[100] The letters are in Poliziano’s Epistolæ, book xi.

[101] A. M. Bandini, Ragionamento istorico sulle collazione delle Pandette, ec., Livorno 1762, The copy of the Pandects marked with Poliziano’s collations is preserved in the Laurentianæ. Bandini also speaks of it in the fourth volume of the Catalogue of Latin MSS. See Th. Mommsen’s introduction to his critical edition of the Digestum.

[102] F. Fantozzi, Notizie biografiche di Bernardo Cennini, Florence, 1839. G. Ottino, Di Bernardo Cennini e dell’arte della stampa in Firenze, Florence, 1871. When the first Florentine printer had been almost forgotten for 400 years, the present generation, on occasion of the fourth centenary of his work, has raised a monument to him in San Lorenzo—where he lies buried—placed a memorial tablet on the site of his workshop, and given his name to a street.

[103] ‘Ad lectorem. Florentiæ, VII. Idus Novembres, MCCCCLXXI. Bernardus Cennnius (sic) aurifer omnium iudicio præstantissimus: et Dominicus eius F. egregiæ indolis adolescens: expressis ante calibe caracteribus et deinde fusis literis volumen hoc primum impresserunt. Petrus Cenninus Bernardi eiusdem F. quanta potuit cura et diligentia emendavit ut cernis. Florentinis ingeniis nil ardui est.’

[104] P. Vinc. Fineschi, Notizie istoriche sopra la stamperia di [S. Jacopo di] Ripoli, Flor. 1761. D. Moreni in the Novelle letterarie Fiorentine of 1791, and F. Fossi in the Catalogo delle antiche edizioni della B. Magliabechiana, vol. iii., have collected other information concerning the works of this printing establishment amounting to eighty-six in number, among which, curiously enough, a Decameron is included.

[105] Enea Piccolomini, Delle condizioni e delle vicende della libreria Medicea privata, in the Arch. Star. Ital., series iii. vols. xix. and xx. N. Anziani, Della Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, Flor. 1872.

[106] Targioni-Tozzetti, Notizie sulla storia delle scienze fisiche in Toscana (ed. by Fr. Palermo), Flor. 1853, pp. 60, 61.

[107] Med. Arch.

[108] Fabroni, l. c. i. 153; ii. 286.

[109] Ibid. i. 163.

[110] Cappelli, l. c. The MS. was by Battista Guarino. The translation was first printed at Venice in 1532, the original at Paris in 1548.

[111] Prose volgari, p. 78.

[112] This poetess, of a Milanese family, was born at Venice about 1465, and is supposed to have died in 1558. Politian (Epist. l. iii. 17) addresses her: ‘O decus Italiæ virgo.’

[113] Florence, May 8, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 287.

[114] Vasari’s Life of Fra Giocondo (ix. 155 seq.) is very imperfect and leaves room for further study. On Giocondo’s works in his own city see G. Orti Manara, Dei lavori architettonici di Fra Giocondo in Verona, Ver., 1853. On his collection of inscriptions see G. B. de Rossi, I Fasti municipali di Venosa restituite alla sincera lezione, Rome 1853. (From vol. cxxxiii. of the Giornale Arcadico.) According to the Novelle letterarie di Firenze for the year 1771, p. 725, the Medicean copy was sent to Pope Clement XIV., but has never been seen either in the Vatican archives or the library. On the other copies, and the second collection, differing from the first in some respects, less numerous, and dedicated to Ludovico de Agnellis, Archbishop of Cosenza, cf. De Rossi, p. 7 seq. The dedication—‘Laurentio Medici Fr. Io. Jucundus S. P. D.’—is in Fabroni, ii. 279 seq. It ends: ‘Vale feliciter humani generis amor et deliciæ.’

[115] Med. Arch.

[116] Epist. ad J. Bracciolini, l. i. Prolegom. ad Platonis convivium.

[117] The work of the Sicilian Jesuit, P. Leonardo Ximenes, Del vecchio e nuovo Gnomone fiorentino, Flor. 1757, contains the history and explanation of the scientific value of the famous meridian, and of the more ancient mathematical and astronomical works in Tuscany.

[118] This controversy has never rested from the time of Angelo Maria Bandini, who published in 1755 the Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Vespucci gentiluomo fiorentino, down to our own days, which have witnessed a new defence of the Florentine’s claims by the Brazilian, F. A. de Varnhagen. It will be sufficient here to refer the reader to the facts published by Oscar Peschel in the Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 305 seq., and in an essay on Amerigo in the periodical Das Ausland (No. 32, 1858). Vespucci’s well-known work on his second journey (Bandini, p. 64) is addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the son of Pier Francesco.

[119] Cianfogni, Memorie istoriche della basilica di S. Lorenzo (Flor. 1804), p. 228. On Brunelleschi, cf. i. 71 seq.

[120] D. Moreni, Continuazione delle Memorie della basilica di San Lorenzo (Flor. 1816), i. 6 seq.

