APPENDIX A. THE FRONTISPIECE
Gowrie’s Arms and Ambitions
The frontispiece of this volume is copied from the design of the Earl of Gowrie’s arms, in what is called ‘Workman’s MS.,’ at the Lyon’s office in Edinburgh. The shield displays, within the royal treasure, the arms of Ruthven in the first and fourth, those of Cameron and Halyburton in the second and third quarters. The supporters are, dexter, a Goat; sinister, a Ram; the crest is a Ram’s head. The motto is not given; it was Deid Schaw. The shield is blotted by transverse strokes of the pen, the whole rude design having been made for the purpose of being thus scored out, after Gowrie’s death, posthumous trial and forfeiture, in 1600.
On the left of the sinister supporter is an armed man, in the Gowrie livery. His left hand grasps his sword-hilt, his right is raised to an imperial crown, hanging above him in the air; from his lips issue the words, Tibi Soli, ‘for thee alone.’ Sir James Balfour Paul, Lyon, informs me that he knows no other case of such additional supporter, or whatever the figure ought to be called.
This figure does not occur on any known Ruthven seal. It is not on that of the first Earl of Gowrie, affixed to a deed of February 1583–1584. It is not on a seal used
in 1597, by John, third Earl, given in Henry Laing’s ‘Catalogue of Scottish Seals’ (vol. i. under ‘Ruthven’). But, in Crawford’s ‘Peerage of Scotland’ (1716), p. 166, the writer gives the arms of the third Earl (John, the victim of August 5, 1600). In place of the traditional Scottish motto Deid Schaw, is the Latin translation, Facta Probant. The writer says (Note C), ‘This from an authentic copy of his arms, richly illuminated in the year 1597, with his name and titles, viz. “Joannes Ruthven, Comes de Gowry, Dominus de Ruthven,” &c., in my hands.’
In 1597, as the archives of the Faculty of Law, in the University of Padua, show, Gowrie was a student of Padua. It is also probable that, in 1597, he attained his majority. He certainly had his arms richly illuminated, and he added to his ancestral bearings what Crawfurd describes thus: ‘On the dexter a chivaleer, garnish’d with the Earl’s coat of arms, pointing with a sword upward to an imperial crown, with this device, Tibi Soli.’
In Workman’s MS., the figure points to the crown with the open right hand, and the left hand is on the sword-hilt. The illuminated copy of 1597, once in the possession of Crawfurd, must be the more authentic; the figure here points the sword at a crown, which is Tibi Soli, ‘For thee’ (Gowrie?) ‘alone.’
Now on no known Ruthven seal, as we saw, does this figure appear, not even on a seal of Gowrie himself, used in 1597. Thus it is perhaps not too daring to suppose that Gowrie, when in Italy in 1597, added this emblematic figure to his ancestral bearings. What does the figure symbolise?
On this point we have a very curious piece of evidence. On June 22, 1609, Ottavio Baldi wrote, from Venice, to James, now King of England. His letter was forwarded by Sir Henry Wotton. Baldi says that he has received from Sir Robert Douglas, and is sending to the King by
his nephew—a Cambridge student—‘a strange relique out of this country.’ He obtained it thus: Sir Robert Douglas, while at home in Scotland, had ‘heard speech’ of ‘a certain emblem or impresa,’ left by Gowrie in Padua. Meeting a Scot in Padua, Douglas asked where this emblem now was, and he was directed to the school of a teacher of dancing. There the emblem hung, ‘among other devices and remembrances of his scholars.’ Douglas had a copy of the emblem made; and immediately ‘acquainted me with the quality of the thing,’ says Baldi. ‘We agreed together, that it should be fit, if possible, to obtain the very original itself, and to leave in the room thereof the copy that he had already taken, which he did effect by well handling the matter.
‘Thus hath your Majesty now a view, in umbra, of those detestable thoughts which afterwards appeared in facto, according to the said Earl’s own mot. For what other sense or allusion can the reaching at a crown with a sword in a stretched posture, and the impersonating of his device in a blackamore, yield to any intelligent and honest beholder?’ [247]
From Baldi’s letter we learn that, in the device left by Gowrie at Padua, the figure pointing a sword at the crown was a negro, thus varying from the figure in Workman’s MS., and that in the illuminated copy emblazoned in 1597, and possessed in 1716 by Crawfurd. Next, we learn that Sir Robert Douglas had heard talk of this emblem in Scotland, before he left for Italy. Lastly, a mot on the subject by the Earl himself was reported, to the effect that the device set forth ‘in a shadow,’ what was intended to be executed ‘in very deed.’
Now how could Sir Robert Douglas, in Scotland, hear talk of what had been done and said years ago by Gowrie in Padua? Sir Robert Douglas was descended from
Archibald Douglas of Glenbervie (ob. 1570), who was ancestor of the Catholic Earl of Angus (flor. 1596). This Archibald of Glenbervie had a son, Archibald, named in his father’s testament, but otherwise unknown. [248] Rather senior to Gowrie at the University of Padua, and in the same faculty of law, was an Archibald Douglas. He may have been a kinsman of Sir Robert Douglas, himself of the Glenbervie family, and from him Sir Robert, while still in Scotland, may have heard of Gowrie’s device, left by him at Padua, and of his mot about in umbra and in facto. But, even if these two Douglases were not akin, or did not meet, still Keith, Lindsay, and Ker of Newbattle, all contemporaries of Gowrie at Padua, might bring home the report of Gowrie’s enigmatic device, and of his mot there-anent. Had the emblem been part of the regular arms of Ruthven, Sir Robert Douglas, and every Scot of quality, would have known all about it, and seen no mystery in it.
It will scarcely be denied that the assumption by Gowrie of the figure in his livery, pointing a sword at the crown, and exclaiming ‘For Thee Only,’ does suggest that wildly ambitious notions were in the young man’s mind. What other sense can the emblem bear? How can such ideas be explained?