[121] The dedication (to Piero de’ Medici) of a treatise on Architecture by Antonio Averlino, called Filarete (see below, p. 135), shows that the Church had not been rebuilt in 1460: ‘Resta ancora la chiesa a rinovare.’ The resemblance of its architecture to that of the chapel of the Madonna de’ Voti, afterwards dell’Incoronata, in the cathedral of Mantua, always regarded as a work of Leon Bat. Alberti, awakens a suspicion that he may have been concerned in the building at Fiesole. Cf. Gaye, l. c. i. 200 seq.; 263. Vasari, Life of Filarete, iii. 290.

[122] D. Moreni, Notizie istoriche dei Contorni di Firenze, iii. 93 seq. Cf. i. 576 seq.

[123] The Silvestrine was a branch of the Vallombrosan order, named after its founder Silvestro Gozzolini.

[124] Cf. i. 574-576.

[125] Vasari, Life of Michelozzo, iii. 277-279. V. Marchese, Memorie dei Pittori ec. Domenicani, i. 278 seq. Id., San Marco convento dei Frati Predicatori (Flor. 1853), p. 75 seq. The inscription in the church, dated 1442, which speaks of ‘magnificis sumptibus v. cl. Cosmi Medicis,’ &c., is in Vasari, p. 279.

[126] A. Zobi, Memorie storico-artistiche relative alla Cappella della SS. Annunziata (Flor. 1837), p. 14 seq. Fr. Bocchi, Della immagine miracolosa della SS. Nunziata (Flor. 1592, new ed. 1852). Inscription: ‘Petrus Med. Cosmi Joann. filius sacellum marmoreum voto suscepto animo libens d. d. Anno 1448. Idib. Martii.’ Another inscription on the cornice: ‘Piero di Cosimo de Medici fece fare questa hopera et Pagno di Lapo di Fiesole fu el maestro chella fè mcccclii.’ From this it certainly looks questionable whether Michelozzo furnished the designs, as Pagno also executed larger works. Inscription relating to the consecration: ‘Mariæ glorioss. virg. Guilelmus Cardinalis Rotomagensis cum superni in terris nuntii munere fungeretur legati ratus officium et innumeris miraculis locique religione motus hanc Annunciatæ aram summa cum celebritate ac solenni pompa sacravit mcccclii., viii. Kalen. Januar.’

[127] Berti, Cenni storico-artistici di S. Miniato al Monte (Flor. 1850), p. 54 seq. On June 10, 1448, Piero de’ Medici was allowed to place his arms on the tabernacle on condition that those of the Guild should have the highest place.

[128] C. Guasti, l. c. Doc. 290, p. 201. Brunelleschi was buried in the cathedral. The epitaph is by Carlo Marsuppini: ‘D. S. Quantum Philippus architectus arte Dædalea valuerit cum huius celeberrimi templi mira testudo tum plures aliæ divino ingenio ab eo adiuventæ machinæ documento esse possunt quapropter ob eximias sui animi dotes singularesque virtutes xv. Kal. Maias anno mccccxlvi. eius b. m. corpus in hac humo supposita grata patria sepeliri iussit.’

[129] Round the altar is the following inscription: ‘Ædem hanc sanctissime Andrea tibi Pactii dedicarunt ut cum te immortalis Deus hominum constituerit piscatorem locus sit in quem suos Franciscus ad tua possit retia convocare.’ By Franciscus is doubtless meant the saint to whose order the convent belonged, and not, as Richa and Moisè suppose, Francesco de’ Pazzi, Andrea’s grandson. A letter of indulgence from Card. Pietro Riario, October 8, 1473, speaks of Jacopo de’ Pazzi as the founder.

[130] The history of the building of the Pitti palace has never been thoroughly cleared up.

[131] Inscription:

JOHANNES RUCELLARIUS PAULI FILIUS INDE
SALUTEM SUAM PRECARETUR UNDE OMNIUM
CUM CHRISTO FACTA EST RESURRECTIO SACELLUM
HOC AD INSTAR HYEROSOLIMITANI SEPULCRI
FACIUNDUM CURAVIT MCCCCLXVII.

[132] Documents on the building (1471), in Gaye, l. c. p. 225 seq. Vasari, iv. 59.

[133] The price was 150 gold florins; Gaye, l. c. p. 572. The statue was removed when Duke Cosimo erected the fountain adorned with Verrocchio’s Boy, and is now in the national museum in the Palace of the Podestà.

[134] ‘Exemplum sal. pub. cives posuere MCCCCXCV.’ This inscription can have nothing to do with the driving out of the Duke of Athens, as Moisè (Palazzo de’ Priori, p. 166) imagines. The group occupied the place which was assigned in 1504 to Michel Angelo’s ‘David,’ and has stood since then on the side of the Loggia de’ Lanzi towards the Uffizi. Vasari (l. c. p. 251) wrongly thinks it was executed for the Signoria.

[135] L. c. p. 250.

[136] Mantua, November 7, 1458. Cf. Braghirolli, in the Giornale di erudizione artistica (of Perugia), ii. 4 seq.

[137] Vasari, l. c. pp. 264, 266. Fabroni, l. c. p. 159. According to Vasari, Donatello died on December 13, 1466; according to the contemporary M. Palmieri (De Temporibus), in 1468. In the crypt of S. Lorenzo, near the tombs of the Medici, is the following later inscription: ‘Donatellus restituta antiqua sculpendi cælandiq. arte celeberrimus Mediceis principibus summis bonarum artium patronis apprime carus qui ut vivum suspexere mortuo etiam sepulcrum loco sibi proximiore constituerunt obiit idibus Decembris an. sal. MCCCCLXIV. æt. suæ LXXXIII.’

[138] On Francesco Livi, cf. Gaye, l. c. ii. 441 seq. On Ser Guasparre, see Rumohr, Ital. Forschungen, ii. 377 seq.; G. Milanesi, Documenti dell’arte Sanese, ii. 194 seq. On the Jesuates, cf. i. 596, 597, and L. Fanfani, Memorie di Sta. Maria del Pontenuovo (Pisa 1871), p. 124 seq.

[139] These basso-rilievos, removed from the cathedral when the organs were modernised, are now in the museum of the Palazzo del Podestà.

[140] Metropolitana Fiorentina, tables xxxiii.-xxxvi.

[141] Transferred from San Pancrazio to the church of San Francesco di Paola before the Porta Romana; Monuments sépulcraux, plate lvii.

[142] Monuments sépulcraux, plates lvi., xli., xxi.

[143] Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxxvi. Inscription:

SISTE VIDES MAGNUM QUÆ SERVANT MARMORA VATEM
INGENIO CUIUS NON SATIS ORBIS ERAT
QUÆ NATURA POLUS QUÆ MOS FERAT OMNIA NOVIT
KAROLUS ÆTATIS GLORIA MAGNA SUÆ
AUSONLÆ ET GRAJÆ CRINES NUNC SOLVITE MUSÆ
OCCIDIT HEU VESTRI FAMA DECUSQUE CHORI.

[144] Monuments sépulcraux, plates l., xxxi. Inscription:

POSTQUAM LEONARDUS E VITA MIGRAVIT HISTORIA LUGET
ELOQUENTIA MUTA EST FERTURQUE MUSAS TUM
GRAIAS TUM LATINAS LACRIMAS TENERE NON POTUISSE.

[145] Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 157. Vasari mentions the modelling in Verrocchio, v. 152. Brunelleschi’s cast is in the building-office of Sta. Maria del Fiore (Opera del Duomo).

[146] Monuments sépulcraux, plate lvi. Vasari, vol. iv. p. 218. Berti, p. 70.

[147] Monuments sépulcraux, plate lv.

[148] C. Pini, La Scrittura di artisti Italiani, cf. supra, p. 163.

[149] Executed in 1436; a pendant to the equestrian figure of Niccolò Maruzzi of Tolentino (d. 1434) by Andrea dal Castagno. The improper introduction of these equestrian figures into churches paved the way for similar monuments in marble, such as may be seen especially in Venice. In the cathedral of Florence was a complete figure of Piero Farnese on a mule, as he rode to a fight with the Pisans in 1363.

[150] In this place, where we are concerned chiefly with the position of the Medici in connection with the development of art, we cannot refer in detail to the literature, which has been much enriched of late years by Gastano Milanesi’s researches among the archives, on the Tuscan painters of the early quattrocento (Giornale storico degli Archivi Toscani, vols. iv. and vi., and reprinted in Sulla storia dell’arte Toscana, Siena 1873), made use of by Crowe and Cavalcaselle in their History of Painting in Italy.

[151] C. Pini, Scrittura di Artisti.

[152] This is not the place to refer in detail to the confused notices in the Italian art-historians. Vasari mentions these works, among others, in his Introduction, l. c. i. 63.

[153] Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. 251.

[154] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 231. It is doubtful whether the sums given at the end of the inventory are to be added up together, or whether the last represents the sum total.

[155] Letter to Giovanni de’ Medici, Bruges, June 22, 1488; in Gaye, l. c. p. 158.

[156] Gaye, l. c. p. 163.

[157] Gaye, l. c. p. 160.

[158] Gaye, l. c. p. 136.

[159] Ibid. p. 192.

[160] Gaye, l. c. pp. 141, 175, 180. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 64, 65.

[161] Complete edition by Gaetano and Carlo Milanese, Il Libro dell’arte o Trattato della Pittura (Flor. 1859). There is a German translation, Das Buch von der Kunst, &c., by Albert Ilg (Vienna, 1871). The general supposition, from Baldinucci down to Tambroni, the first editor of the treatise (Rome, 1821), viz., that Cennini wrote it in 1437 in the Stinche prison, is derived from a gloss to the Laurentian MS. which proceeds from the copyist instead of referring to the author. The same postil gave rise to the statement that a fresco in Giotto’s style, representing the driving out of the Duke of Athens, and brought to light at the demolition of the prison, was painted by Cennini. (Fr. Bacchi, Illustratore Fiorentino, pt. v., Flor. 1839).

[162] The second commentary, with the notices of modern art, is printed in Cicognara’s Storia della Scultura, vol. iv., and more readably, together with some extracts from the third, in Lemonnier’s edition of Vasari, vol. i. pp. v.-xxxv.

[163] On Filarete’s treatise and the two dedications, cf. Vasari, iii. 290, 291, and Gaye, i. 200-206, where will be found the dedication to Fr. Sforza. (Cf. supra, p. 122.) Filarete gives us a foretaste of the art-phraseology of Federigo Zuccaro. For the rest, he says to Sforza: ‘If my book is not elegant, take it as the work, not of an orator nor of a Vitruvius, but of thy master-builder who cast the doors of St. Peter’s.’