In an anonymous and dateless MS. cited in ‘The Life of John Earl of Gowrie,’ by the Rev. John Scott of Perth (1818), it is alleged that Elizabeth, in April 1600, granted to Gowrie, then in London, the guard and honours appropriate to a Prince of Wales. The same Mr. Scott suggests a Royal pedigree for Gowrie. His mother, wife of William, first Earl, was Dorothea Stewart, described in a list of Scottish nobles (1592) as ‘sister of umquhile Lord Methven.’ Now Henry Stewart, Lord Methven (‘Lord Muffin,’ as Henry VIII used to call him), was the third husband of the sister of Henry VIII, Margaret Tudor, wife,
first of James IV, then of the Earl of Angus (by whom she had Margaret, Countess of Lennox, and grandmother of James VI), then of Lord Methven. Now if Margaret Tudor had issue by Henry Stewart, Lord Methven, and if that issue was Dorothea, mother of John, third Earl of Gowrie, or was Dorothea’s father or mother, that Earl was Elizabeth’s cousin. Now Burnet, touching on the Gowrie mystery, says that his own father had ‘taken great pains to inquire into that matter, and did always believe it was a real conspiracy. . . . Upon the King’s death, Gowrie stood next to the succession of the crown of England,’ namely, as descended from Margaret Tudor by Henry (Burnet says ‘Francis’!), Lord Methven. Margaret and Methven, says Burnet, had a son, ‘made Lord Methven by James V. In the patent he is called frater noster uterinus’—‘Our brother uterine.’ ‘He had only a daughter, who was mother or grandmother to the Earl of Gowrie, so that by this he might be glad to put the King out of the way, that so he might stand next to the succession of the crown of England.’ [249] If this were true, the meaning of Gowrie’s device would be flagrantly conspicuous. But where is that patent of James V? Burnet conceivably speaks of it on the information of his father, who ‘took great pains to inquire into the particulars of that matter,’ so that he could tell his son, ‘one thing which none of the historians have taken any notice of,’ namely, our Gowrie’s Tudor descent, and his claims (failing James and his issue) to the crown of England. Now Burnet’s father was almost a contemporary of the Gowrie affair. Of the preachers of that period, the King’s enemies, Burnet’s father knew Mr. Davidson (ob. 1603) and Mr. Robert Bruce, and had listened to their prophecies. ‘He told me,’ says Burnet, ‘of many of their predictions that he himself heard them throw out, which had no effect.’ Davidson was an old man in
1600; Bruce, for his disbelief in James’s account of the conspiracy, was suspended in that year, though he lived till 1631, and, doubtless, prophesied in select circles. Mr. Bruce long lay concealed in the house of Burnet’s great-grandmother, daughter of Sir John Arnot, a witness in the trial of Logan of Restalrig. Thus Burnet’s father had every means of knowing the belief of the contemporaries of Gowrie, and he may conceivably be Burnet’s source for the tale of Gowrie’s Tudor descent and Royal claims. They were almost or rather quite baseless, but they were current.
In fact, Dorothea Stewart, mother of Gowrie, was certainly a daughter of Henry Stewart, Lord Methven, and of Janet Stewart, of the House of Atholl. We find no trace of issue born to Margaret Tudor by her third husband, Lord Methven. Yet Gowrie’s emblem, adopted by him at Padua in 1597, and his device left in the Paduan dancing school, do distinctly point to some wild idea of his that some crown or other was ‘for him alone.’ At the trial of Gowrie’s father, in 1584, we find mention of his ‘challenginge that honor to be of his Hignes blud,’ but that must refer to the relationship of the Ruthvens and the King through the Angus branch of the Douglases. [250a]
This question as to the meaning of Gowrie’s emblem came rather early into the controversy. William Sanderson, in 1656, published Lives of Mary and of James VI; he says: ‘I have a manuscript which relates that, in Padua, the Earl of Gowrie, among other impressa (sic) in a fencing school, caused to be painted, for his devise, a hand and sword aiming at a crown.’ [250b] Mr. Scott, in 1818, replied that the device, with the Ruthven arms, ‘is engraven on a stone taken from Gowrie House in Perth, and preserved in the house of Freeland’ (a Ruthven house). ‘There is also, I have been told, a seal with the same
engraving upon it, which probably had been used by the Earls of Gowrie and by their predecessors, the Lords of Ruthven.’ [251a] But we know of no such seal among Gowrie or Ruthven seals, nor do we know the date of the engraving on stone cited by Mr. Scott. In his opinion the armed man and crown might be an addition granted by James III to William, first Lord Ruthven, in 1487–88. Ruthven took the part of the unhappy King, who was mysteriously slain near Bannockburn. Mr. Scott then guesses that this addition of 1488 implied that the armed man pointed his sword at the crown, and exclaimed Tibi Soli, meaning ‘For Thee, O James III alone, not for thy rebellious son,’ James IV. It may be so, but we have no evidence for the use of the emblem before 1597. Moreover, in Gowrie’s arms, in Workman’s MS., the sword is sheathed. Again, the emblem at Padua showed a ‘black-a-more,’ or negro, and Sir Robert Douglas could not but have recognised that the device was only part of the ancestral Ruthven arms, if that was the case. The ‘black-a-more’ was horrifying to Ottavio Baldi, as implying a dark intention.
Here we leave the additional and certainly curious mystery of Gowrie’s claims, as ‘shadowed’ in his chosen emblem. I know not if it be germane to the matter to add that after Bothwell, in 1593, had seized James, by the aid of our Gowrie’s mother and sister, he uttered a singular hint to Toby Matthew, Dean of Durham. He intruded himself on the horrified Dean, hot from his successful raid, described with much humour the kidnapping of the untrussed monarch, and let it be understood that he was under the protection of Elizabeth, that there was a secret candidate for James’s crown, and that he expected to be himself Lieutenant of the realm of Scotland. Bothwell was closely lié with Lady Gowrie (Dorothea Stewart), and our Gowrie presently joined him in a ‘band’ to serve Elizabeth and subdue James. [251b]
APPENDIX B: THE CONTEMPORARY RUTHVEN VINDICATION
(State Papers, Scotland (Elizabeth), vol. lxvi. No. 52)
The verie maner of the Erll of Gowrie and his brother their death, quha war killit at Perth the fyft of August by the kingis servanttis his Matie being present.
Vpone thurisday the last of July . . . . Perth from Strebrane . . . . bene ahunting accompainit wth . . . . purpose to have ridden to . . . . mother. Bot he had no sooner . . . . aspersauit fyn . . . . vpone such . . . . addressit thame selffis . . . thay continewit daylie . . . Amangis the rest Doctor Herries . . . Satirday the first of August feinying himself to . . . of purpose to . . . and my lordis house. This man be my Lord was w . . . and convoyit throche . . the house and the secreit pairts schawin him.
Vpon tysday my [lordis?] servanttis vnderstanding that my [lord?] was to ryde to Lot [Lothian] . . . obteinit licence to go . . . thair effairis and to prepare thameselfis. Whylk my lord wold [not] have grantit to thame if they . . . any treason in . . .
The same day Mr. Alexander being send for be the king . . . tymes befoir, raid to facland accompaneit wth
Andro Ruthven and Andro Hendirson, of mynd not to have returnit . . . bot to have met his brother my lord the next morning at the watter syde. And Andro Hendirsonis confessioun testifeit this . . . tuke his ludgeing in facland for this nygt.
At his cuming to facland he learnit that his Matie was a huntting, quhair eftir brekfast he addrest him self. And eftir conference wt his Matie, he directit Andro Hendirsone to ryd befoir, and schaw my lord [that] the king wald come to Perth [for?] quhat occasion he knew not, and desyrit him to haist becaus he knew my lord vnforsene and vnprovydit for his cuming.
The kingis Matie eftir this resolution raid to Perth accompaneit wth thrie score horse quhair (?) threttie come a lytle before him . . . remainit . . .
My lord being at dennar Andro Hendirsone cwmes and sayis to his Lordship that the kingis Matie was cummand. My lord . . . quhat his Matie . . . his hienes was. The vther ansuris . . . Then my Lord caused discover the tabel and directit his Officeris [incontinent?] to go to the towne to seik prouision for his Mateis dennare. His Lordship’s self accompaneit wt fower men (?) . . . twa onlie war his awin servanttis went to the south . . . of Perth to meit his Matie quhair in presence of all the company his Matie kyssit my lord at meitting.
When his Matie enterit in my lordis house his Maties awin porteris resavit the keyis of the gaitt . . . ylk thay keipit quh . . . murther was endit.
His Mateis self commandit to haist the dennare wt all expedition becaus he was hungrie eftir huntting quhilk . . . the schort warning and suddentlie dispaschit. His Mateis sendis Mr. Alexander to call Sir Thomas Erskyne and Jon Ramsay to folow him to the challmer, quhair his Matie, Sir Thomas Erskyne, Jon Ramsay, Doctor Hereis, and Mr. Wilsone being convenit slew [Mr. Alexr] and threw him down the stair, how and for quhat cause . . . thame
selfis, and no doubt wald reveill if thay war was als straytlie toyit in the . . . men . . . kingis servanttis cummes to the . . . at dennare in the hall the . . . saying my lordis will ye . . . calling for horse . . . at his Maties . . . suddaine departure . . . and callit for his horse and stayit not . . . past out to the streit qr abyding his horse he hearis His Matie call on him out at the chalmer window my Lord of Gowrie traittoris hes murtherit yor brother alreddie and . . . ye suffir me to be murtherit also. My Lord hering yis makis to the yait (?) quhair himself was . . . in and Mr. Thomas Cranstoun that thrust in before him, the rest was excludit by violence of the kingis servanttis and cumpany quha . . . the hous and yett. My lord being in at the yett and entering in the turnpyck to pass vp to his Matie he fand his brother thrawin down ye stairs dead. And when he came to the chalmer dure Mr. Thomas Cranstoun being before him was stricken throw the body twyse and drawin bak be my lord, quha enterit in the chalmer calling if the king was alyve, bot the . . . , quhylk was in the chalmer . . . him wt stroke of sworde, bot being unable to ovircum him, and some of thame woundit, they promisit him to lat him see the king alyve according to his desyre, and in the meantyme he croceing his two swordis was be Jon Ramsay strok throw ye body, and falling wt the stroke recommendit his saule to God, protesting before his heavinlie Matie that he deit his trew subiect and the kingis. And this far is certanely knawin & collectit pairtly be the trew affirmacione of sum quha war present of the kingis awin folkis and last of all be the deposicionnis of Mr. Thomas Cranstoun, George Craigingelt, and J. (?) Barroun, quha eftir grevous & intolerable torturis tuke it vponn thair saluaciun & damnatioun that they never knew the Earle of Gowrie to carie any evill mynd to the kyng lat be to intend treasoun against him, bot rather wald die wt that that the Earle of Gowrie his
brother and thay thame selfis deit innocent: . . . Hendersone if he be put to the lyke tryall . . . bot he will confess that he was servind the Lordis al . . . in the hall quhen the Mr was murtherit and quhen the kingis [servant?] broght the newis that his Matie was away & fra that I hear . . . that he was sene till the king causit him to come vponn promeis that his lyfe and landis suld be saif, for quhat cause the effect will . . . As for the buke of Necromancie whiche was alledgit to have bene deprehendit on my lord it (?) was proposeit to the earles pedagog Mr. Wr Rind (?), quha schawis that he knew my lord to have ane memoriall buik quhairin he wreat all the notable thingis he learned in his absence, ather be sicht or hearing, bot as for any buik of Necromancie nor his medling wt necromanceis he never knew thereof.
It may be my gude Lord governor that the maner of the earle of Gowrie and his brotheris death befoir writtin be so far frome yor honoure in mynd that yt (?) may move farther doubtes to aryse theryn. The cause hereof I vnderstand is pairtlie the difference of the last report frome the reporttis preceidding in that it determines na thing concerning the cause of his Maties sending for the Mr of Gowrie nor concerning. . . . speiches and . . . and in the chalmer. . . . pairtlie becaus . . . prevaile . . . or speik against his Matie albeit thay kowe . . . some thair be that corse . . . apat (?) to his Maties sayingis that thay will swear thame all albeit thair consciences persuade thame of [the] contrair. Sua it is hard for yor Lordship to be resoluit be reporttis. Bot if it will pleas yor Lordship to be acquent wt the causis and incidentis preceidding this dolorous effect, I hoip yor Lordship wilbe the mair easilie persuadit of the treuth. And first of all the evill mynd careit be my lord. . . . Colonel (?) Stewart and his privie complaint & informacioune to his Matie thair anent.
Secondlie the opposition laid (?) be my lord himself in the Conventioun and be the barronnis, as is thocht be his instigacioun, against (?) his Matie.
Thirdlie the great haitrent and envy of the courtieris in particularis, quha had persavit him to be ane great staye of thair commoditie, and sa be fals reportis and calumneis did go about to kendle and incense his Maties wrath against him privilie.
And fourtlie the over great expectatioune the Kirk and cuntrie had of him wt ane singular lowe preceding yr fra and vther causis qlk is not neidfull to be exprest. All these causis makis the kingis pairt to be deadlie suspected be those quha knawis thame to be of veritie.
As for my lordis pairt if yor Lordship knew how weill he was trainit be Mr Robert Rollok ane of the godliest men in Scotland at scoolis, and quhat testificatioun of gude inclinacioun and behaviour he had ressauit fra him yor honor wald hardlie beleue him a traitor.
Secondlie if yor Lordship knew wt quhat accompt and good opinioun of all gude men he passit sobirlie and quyetlie out of his . . . how wiselie and godlie he behauit him self in all natiounis quhairsoever he come, how he sufferit in Rome itself . . . for the treuth of his religion . . . as I am sure he . . . be suspect to be a traittor.
Thirdlie to quhat end suld my lord of Gourie have maid hes leving frie, brocht hame furniture and ornamenttis for his hous and payit all his. . . fatheris debtis and setlit himself to be a gude iusticiar in his awin landis as is notoriouslie knawin gif wtin the space of twa monethis haveing scairslie . . . countrie he suld resolue to . . . & murther his Prince be . . . cause and sa to quyt his countrie his leving his welth his . . . & lyfe, lat be the ruitting out of his name & posteritie for evir.
APPENDIX C.
FIVE LETTERS FORGED BY SPROT, AS FROM LOGAN
[Preserved in the General Register House, Edinburgh]
(1) Robert Logan of Restalrig to . . .