[164] N. Valori, l. c. p. 176.

[165] Vasari, viii. 267. On the design of Andrea, see Waagen, Kunstwerk und Künstler in England, i. 244. Cf. posf, p. 197 seq.

[166] Pini, Scrittura d’Artisti. Cf. A. v. Zahn, Jahrbücher für Kunstwissenschaft, iv. 367.

[167] Vasari, Life of Giuliano, iv. 1 seq. Gaye, l. c. in annis 1478, 1480, 1481.

[168] A. Rossi, in the Giornale di erudiz. artist., 1872, p. 97. Inscription: ‘Opus Juliani Maiani et Dominici Taxi, Florentini, mcccclxxxxi.’

[169] C. Milanesi, in the Giorn. stor. degli Arch. Tosc., iii. 233, 234. Letters dated Rome, February 1-20, 1478. In consequence of the Cardinal’s death in the summer of 1479, the building remained unfinished.

[170] Urbino, June 18, 1481. Gaye, l. c. p. 274.

[171] S. Volpicelli, Descrizione storica di alcuni principali edificii della città di Napoli (Naples 1850), p. 1 seq.

[172] Gaye, l. c. p. 300 (undated).

[173] Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 22 seq. (Cf. i. 395.) Cf. also, Gaye, l. c. p. 354 seq., where are also notices by Luca Landucci, an apothecary, on the beginning and progress of the work, and Filippo’s will. Vasari treats at length of the palace and of the smith Caparri in his Life of Cronaca, viii. 116 seq.

[174] Gaye, l. c. ibid. A letter from Lorenzo, December 16, 1490, to Francesco Gonzaga, in which he asks for leave of absence for Luca Fancelli. Whether the latter went to Naples is uncertain; Francesco di Giorgio was there for some time between February and May 1491.

[175] Among Sangallo’s drawings in the Barberiniana at Rome. Gaye, l. c. p. 301. Vasari, vii. 212, 213.

[176] A. v. Zahn, Notizie artistiche tratte dall’Archivio segreto Vaticano, Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vi. 171.

[177] A. Guglielmotti, Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII. (Rome 1862). C. Ravioli, Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura militare dei nove da Sangallo (Rome 1863).

[178] The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings, begun in 1465, dates from a later time.

[179] The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.

[180] From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in the Metropolitana Fior. Illustr., plate xiv.

[181] In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini mentions in his Memoriale (see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436) Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’ Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.

[182] The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.

[183] Richa, ix. 11, et seq. Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.

[184] Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini, Scrittura d’Artisti.

[185] Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa, Epist. l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni, De Florentinis inventis (Ferrara, 1730), c. 29. Cancellieri, Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio (Rome, 1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.

[186] Gaye, l. c. p. 254.

[187] There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115, et seq. The commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.

[188] Moreni, Contorni di Firenze, v. 6, et seq. The chronology here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’s Sta. Croce, p. 90. The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.

[189] Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.

[190] Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.

[191] Cf. A. v. Zahn’s Jahrbücher, vi. p. 136.

[192] Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.

[193] The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card. Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be judged from its present mutilated condition.

[194] Monuments sépulcraux, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):

ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXIT
CUI QUAM RECTA MANUS TAM FUIT ET FACILIS
NATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTI
PLUS LICUIT NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUS
MIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEM
HÆC QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEO
DENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT ILLA REFERRE
HOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERAT
OB. AN. MCCCXXXVI. CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.

[195] Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121. Monuments sépulcraux, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):

MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIO
SQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA ARTI
GRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VID
ERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM ASCIVISSE SO
ROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMI
OFFICIUM RATA EIUS MEMORIAM PROPAGARE
CUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM AD
MIRATIONEM ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONU
MENTUM POSUIT.

[196] Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s bust is in the Uffizi collection.

[197] Monuments sépulcraux, plate liii.

[198] Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio eq^ti Flor^no pu^aes concordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere. populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. rep^ea opt^o merito. posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI. Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.

[199] Paradiso, xvi. 127. Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv.

[200] Monuments sépulcraux, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 230.

[201] Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.

[202] Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’ Trésor de Numismatique et de Glyptique. See Vasari’s Life of Pisanello, ii. 152, et seq. On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857), trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.

[203] V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.

[204] Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf. ante, p. 132.

[205] Vasari, Life of Valerio Vicentino, ix. 236, et seq. G. Pelli, in his Saggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze (Flor. 1779), i. 8, et seq., ii. 9, et seq., gives some account of the Medici collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name, and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:

COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO EST
ÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.

is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.

[206] Perfetti, Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti (Flor. 1845). The collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.

[207] Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.

[208] Cf. ante, p. 40. Engraving in the Metropolitana fior. illustr., plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf. ibid., i. 563.

[209] Vasari, iv. 102, 103.

[210] Vasari, v. 115.

[211] Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A., engraved by F. Livy.

[212] Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81), wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi gallery.

[213] Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi, Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana, p. 292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist. These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished, e.g. Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in 1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.

[214] Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’s Vita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio, p. 60, et seq.