Rycht Honorabill Sir,—My dewty with servise remembred. Pleise yow onderstand, my Lo. of Gowry and some vtheris his Lo. frendis and veill villeris, qha tendaris his Lo. better preferment, ar vpon the resolucion ye knaw, for the revenge of that cawse; and his Lo. hes vrettin to me anent that purpose, qhairto I vill accorde, incase ye vill stand to and beir a part: and befoir ye resolve, meet me and M.A.R. in the Cannogat on Tysday the nixt owk, and be als var as ye kan. Indeid M.A.R. spak with me fowr or fywe dayis syn, and I hew promised his Lo. ane answar within ten dayis at farrest. As for the purpose how M.A.R. and I hes sett down the cowrse, it vill be ane very esy done twrne, and nocht far by that forme, vith the lyke stratagem, qhairof ve had conference in Cap. h. Bot incase ye and M.A.R. forgader, becawse he is someqhat consety, for Godis saik be very var vith his raklese toyis of Padoa: For he tald me ane of the strangest taillis of ane nobill man of Padoa that ever I hard in my lyf, resembling the lyk purpose. I pray yow, Sir, think nathing althocht this berare onderstand of it, for he is the special secretair of my lyf; His name is Lard Bower, and vas ald Manderstonis man for deid and lyf, and evin so now for me. And for my awin part, he sall knaw of all that I do in this varld, so lang as
ve leif togidder, for I mak him my howsehald man: He is veill vorthy of credit, and I recommend him to yow. Alvyse to the purpose, I think best for our plat that ve meet all at my house of Fastcastell; for I hew concludit with M.A.R. how I think it sall be meittest to be convoyit quyetest in ane bote, be sey; at qhilk tyme vpon swre adwartisment I sall hew the place very quyet and veill provydit; and as I receve yowr answer I vill post this berair to my Lo. and therfoir I pray yow, as ye luf yowr awin lyf, becawse it is nocht ane matter of mowise, be circumspect in all thingis, and tak na feir bot all sall be veill. I hew na vill that ather my brother or yit M.W.R. my Lo. ald pedagog knaw ony thing of the matter, qhill all be done that ve vald hew done; and thane I cair nocht qha get vit, that lufis vs. Qhen ye hew red, send this my letter bak agane vith the berar, that I may se it brunt my self, for sa is the fasson in sic errandis; and if ye please, vryyt our (?) answer on the bak herof, incase ye vill tak my vord for the credit of the berair: and vse all expedicioun, for the twrne vald nocht be lang delayit. Ye knaw the kingis hwnting vill be schortly, and than sall be best tyme, as M.A.R. has asswred me, that my Lo. has resolved to interpryse that matter. Lwking for yowr answer, committis yow to Chrystis haly protectioun. Frome Fastcastell, the awchtan day of July 1600.
(Sic subscribitur) Yowris to vtter power redy
Restalrige.
On the back ‘Sprott,’ ‘bookit’ (2).
(2) Robert Logan of Restalrig to Laird Bower.
Lard Bower,—I pray yow hast yow hast to me abowt the erand I tald yow, and ve sall confer at lenth of all thingis. I hew recevit an new letter fra my Lo(rd) of Go(wrie) concerning the purpose that M.A. his Lo. brothir spak to me befoir, and I perseif I may hew avantage of
Dirleton, incase his other matter tak effect, as ve hope it sall. Alvayse I beseik yow be at me the morne at evin, for I hew asswred his lo. servand, that I sall send yow over the vatter vithin thre dayis, vith an full resolucion of all my vill, anent all purposes; As I sall indeid recommend yow and yowr trustiness till his lo. as ye sall find an honest recompense for yowr panes in the end. I cair nocht for all the land I hew in this kingdome, incase I get an grip of Dirleton, for I estem it the plesantest dwelling in Scotland. For Goddis cawse, keip all thingis very secret, that my lo. my brothir get na knawlege of owr purposes, for I (wald?) rather be eirdit quik. And swa lwking for yow, I rest till meitting. Fra the Kannogait, the xviij day of July.
(Sic subscribitur) Yowris to power redy
Restalrige.
I am verie ill at eise and thairfoir speid yow hither.
On the back ‘Sprott,’ ‘Secund,’ ‘bookit.’
(3) Robert Logan of Restalrig to . . . .
Rycht honorable Sir,—All my hartly duty vith humbill servise remembred. Sen I hew takin on hand to interpryse vith my lo(rd) of Go(wrie) yowr speciall and only best belowed, as ve hew set down the plat alredy, I vill request yow that ye vill be very circumspek and vyse, that na man may get ane avantage of vs. I dowt nocht bot ye knaw the perell to be bayth lyf, land and honowr, incase the mater be nocht vyslie vsed: And for my avin part, I sall hew an speciall respek to my promise that I hew maid till his Lo. and M.A. his lo(rdschipis) brother, althocht the skafald var set vp. If I kan nocht vin to Fakland the first nycht, I sall be tymelie in St Johnestoun on the morne. Indeid I lipnit for my lo(rd) himself or ellise M.A. his lo. brother at my howse of Fast(castell) as I vret to them bayth. Alwyse I repose on yowr advertysment of
the precyse day, vith credit to the berar: for howbeit he be bot ane silly ald gleyd carle, I vill answer for him that he sall be very trew. I pray yow, sir, reid and ather bwrne or send agane vith the berare; for I dar haserd my lyf and all I hew ellise in the varld on his message, I hew sik pruif of his constant trewth. Sa committis yow to Chrystis holy protectioun. Frome the Kannogait the xxvij day of July 1600.
(Sic subscribitur)
Yowris till all power vt humbill servise redy
Restalrige.
I vse nocht to vryt on the bak of ony of my letteris concerning this errand.
On the back ‘Sprott,’ ‘bookit’ (3).
(4) Robert Logan of Restalrig to the Earl of Gowrie.