[215] Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in the Kunstblatt, 1836, No. 90, and Carteggio, i. 579-581.

[216] Engraved in Litta, Fam. Medici.

[217] The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read by Rumohr (Ital. Forsch., ii. 262), on the picture, which is much blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.

[218] An. MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.

[219] Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari (also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini, Opere d’intaglio del cav. Raff. Morghen (Pisa, 1824), p. 108 et seq.

[220] The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.

[221] Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The editors of Lemonnier’s Vasari have added much information to the biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25, et seq.), Don Bartolommeo (v. 44, et seq. [on Attavante, see p. 55]), Gherardo (ibid. p. 60, et seq.), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351). On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese, Memorie, i. 171-210. In the same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper Italy, &c., may be passed over here.

[222] Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.

[223] xii. 11. Cf. Life of Torrigiano, vii. 204, and of Michel Angelo, xii. 157.

[224] The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf. G. Campori, Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi (Modena 1855), p. 100 et seq. The noble family of Buonarotti has of late years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of Alvernia—the crudo sasso of the Divine Comedy.

[225] G. Milanesi, Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci, in the Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. xvi. 219.

[226] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.

[227] Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480, per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo Pitti, l. c. p. 313 et seq., with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf. Cambia, l. c. ii. 1 et seq., for the names of the Signori, the colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. cxxi. et seq.; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.

[228] Cf. ante, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.

[229] L. c. p. 174.

[230] Ricordi, l. c. p. cxxxv.

[231] Canestrini, l. c. p. 237 et seq.

[232] Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.

[233] Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.

[234] For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 255-258.

[235] Marin Sanuto, Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482. (Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401 et seq.).

[236] Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.

[237] Godefroy, Histoire de Charles VIII. (Paris 1684). Documents, p. 312. C. de Cherrier, Histoire de Charles VIII. (Par. 1868), i. 32. U. Legeay, Histoire de Louis XI. (Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].

[238] For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis), see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in Cappelli, l. c. p. 260 et seq.

[239] Gino Capponi, Storia della Republica Fiorentina (Flor. 1874), ii. 149.

[240] Coleti, in Farlati’s Illyricum sacrum, vii. 438 et seq. Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob Burckhardt’s Andreas Erzbischof von Krain (Basel, 1852) gives an authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf. Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249 et seq. Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.

[241] Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.

[242] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.

[243] Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.

[244] Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo, Cremona fedelissima città (Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.

[245] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.

[246] Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno 1483 (ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.

[247] Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February 1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.

[248] Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.

[249] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.

[250] Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 2.

[251] Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.

[252] Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.

[253] Inferno, xxix. 122. Purgatorio, xiii. 151.

[254] Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.

[255] Jac. Volterrano, Diarium Romanum for 1480. Muratori, l. c. col. 109.

[256] G. Viani, Memorie della famiglia Cybò, Pisa, 1808.

[257] Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.

[258] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.

[259] Johannis Burchardi Diarium, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p. 57. Ibid. Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.

[260] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.

[261] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.

[262] Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.

[263] ‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’

[264] Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.

[265] Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193 et seq.

[266] Med. Arch., f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier, Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.

[267] Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’

[268] Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard, Diarium, p. 51.

[269] Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l. c. p. 51.

[270] Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April 1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269 et seq.

[271] Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.

[272] A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.

[273] Archives at Siena.

[274] N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.

[275] Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87 (ed. by Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87 et seq.

[276] Ricordi, p. cxl.

[277] Commines, Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto, Chron. Ven. (Comment. de Bello Gallico), R. Ital. Ser., xxiv. pp. 12-16. Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (dio della carne).

[278] Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo, p. 156.

[279] Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.

[280] On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio, Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli.

[281] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.

[282] A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a trustworthy guide.

[283] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.

[284] Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.

[285] L. c. p. 177.

[286] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.

[287] Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.

[288] A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.

[289] Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.

[290] Vinc. Acciaiuolo, Vita di Piero Capponi, l. c. p. 20 et seq.

[291] Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence, Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130 et seq., with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.

[292] Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March 6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P. Capponi, Arch. Stor. Ital., vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.

[293] Storia fiorentina, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli, p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of affairs.

[294] V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.

[295] A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G. J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12, in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. cxlii.: poi per manco male si accettò.

[296] R. Ferdinandi Instruct. L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486, from the camp. Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 36.

[297] Camillo Porgio’s masterly account, La Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I. (first printed at Rome in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from the Regis Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber (unfortunately not printed complete), and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).

[298] The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 275.

[299] Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in Bandini, Collectio, &c. p. 10.

[300] Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of 1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis, Storia del forte di Sarzanello (Turin, 1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines also used mines: ‘sperasi per certe cave fatte ... che S. Francesco si acquisterà fra due dì.’

[301] R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.

[302] The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini, Storia dei conti e duchi d’Urbino, ii. 49, et seq.

[303] Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini, ii. 158. Ibid. other documents relating to this affair.

[304] Burcard, Diarium. p. 88.

[305] The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating to Osimo and Boccalino.

[306] Florence, August 8, 1487. Med. Arch. F. 57. In a letter of November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè

[307] Cappelli, l. c. p. 244. Ibid., letter, same date (March 25, 1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to announce Lucrezia’s death.

[308] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.

[309] R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.

[310] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.

[311] Burcard, Diarium, p. 87.

[312] R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217 et seq. Cf. supra p. 265.

[313] A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.

[314] Med. Arch., fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.

[315] Rainaldi, Ann. eccl. in anno 1487, Doc. x.

[316] Stef. Infessura, Diarium, in Muratori R. It. Scr. t. iii. pt. 2, p. 1218, 1219.

[317] Med. Arch., l. c.

[318] Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14, 1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in Cappelli, p. 296.

[319] Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell. Mèmoires du Card. de Retz, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866), iv. 246.

[320] Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII., published with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in the Arch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3, et seq. Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according to my custom, for the care of my health.’

[321] Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.

[322] October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.

[323] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi, La Portica di San Pietro (Rome, 1859), p. 119 et seq.

[324] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.

[325] F. Gregorovius, Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene; Sitzungsberichte d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München, 1872, p. 503.

[326] Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.

[327] Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487]. Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby, Diutorni di Roma (Rome, 1848), i. 348.

[328] The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò, daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.

[329] Med. Arch., fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated December 5, 1487.

[330] Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April 14, 1488, in the above-mentioned Ricordi di lettere.

[331] Med. Arch., fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo, Una Lettera di Ser Matteo Franco, in Arch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. ix. 32 et seq.

[332] Poliziano, Prose volgari inedite, p. 74.

[333] Med. Arch., fol. 59.

[334] A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173; ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta, Fam. Orsini, table 23.

[335] A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.

[336] Med. Arch., fol. 57.

[337] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.

[338] Med. Arch., fol. 57.

[339] Med. Arch., fol. 57. Cf. post, p. 380 et seq.

[340] Med. Arch., fol. 57.

[341] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302, 303.

[342] From the Med. Arch., in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in the Arch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. xvii. 431.

[343] Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII. [ed. by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.

[344] Med. Arch., fol. 57.

[345] Med. Arch., fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf. Litta, Fam. Medici, table 7, and Passerini, Fam. Malatesta, table 7.

[346] Del Lungo, Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco, l. c.

[347] Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 167.

[348] Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 169. Tristani Calchi, Nuptiæ Mediolanens. Ducum; cf. Ratti, Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 54-60. Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni relating to these festivities are in the Med. Arch.

[349] G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14, 1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.

[350] Ricordi di Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.

[351] Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.

[352] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.

[353] Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.

[354] Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni, Lettere, ec., p. 21.

[355] Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328. To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo, September 7, 1489 (Med. Arch.), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza, January 21, 1490 (ibid.). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum un bel si o cum bel non.’

[356] Bologna, December 19, 1489. Med. Arch.

[357] Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano, ibid. p. 334.

[358] Pecci, Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci (Siena, 1755), p. 64 et seq. Letter of Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489, ibid. p. 331-334.

[359] A. Rinuccini, Ricordi, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.

[360] Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27, 1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.

[361] Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa, Storia di Lucca, ii. 25. Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf. Bongi, Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca, i. 164.

[362] Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.

[363] Cronaca del Graziani, in anno 1488 et seq., in Cronache e Storie della Città di Perugia, i. 677 et seq. Lorenzo de’ Medici to G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.

[364] Cronache della Città di Fermo (Flor. 1870) p. 215 et seq. Ugolini, Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino, ii. 60, 65. Reposati, Zecca di Gubbio, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.

[365] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.

[366] Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera, Codice Aragon. vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.

[367] Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 681.

[368] Med. Arch.—Ricordi di lettere, February 28, March 2 and 6, 1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.

[369] Cf. i. 288, and ante, p. 238.

[370] G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.

[371] Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.

[372] Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject preserved in the Med. Arch. fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese, il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto gentile.’

[373] Guicciardini, Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 44; Storia fiorentina, cap. 9.

[374] G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.

[375] G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini, Storia fior., ch. viii.

[376] Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini, Delia Decima, i. 162 et seq. contains details on the relative value of the coins.

[377] N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec principe viro indigni.’ On his finances see ante, Bk. 5, ch. 1.

[378] Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.

[379] Gaye, l. c. p. 583.

[380] Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s) Documenti di Storia Ital., i. 13-16.

[381] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[382] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi, Istorie di Firenze, book i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.

[383] Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.

[384] Cf. ante, p. 193.

[385] Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37 et seq.).

[386] Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.

[387] Ricordi, p. cxlvi.

[388] Ricordi di lettere, for the said years.

[389] Commines, Mémoires, book vii. ch. ix.

[390] Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.

[391] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or beginning of 1490.

[392] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.

[393] In Desjardins, Négociations, i. 417, there is a letter of Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (Mémoires, book vii. ch. vii.) calls homme de bien en son estat et assey nourri en France, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.

[394] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont, one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the book of Memorials of Metz edited by H. Michelant, p. 115 et seq.

[395] From the Cronaca di Benedetto Dei, 1470-1492; MS. in the Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135 et seq.

[396] Daru, Histoire de Venise, ii. 295 et seq.

[397] Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.

[398] Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203 et seq. (Molini) Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 101 et seq.

[399] Wadding, Annales Minorum, vii. 323.

[400] L. Cibrario, Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital., third series, vi. 152 et seq. Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med. fol. lxii.

[401] Borghini, Discorsi (Flor. 1755), ii. 164.

[402] Borghini, l. c. p. 166.