My Lo.—My maist humbill dewtie vith servise in maist hartly maner remembred. At the resset of yowr lo(rdchipis) letter I am so comforted, especially at your Lo: purpose communicated onto me thairin, that I kan nather vtter my joy nor find myself habill how to enconter yowr lo. vith dew thankis. Indeid my lo. at my being last in the town M.A. your lo. brother imperted somqhat of yowr lo(rdschipis) intentioun anent that matter onto me; and if I had nocht bene busyed abowt sum turnis of my avin, I thoght till hew cummit over to S. Jo. and spokin vith your lo(rdschip). Yit alvayse my lo. I beseik your lo. bayth for the saifty of yowr honowr, credit and mair nor that, yowr lyf, my lyf, and the lyfis of mony otheris qha may perhapis innocently smart for that turne eftirwartis, incase it be reveilled be ony; and lykvyse, the vtter vraking of our landis and howsis, and extirpating of owr names, lwke that ve be all alse sure as yowr lo. and I myself sall be for my avin part, and than I dowt nocht, bot vith Godis g(race) we
sall bring our matter till ane fine, qhilk sall bring contentment to vs all that ever vissed for the revenge of the Maschevalent massakering of our deirest frendis. I dowt nocht bot M.A. yowr lo. brother hes informed yowr lo. qhat cowrse I laid down, to bring all your lo(rdschipis) associatis to my howse of Fast(castell) be sey, qhair I suld hew all materiallis in reddyness for thair saif recayving a land, and into my howse; making as it ver bot a maner of passing time, in ane bote on the sey, in this fair somer tyde; and nane other strangeris to hant my howse, qhill ve had concluded on the laying of owr plat, quhilk is alredy devysed be M.A. and me. And I vald viss that yowr lo. wald ather come or send M.A. to me, and thareftir I sowld meit yowr lo. in Leith, or quyetly in Restal(rig) qhair ve sowld hew prepared ane fyne hattit kit, vt succar, comfeitis, and vyn; and thereftir confer on matteris. And the soner ve broght owr purpose to pass it ver the better, before harwest. Let nocht M.W.R. yowr awld pedagog ken of your comming, bot rather vald I, if I durst be so bald, to intreit yowr lo. anis to come and se my avin howse, qhair I hew keipit my lo(rd) Bo(thwell) in his gretest extremityis, say the King and his consell qhat they vald. And incase God grant vs ane hapy swccess in this errand, I hope baith to haif yowr lo. and his lo., vith mony otheris of yowr loveries and his, at ane gude dyner, before I dy. Alvyse I hope that the K(ingis) bwk hunting at Falkland, this yeir, sall prepair sum daynty cheir for ws, agan that dinner the nixt yeir. Hoc jocose, till animat yowr lo. at this tyme; bot eftirvartis, ve sall hew better occasion to mak mery. I protest, my lo. before God, I viss nathing vith a better hart, nor to atchive to that qhilk yowr lo. vald fane atteyn onto; and my continewall prayer sall tend to that effect; and vith the large spending of my landis gudis, yea the haserd of my lyf, sall not afray me fra that, althocht the skaffold var alredy sett vp, befoir I sowld falsify my promise to yowr lo. and perswade yowr lo(rdschip)
therof. I trow yowr lo. hes ane pruife of my constancy alredy or now. Bot my lo. qharas your lo. desyris in yowr letter, that I craif my lo. my brotheris mynd anent this matter, I alvterly disasent fra that that he sowld ever be ane counsalowr therto; for in gude fayth, he vill newer help his frend nor harme his fo. Yowr lo. may confyde mair in this ald man, the beirer heirof, my man La(ird) Bowr, nor in my brother; for I lippin my lyf and all I hew ells in his handis; and I trow he vald nocht spair to ryde to Hellis yet to plesour me; and he is nocht begylit of my pairt to him. Alvyse, my lo. qhen yowr lo. hes red my letter, delyver it to the berair agane, that I may se it brunt vith my awin ein; as I hew sent yowr Lo: letter to yowr Lo. agane; for so is the fassone I grant. And I pray yowr lo. rest fully perswaded of me and all that I hew promesed; for I am resolved, howbeit it ver to dy the morne. I man intreit yowr lo. to expede Bowr, and gif him strait directioun, on payn of his lyf, that he tak never ane vink sleip, qhill he se me agane; or ellise he vill vtterly vndo vs. I hew alredy sent an other letter to the gentill man yowr lo. kennis, as the berare vill informe yowr lo. of his answer and forvardness vith yowr lo.; and I sall schaw yowr lo. forder, at meting, qhen and qhair yowr lo. sall think meittest. To qhilk tyme and ever committis yowr lo. to the proteccioun of the Almychtie God. From Gwnisgrene, the twenty nynt of Julij 1600.
(Sic subscribitur) Your lo. awin sworne and bundman to obey and serve vt efauld and ever redy seruise to his vttir power till his lyfis end.
Restalrige.
Prayis yowr lo. hald me excused for my vnsemly letter, qhilk is nocht sa veil vrettin as mister var: For I durst nocht let ony of my vryteris ken of it, but tuke twa syndry ydill dayis to it my self.
I vill never foryet the gude sporte that M.A. yowr lo:
brother tald me of ane nobill man of Padoa, it comiss sa oft to my memory. And indeid it is a parastevr to this purpose ve hew in hand.
On the back ‘Sprott,’ ‘bookit’ (4).
(5) Robert Logan of Restalrig to . . .
Rycht honorabill Sir,—My hartly dewty remembred. Ye knaw I tald yow at owr last meitting in the Cannogat that M.A.R. my lo. of Go(wries) brother had spokin vith me, anent the matter of owr conclusion; and for my awin part I sall nocht be hindmest; and sensyne I gat ane letter from his lo. selff, for that same purpose; and apon the resset tharof, onderstanding his lo. frankness and fordvardness in it, God kennis if my hart vas nocht liftit ten stagess! I postit this same berare till his lo. to qhome ye may concredit all yowr hart in that asveill as I; for and it var my very sowl, I durst mak him messinger therof, I hew sic experiense of his treuth in mony other thingis: He is ane silly ald gleyd carle, bot vonder honest: And as he hes reportit to me his lo. awin answer, I think all matteris sall be concluded at my howse of Fa(stcastell); for I and M.A.R. conclude that ye sowld come vith him and his lo. and only ane other man vith yow, being bot only fowr in company, intill ane of the gret fisching botis, be sey to my howse, qher ye sall land as saifly as on Leyth schoir; and the howse agane his lo. comming to be quyet: And qhen ye ar abowt half a myll fra schoir, as it ver passing by the howse, to gar set forth ane vaf. Bot for Godis sek, let nether ony knawlege come to my lo. my brotheris eiris, nor yit to M.W.R. my lo. ald pedagog; for my brother is kittill to scho behind, and dar nocht interpryse, for feir; and the other vill disswade vs fra owr purpose vith ressonis of religion, qhilk I can newer abyd. I think thar is nane of a nobill hart, or caryis ane stomak vorth an pini, bot they vald be glad to se ane contented revenge
of Gray Steillis deid: And the soner the better, or ellse ve may be marrit and frustrat; and therfor, pray his lo(rdschip) be qwik and bid M.A. remember on the sport he tald me of Padoa; for I think vith my self that the cogitacion on that sowld stimulat his lo(rdschip). And for Godis cawse vse all yowr cowrses cum discrecione. Fell nocht, sir, to send bak agan this letter; for M.A. leirit me that fasson, that I may se it distroyed my self. Sa till your comming, and ever, committis yow hartely to Chrystis holy protection. From Gwnisgrene, the last of July 1600.
On the back ‘xiij Aprilis 1608 producit be Ninian Chirnesyde (8).’
Also ‘Sprott,’ ‘Fyft. bookit.’
INDEX
Abbot, Dr. George, present when Sprot was hanged, [177], [226]; his pamphlet containing official account of Sprot’s trial and examinations, [178]
Abercromby, Robert (the King’s saddler), said to have brought James to Perth to ‘take order for his debt,’ [83], [84], [159]
Agnew, Sir Stair, cited, [241]
Analysis of Letter IV, [232]–239
Anderson, Rev. Mr., finds the torn letter from Logan to Chirnside, [174]; on Letter IV., [236], [237], [238]; on the Logan plot-letters, [241], [242], [243]
Angus, Earl of, involves Gowrie’s father in a conspiracy with him, [121], [122]; under the spells of witchcraft, [198], [199]
Anne of Denmark, Queen (wife of James VI), her attributed relations with the Earl Moray, [2]; and with Gowrie and the Master of Ruthven, [3], [133], [134], [138]; romantic story of her ribbon on the Master’s neck, [132]; invites Gowrie to Court, [133], [134]; sorrow for the slaying of the Ruthvens, [5], [133], [138]; plots against the Earl of Mar, [138], [139]
Arms, Gowrie’s, [245] et seq.