[403] Ricordi d’una giostra, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani, Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini (ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83 et seq., and G. Palagi, in Il Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del 1476 (Flor. 1873).

[404] Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural son, died in 1478.

[405] The Italian account has the expression mummeria, which corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the word mommeare.

[406] Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc., i. 96. Arch. stor. ital. third series, xx. 187.

[407] Il Padre di Famiglia, ed. 1872, p. 67 et seq. On the villa-life cf. i. 508.

[408] Gaye, l. c. i. 417.

[409] Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. cxxv.

[410] Cena di famiglia, in the Opere volgari, vol. i.

[411] V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.

[412] Cappelli, l. c. p. 301. Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos, in Prose volg. p. 281 et seq. Politian indulges in a side hit at the modern authors who write in prose.

[413] Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36 et seq.

[414] L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.

[415] Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.

[416] A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’s Malmantile racquistato (Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.

[417] I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura di Giuseppe Palagi (Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in the Arch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147 et seq.] Lorenzo the younger was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are of rather late date.

[418] Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc. (Flor. 1550; also Cosmopoli, 1750). The shows themselves were called Canti from these songs. Cf. ante, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.

[419] Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo Benvieni (ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’Canzona che fa uno Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla.’] Carnaval complains that his idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered, and he must yield to a mightier king.

[420] Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi, Carmina, vi. 436.

[421] From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542 et seq.

[422] On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni, Veglie Piacevoli (3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of the jests and buffooneries. The Novella del Grasso Legnaiuolo has been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf. ante, p. 51), to the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti, Catalogo dei Novellieri (Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of the Cento novelle anticke (Flor. 1782), i. 211 et seq.

[423] B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122 et seq.).

[424] Cena di Famiglia, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici, Regola del governo, etc., p. 164. Cf., ante, i. 483.

[425] Notizie di illustre donne, in the Arch. stor. Ital., iv. 439 et seq. Vite d’uomini illustri, p. 525 et seq.

[426] The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatise Della croce vermiglia in campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo, in the Periodico di numismatico e sfragista, iv. 75 et seq. (Flor. 1872.) This treatise contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.

[427] Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini (in the Delizie degli Eruditi toscani, xviii. 99).

[428] Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel 1461, in the Arch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. i. p. 7 et seq. Cf. ante, i. 173.

[429] Mémoires, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home in that house as in his own, describes in his Commentary De Bello Italico (p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’

[430] L. c. p. 168.

[431] Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.

[432] Vasari, Life of Giuliano, vii. 213.

[433] Gaye, l. c. p. 304.

[434] Cf. ante, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be seen in Richa, vii. 113.

[435] Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.

[436] Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva, lines 594 et seq.; Prose volgari, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti, Viaggi per la Toscana (Flor. 1773 et seq.), v. 56 et seq., where also is Verino’s letter. Cf. ante, p. 13.

[437] Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became state property. Angiullesi’s Notizie storiche dei palazzi e ville appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana (Pisa, 1815) contain no notice of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.

[438] Vasari, Life of Sarto, viii. 276; of Franciabigo, ix. 101; of Pontormo, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).

[439] A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to the Rime e lettere di M. A. Buonarotti (Flor. 1858), p. 26.

[440] Bandini, Specimen, ii. 105 et seq. The names of the two Greeks sound like noms de guerre.

[441] Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.

[442] Reuchlin, dedication of the De arte cabalistica (1517) to Leo X. Manlius, Locorum communium collectanea (Bautzen, 1565), p. 271. Stälin, Wirtemberg. Geschichte, iii. 591. Cf. ante, p. 27.

[443] Ricordi di Lettere, etc.

[444] From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.

[445] A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.

[446] Med. Arch., passim. Gaye, Carteggio, i. 302.

[447] Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (a.d. 1490). Letter of the Anziani of Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.

[448] Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477, in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera, Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to the falconi and girifalchi.

[449] Prose volgari, p. 45. Cf. ante, p. 14.

[450] Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of their revenues.

[451] April 8. Prose volgari, p. 47.

[452] Piero, Parenti’s Chronicle. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf. Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).

[453] Pulci, Lettere, p. 28, 31.

[454] L. Fanfani, Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo, p. 148. Cf. ante, p. 257.

[455] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[456] Rinuccini, Ricordi, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.

[457] M. Amari, I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino (Flor. 1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p. 181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205 et seq. Bandini, Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 12 et seq.

[458] Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.

[459] Pecori, Storia di San Gemignano, p. 285.

[460] Med. Arch. Such supplies were needed at these places.

[461] From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo, Un viaggio di Clarice Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco (Bologna, 1868).

[462] Gualandi, Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec. (Bologna, 1844), i. 14.

[463] Vasari, Life of Simone Pollaiuolo, viii. 119.

[464] Ficino, Epist. x. 37.

[465] Valori, l. c. p. 176.

[466] ‘... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’ Prose volgari, p. 155. Cf. ante, p. 140, 165.

[467] Med. Arch. February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.

[468] Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477. Prose volgari, p. 54.

[469] C. Guasti, Di un maestro d’organi del sec. xv. in Belle Arti ec., p. 229 et seq. Ricordi di lettere, etc.

[470] Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (from cardatore, wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead Lorenzo.

[471] Prose volgari, p. 78.