Arnott, Sir John (provost of Edinburgh), on the Logan plot-letters, [243]; at the trial of Logan, [250]
Arran (Capt. James Stewart), his influence over James, [119]; his treachery to Gowrie’s father, [120]–123; receives that nobleman’s forfeited estate, [123]; driven into retirement, [123]
Arran, Earl of, Bothwell’s (James Hepburn) proposal to him to seize Mary, cited, [71]
Ashfield, kidnapped by Lord Willoughby, cited, [139]
Atholl, Earl of (married to Gowrie’s sister Mary), [123]; in alliance with Bothwell and Gowrie against James, [125]; manifesto to the Kirk, [125]; letters from James, [134], [135]
Auchmuty, John, in attendance on James, [12]
Baillie, John, of Littlegill, implicated by Sprot with Logan, [202], [203]; denies receiving a letter from Logan, [209]
Baldi, Ottavio, his letter to James on the Gowrie emblem at Padua, [246], [247], [251]
Balgonie. See Graham of Balgonie.
Barbé, Mr. Louis, on Henderson’s and the Master’s ride to Falkland, [45]; his view of the notary Robertson’s evidence respecting Henderson, [61] note; as to the theory of an accidental brawl, [94]; on James and the pot of gold tale, [95]; on Bruce’s interrogation of the King, [109];
on the invitation from the King to Gowrie, Atholl, and others to join him at Falkland, [135]
Baron (Gowrie’s retainer), in the chamber fight, [87]; hanged, [87]
Bell, John, Logan’s memorandum to him, [174], [195]
Beza, Gowrie with, at Geneva, [180]
Bisset, Mr., quoted, on the notary Robertson’s evidence respecting Henderson, [61] note
Bothwell, Francis Stewart Earl of, aided by Gowrie’s mother and sister captures James at Holyrood, [124], [125]; manifesto to the Kirk, [125]; his list of Scottish Catholic nobles ready for the invasion of Scotland, [128]; other proposals of invasion, [129]; vague hints at his aim to change the dynasty, [140]; his whereabouts in 1600, [147] note; on terms with Logan of Restalrig, [154], [155], [156]; charged with practising witchcraft against the King’s life, [198]; report as to a secret candidate for James’s crown, [251]
Bothwell, James Hepburn Earl of, his proposal to Arran to seize Mary, cited, [71]
Bower, James (a retainer of Logan’s), custodian of compromising letters between Logan and Gowrie, [164], [174], [176], [177], [195]; bearer of Gowrie’s letter to Logan, [183], [188], [191]; letter from Logan, [183], [184]; Sprot’s account of Logan and Bower’s scheme to get possession of Dirleton, [189]; with Logan at Coldinghame after the tragedy, [195]; custodian of Ruthven’s and Clerk’s letters to Logan, [202]; blamed for the selling of Fastcastle, [204]; letter from Logan reproaching him for indiscretions of speech, [211], [212]
Bower, Valentine, employed by his father James to read Logan’s letters, [213]
Bowes, Sir William (English Ambassador), no friend of James’s, [96]; his hypothesis respecting the Gowrie tragedy, [96]; letter to Sir John Stanhope on same matter, [97] note
Brown, Professor Hume, on the Logan plot-letters, [241]
Brown, Robert (James’s servant), part in the Gowrie mystery, [31]
Bruce, Rev. Robert (Presbyterian minister), his cross-examination of James on the Gowrie tragedy, [38]; allows that James was not a conspirator, [95]; explains to James the reasons for the preachers’ refusal to thank God for his delivery from a ‘plot,’ [101]; sceptical of the veracity of James’s narrative, [102], [103]; will believe it if Henderson is hanged, [103], [104], [106], [226]; goes into banishment, [105]; tells Mar in London he is content to abide by the verdict in the Gowrie case, but is not persuaded of Gowrie’s guilt, [105]; meets the King in Scotland, and tells him he is convinced, on Mar’s oath, that he is innocent, [106]; interrogates the King, [107]; refuses to make a public apology in the pulpit and is banished to Inverness, [108], [250]; his ‘Meditations,’ [110] note; asks Lord Hamilton to head the party of the Kirk, [177]; prophecies, [249]
Burnet (Burnet’s father), on the Gowrie mystery, [249], [250]
Burnet, Bishop, quoted, on Gowrie’s claims to a Royal pedigree, [249], [250]
Burton, Dr. Hill, on James VI, [5]; on Logan’s plot-letters, [169]
Calderwood, Rev. David (Presbyterian minister), on James’s narrative of the Gowrie affair, [36], [37]; on the man in the turret, [62]; rejects the story of Craigengelt’s dying confession,
[104]; view of the objections taken by sceptics to the King’s narrative, [111]; on Gowrie’s entry to Edinburgh, [130]; on the confession of Sprot on the scaffold, [163], [164] note, [227]; his interpretation of Sprot’s confession, [164]; on the Logan plot-letters, [170], [172], [173]
Cant, Mr. (antiquary), on Gowrie House, [18]
Carey, Sir John (Governor of Berwick), respecting a treatise in vindication of the Ruthvens, [81]; informs Cecil of James’s jealousy of Gowrie, [130]; and of the Court tattle respecting the Queen and Gowrie, [133]
Casket Letters, the, cited, [5], [7], [8]; in possession of Gowrie’s father, [240]; disappearance of, [241]; probability of forgery, [244]
Cecil Papers at Hatfield, the, [158]
Cecil, Sir Robert, Queen Elizabeth’s minister, [11]; communication from Nicholson respecting Cranstoun and Henderson, [75] note; letter from Carey respecting a treatise in vindication of the Ruthvens, [81]; intrigue with Bothwell, [147] note; with Border Scots intriguing against James, [159], [160]; Lord Willoughby’s offer of a ship if subsidised, [218]
Chirnside, Ninian, of Whitsumlaws, [154]; Logan’s letter to him, [174]; relations with Logan, [197], [199]; employed by Bothwell to arrange meetings with the wizard Graham, [198], [199]; in danger after the failure of the Gowrie plot, [203]; Sprot’s forged letter of Logan’s to be used by him for blackmailing Logan’s executors, [215]
Christie, porter at Gowrie House on the fatal day, [21]
Clerk, Father Andrew (Jesuit), intriguing against James, [201], [212]
Coat of arms, Gowrie’s, [245] et seq.
Colville, John, tells Cecil of Gowrie’s summons to be leader of the Kirk, [129]; schemes against James, [140], [146], [155]; renounces Frank Bothwell, [198]
Corsar, John, cited, [211]
Cowper, Rev. Mr. (minister of Perth), on Gowrie’s views as to secrecy in plots, [144]
Craigengelt (Gowrie’s steward), his evidence regarding the Master’s ride to Falkland, [44]; observation of the Master while the King dines, [49]; at the dinner, [65], [83], [84]; his confession before execution, [103], [104]; denial of receipt of letters from James to Gowrie, [134], [135] note; on the movements of the Gowries before the tragedy, [136]; hanged, [87]
Cranstoun of Cranstoun, Sir John, [154]
Cranstoun Riddell, Laird of, (Logan’s father-in-law), [153]
Cranstoun, Thomas (Gowrie’s equerry), his share in the transactions at Gowrie House which brought about the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [20], [21], [23], [27], [28], [29], [30], [31]; wounded by Ramsay, [74], [85]; examined, tortured, tried, and hanged at Perth, [74], [87], [155]; an outlawed rebel and adherent of Bothwell, [74] note, [155]
Cranstoun, Wm. (Bothwellian), [155]
Crockett, Willie, one of Sprot’s victims, [203]; his account of Logan’s Yule at Gunnisgreen, [209]
Cromarty, Lord, his defence of James in the Gowrie affair, [223]; testifies to the finding of Sprot’s Letter IV, [224], [229]
Davidson, Rev. M., cited, [249]
Dirleton, Gowrie’s stronghold near North Berwick, [42], [43], [145]
Doig, Watty, arrests Sprot, [162]
Douglas, Archibald, the infamous traitor, [140]; his intimacy with Logan, [154], [155], [157]
Douglas, Archibald, of Glenbervie, [248]
Douglas, Archibald (son of Douglas of Glenbervie), student at Padua, [126], [248]
Douglas, Sir Robert, and the Gowrie emblem in Padua, [127], [246], [247], [248], [251]
Drummond of Inchaffray, at Gowrie House when the Ruthvens were killed, [19], [24], [43]; letter from James, [134], [135]
Dunbar, Earl of, his humane treatment of Sprot, [163], [170]; Sprot’s confession forwarded to him, [182]; in debt to Logan, [211]
Dunfermline, Earl of, and the preachers, [102]; opposes James’s demands for money, [131]; present at Sprot’s examinations, [201], [210]
Easter Wemyss, Laird of, opposes James’s demands for money, [131]
Elizabeth, Queen, [11]; receives, through Preston, James’s account of the Gowrie affair, [96]; seeks to purchase the Casket Letters from Gowrie’s father, [240]; said to have granted to Gowrie the guard and honours of a Prince of Wales, [248]
Elphinstone (Lord Balmerino), Secretary of the Privy Council, in receipt of James’s narrative of the Gowrie plot, [38]; denies discrepancies alleged by the preachers in the report of the tragedy, [102]
Erskine, Sir Thomas, his share in the Gowrie slaughter, [19], [26], [27], [28], [29], [30], [31], [51], [59], [74], [85], [139]
Erskine (Sir Thomas’s brother), his part in the tragedy, [26], [27], [28], [29]
Eviot, Patrick, present at the fight in the death chamber, [29], [30], [60]; proclaimed, [63]
Fastcastle, Berwickshire, the stronghold of Logan, where it is said James was to have been lodged, [153], [154], [193], [194]
Fyvie, President of the Privy Council. See Dunfermline.
Galloway, Rev. Patrick (the King’s chaplain), his account of the doors passed through and locked by the Master on the way to the turret, [53]; proclaims Henderson as the man in the turret, [63]; alleges that Gowrie attempted to involve James in negotiations with the Pope, [104], [128]; reported to have induced Henderson to pretend to be the man in the turret, [114]; at Sprot’s examination, [186], [217], [220], [226]
Galloway, William, one of Sprot’s victims, [203]
Gardiner, Mr. S. R. (historian), on the Gowrie mystery, [5]
Gibson (Scottish judge), kidnapping of, [145]
Goodman, the, of Pitmillie, on the King’s knowledge of Henderson, [114]
Gowdie, Isobel, accused of witchcraft, [198]
Gowrie, Earl of (father of John Earl of, and the Master of Ruthven), one of the Riccio murderers, [118]; in charge of Mary at Lochleven, [118]; pardoned for his share in the Raid of Ruthven, [119]; arrested and brought to trial, [120]; foul means by which his conviction was procured, [120]–123; foreknowledge of the Angus conspiracy, [121], [122]; nobles charged by him with treachery, [122]; execution, [11], [55], [56], [121]; the King’s debt to him, [84]; after death denounced by James as a traitor, [96]; the Casket Letters in his possession, [240]
Gowrie House, situation and topography
of, [14]–18; Lennox’s account of proceedings at, on the day of the slaughter, [20] et seq.
Gowrie Inn, [18]
Gowrie, John Earl of, his attributed relations with the Queen, [3]; speculations as to his aims and character, [5], [7]; and the causes leading to his death, [5], [7]; alleged plot to seize James, [7]; his retainers’ evidence thereon, [9]; the Duke of Lennox’s account of events, [13] et seq.; James’s invitation to Gowrie House to see the treasure, [14]; situation and topography of his house, [15]–18; observers’ accounts of his plot said to have been aimed at the King, [20]–34; the manner of his death, [31]; the King’s own narrative of the Gowrie plot, [35] et seq.; his conduct in the light of that narrative, [42]; the circumstance of the man in the turret, and the plot of gold concealed from him, [41], [42], [49], [50]; Henderson sent by the Master to warn him of the King’s arrival, [43]; secrecy enjoined by him on Henderson as to the ride to Falkland, [44]; silent as to his knowledge of the King’s approach, [45]; makes no preparation for the King’s dinner [46], [49]; influence of a disagreement between him and the Master, respecting the Abbey of Scone, [48], [49]; meets the King and conducts him to Gowrie House, [49]; his uneasy conduct while the King dines, [49], [50]; account of his share in the plot drawn from Henderson’s deposition, [64]; questions Henderson about the King, [65]; bids Henderson put on his secret coat of mail to arrest a Highlander, [65]; the contemporary Ruthven Vindication, [80]–93; theory of an accidental brawl, [94]–98; contemporary clerical and popular criticism, [99] et seq.; alleged attempts to entangle James in negotiations with the Pope, [104]; grounds for a hereditary feud between him and James, [118]; elected provost of Perth, [124]; at Edinburgh University, [124]; in alliance with Bothwell and Atholl against James, [125]; their manifesto to the Kirk, [125]; goes with his tutor Rhynd to Padua, [126]; his emblem, and saying regarding it, [127]; extols the conduct of an English fanatic at Rome, [127]: reported to have been converted to Catholicism, [128]; his name on Bothwell’s list of Scottish Catholic nobles ripe for the invasion of Scotland, [129]; presented by Elizabeth, in London, with a cabinet of plate, [130]; James jealous of him on his return to Edinburgh, [131]; opposes the King’s demands for money, [131], [141]; letter of invitation to Court, from the Queen, [133]; letter of invitation to Falkland from James, [134], [135]; quits Strabran for Perth, [136]; movements on the morning of the tragedy, [137]; granted exemption for a year from pursuit by creditors, [141]; rumour that he was a candidate for the English throne, [141]; motives of revenge urging him to plot against James, [143]; his views as to secrecy in plots, [144]; evidences of his intention to capture James and convey him to Dirleton, [145], [146]; letter to Logan, [183], [184]; anxious that Lord Home should be initiated into the conspiracy, [206], [207]; his arms and ambitions, [245]–251; emblem at Padua, [247], [248], [256]; Tudor descent, [249]; pedigree, [248], [249], [250]; Bothwell’s statement implying that