[472] Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479. Prose volgari, p. 72.

[473] Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.

[474] Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti (Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.

[475] Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.

[476] Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’

[477] Lasca, Le Cene, iii. 10.

[478] Epist. l. iii. 6.

[479] Valori, l. c. p. 167.

[480] Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.

[481] Fr. Serdonati, Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII. (Milan, 1829) p. 75.

[482] Moreni, Lettere, p. 5.

[483] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.

[484] Desjardins, l. c. p. 189. Ibid. another letter of Louis, dated February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.

[485] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.

[486] A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (Med. Arch. F. 57), is signed Johannes Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus.

[487] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374; Vita Leonis X. P. M., p. 245. Fosti, Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino, iii. 199. It is but too well known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its commanders.

[488] Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.

[489] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.

[490] Moreni, Lettere, p. 8. Cf. ante, p. 326.

[491] Roscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo X. Ap. II. (iii. 385.)

[492] Ibid., Ap. III. p. 387.

[493] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.

[494] Letters, from the Med. Arch., in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X., and Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.

[495] Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated Cardinals. Giacconio, Vitæ Pontif., vol. iii. col. 124-144, where all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the others.

[496] Letters in Med. Arch.: that of La Balue (Andegavensis—Bishop of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.

[497] Fabroni, Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 300.

[498] A. Politiani Epist. l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini, March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.

[499] Moreni, Lettere, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right order).

[500] Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.

[501] Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the ceremonies.

[502] Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).

[503] January 21, 1489. Med. Arch.

[504] Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.

[505] Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.

[506] Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi, Portica di S. Pietro, does not mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.

[507] Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.

[508] Med. Arch. F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.

[509] Med. Arch. F. 59.

[510] August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.

[511] Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many other things.

[512] Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.

[513] Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be completed from Infessura.

[514] Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.

[515] The war with Granada had begun.

[516] January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus) literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’]

[517] January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.

[518] M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.

[519] Burcard, l. c. p. 143.

[520] P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.

[521] Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his brother, Jean II., in 1488.

[522] Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.

[523] Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.

[524] Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.

[525] Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in Colangelo, Vita del Sannazzaro (2nd edit. Naples, 1819).

[526] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.

[527] K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters relating to these disturbances, in Codice Arag. vol. ii. part i. p. 1 et seq. Cf. ante, p. 311.

[528] October 5, 1491. Bandini, Coll. vet. mon., p. 20.

[529] P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 363.

[530] Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.

[531] How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (Storia civile, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is incomprehensible.

[532] Codice Aragon., vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.

[533] Burcard, p. 154, 155.

[534] Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples, Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes; in Godefroy, Histoire de Charles VIII, preuves, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan, Rome, March 6, 1486, Arch. stor. Ital., vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.

[535] Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.

[536] Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.

[537] In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti, Fam. Sforza, ii. 63; Niccolini, Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere, i. 242) will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them the air of imitated documents.

[538] Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)

[539] Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 38.

[540] Farcelli, Storia del monastero degli Angioli (Lucca, 1710), p. 66 et seq. Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi ec., in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.

[541] N. L. Cittadella, La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara (Ferrara, 1867); La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in Ferrara (ibid. 1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the municipality]. P. Villari, La Storia di Girolamo Savonarola (Flor. 1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816, the Ferrarese in 1844.

[542] Among the Poesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, published by Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475) De ruina Ecclesiae (‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)

[543] Moreni, Con torni di Firenze, iii. 34 et seq. Cf. ante, p. 135.

[544] Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.

[545] Baluz, Miscellan. ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII. (Villari, i. 70).

[546] The Storia fiorentina, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and corresponding views.

[547] Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf. ante p. 351.

[548] Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.

[549] L. Passerini, Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e Rilli (Flor. 1874), p. 24.

[550] Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed from Med. Arch. in Arch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.

[551] Med. Arch. F. 51.

[552] Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.

[553] Cf. ante, p. 331.

[554] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.

[555] Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.

[556] Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.

[557] Ricordi di Lettere.

[558] Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March 14, 1492, in the Recuperationes Fezulanae, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’s Lor. de Med., Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.

[559] Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306 et seq.; also in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166 et seq. Letter from Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.

[560] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308 et seq.

[561] M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.

[562] Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details, but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.

[563] Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.

[564] M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l. c. p. 177.

[565] Valori, l.c. p. 181.

[566] The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia, Pol. Epist. 1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni, l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli, Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario (Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as containing the testimony of an eye-witness.

[567] See Appendix III. p. 487.

[568] See Appendix III. p. 488.

[569] On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c., and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.

[570] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[571] Ricordi, p. cxlvi.

[572] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens and the people, but by all Italy.’

[573] Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni, Vita Leonis X. p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe, Leo X. Ap. xxiv.

[574] Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 74, 75.

[575] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.

[576] Fabroni, Laur. Med. Vita, i. 212. There is no better warrant for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.

[577] Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X., p. 95.

[578] Moreni, Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee in S. Lorenzo (Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments, for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on account of the ‘Pater patriæ’; in 1497, during the Savonarola excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered, and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—

‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,
Sotta la croce mansueta,
Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,
Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’

[579] This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498. [In Del Lungo, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death, printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in 1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382 et seq.) is unquestionably not Politian’s.

[580] The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.