he was a secret candidate for James’s crown, [251]
Gowrie, Lady (Gowrie’s mother), aids Bothwell in capturing James at Holyrood, [124], [125]; her movements immediately prior to the tragedy, [136]; at Dirleton on August 6, [136]; her suit for relief from her creditors, [141]
Graham of Balgonie, reports the Master’s desire to be alone with the King while inspecting the treasure, [50]; picks up the garter supposed to have been used to tie James’s hands in the turret chamber, [58]; verbal narrative of the King’s escape to the Privy Council, [101]
Graham, Richard (wizard), accuses Bothwell of attempting James’s life by sorcery, [198], [199]
Gray, suspected as the man in the turret, [62]
Gray, the Master of, reports Lennox’s doubt whether Gowrie or the King was guilty, [116]; his relations with Logan of Restalrig, [156], [157]
Guevara, Sir John (cousin of Lord Willoughby), his share in kidnapping Ashfield, [139]; cited, [146], [218]
Gunnisgreen, Logan of Restalrig’s residence, [162]
Gunton, Mr. (Librarian at Hatfield), on Logan’s letters, [239], [241]
Haddington, Earl of, in possession of records of Sprot’s private examinations, [173], [174]; the torn letter, [216], [217]; copies of Logan’s letters (I, IV), [224]; documents written by Sprot, [241]
Hailes, Lord, cited, [62] note; on a contemporary treatise in vindication of the Ruthvens, [81]; his romantic story concerning the Master of Ruthven, [132]
Hall, Rev. John, his objection to acceptance of James’s narrative, [103]; restored to his pulpit, [105]; present when Sprot confessed to forgery of the Logan letters, [186]; at Sprot’s examination, [217], [220], [226]
Hamilton, Lord, asked to head the party of the Kirk, [177]
Hamilton of Grange, at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [19]
Hamilton, Sir Thomas (the King’s Advocate), [64]; preserves the records of Sprot’s private examinations, [173], [174]; at Sprot’s examinations, [201], [210]; Sprot’s model letter delivered to him, [224]
Hamilton, Thomas, on the doors passed through by the Master and James to reach the turret, [52]
Hart, Sir William (Chief Justice), his account of Sprot’s examinations and trial, [168], [177], [178], [179], [180], [181], [220]
Hay, George (lay Prior of the Chartreux in Perth), on Henderson and the Falkland ride, [45]; on Henderson’s message to Gowrie from the Master, [65]; at Perth on August 5th, [137]
Hay, Peter, on Henderson and the Falkland ride, [45]
Heddilstane, [196]; receipts from Logan to him forged by Sprot, [199]; blackmailed by Sprot, [199]
Henderson, Andrew, with the Master of Ruthven at Gowrie House, [43]; accompanies the Master on a mission to James at Falkland, and sent with a message to Gowrie, [44]; enjoined by Gowrie to keep this ride secret, [44], [45]; Robertson’s evidence respecting his presence in the death chamber, [60], [61]; other theories on the same, [61] note; his flight after the affray, [60], [62]; proclaimed by Galloway as the man in the turret, [63]:
reasons for his flight, [64]; examined before the Lords, [64]; his narrative of the events leading to the tragedy, [64]; incidents at Falkland, [65]; the Master’s message to Gowrie, [65]; bidden to put on a coat of mail by Gowrie, [66]; waits on the King at dinner, [65]; sent to the Master in the gallery, [66]; locked in the turret by the Master, [66]; accordance of his account of the final scenes in the tragedy with that of the King, [66]; states that he threw the dagger out of the Master’s hand, [66]; discrepancies in his later deposition, [67]; in his second deposition omits the statement that he deprived the Master of his dagger, [67]; his version of the words exchanged between the Master and James in the turret chamber, [68]; the question of his disarming the Master, [69]; on what was his confession modelled, [70]; clings to the incident of the garter, [70]; the most incredible part of his narrative, [70]; perils to him in listening to treasonable proposals from the Ruthvens, [72]; Robert Oliphant’s statement contrasted with his, [75], [77]; quarrels with Herries, [77], [78]; Rev. Mr. Bruce’s attitude towards his deposition, [103], [104]; said to have been induced by the Rev. Mr. Galloway to pretend to be the man in the turret, [114]; share in the Gowrie affair, [145]; questioned by Moncrieff, [145]
Henry, Prince (son of James VI and his heir), in the charge of Mar, [138]
Heron, Captain Patrick, his career, [76] note; seizes, by commission, Oliphant’s portable property and claps him in prison in the Gate House of Westminster, [76]; compelled to restore Oliphant’s property, [77]
Herries, Dr., at the King’s hunt at Falkland, [12]; at Gowrie House when the Ruthvens were killed, [20], [27], [28], [29], [30], [31]; his share in the affray, [59], [85]; wounded by Cranstoun, [74]; quarrels with Henderson, [77]; knighted and rewarded, [78]; fable of his prophecy to Beatrix Ruthven, [131]
Hewat, Rev. Peter, accepts James’s narrative, [102], [103]; at Sprot’s examination, [186], [217], [220], [226]
History of the Kirk of Scotland (MS.), cited, [164]
Hogg, Rev. William (minister of Aytoun), on the Logan plot-letters, [243]
Home, Lady, aware of Logan’s desire to obtain Dirleton, [207], [208]
Home, (sixth) Lord, in communication with Bothwell, [129], [130], [152], [205], [206], [207]
Home, Lord (Logan’s uterine brother), [184], [187], [205]; Logan’s contempt for him as a conspirator, [237]
Home, William (sheriff clerk of Berwick), on the Logan plot-letters, [243]
Horne, John (notary in Eyemouth), on the Logan plot-letters, [243]
Horse, King James’s, his part in the Gowrie mystery, [22]
Hudson, Mr. (James’s resident at the Court of England), interviews the King and Henderson on the transactions in the turret chamber, [67], [69] note; his explanation of the origin of differences between the King’s narrative and Henderson’s evidence, [69]
Hume of Cowdenknowes (married to Gowrie’s sister Beatrix), [124]
Hume of Godscroft, on a message from the Earl of Angus to
Gowrie’s father in conspiracy, [121], [122]
Hume of Manderston, [187]
Hume of Rentoun, [196]
Hume, Sir George, of Spot, [64]
James VI of Scotland, married to Anne of Denmark, [2]; early life and character, [4]; his version of the Gowrie mystery, [6]; reasons for doubting his guilt, [7]; untrustworthiness of his word, [8]; substantial character of his tale, [9]; love of the chase, [11]; political troubles, [11]; hunting costume, [12]; concerning him, facts drawn from Lennox, [13] et seq.; starts for the hunt in Falkland Park, [13]; the Master of Ruthven interviews him before the hunt, [13]; goes to Gowrie’s house, [14]; observers’ accounts of the transactions implicating him, [20]–34; his dinner at Gowrie House, [20]; goes upstairs on a quiet errand, [20]; Cranstoun’s statement that the King had ridden away, [20]; search for him in the house, [21]; Gowrie confirms his departure, [22]; but—the King’s horse still in the stable, [22]; heard calling from the window, [23]; struggle with the Master of Ruthven, [24], [25], [26]; the man in the turret behind the King’s back, [25]; sanctions the stabbing of the Master of Ruthven by Ramsay, [26]; shut up in the turret, [29], [30]; kneels in prayer in the chamber bloody with the corpse of Gowrie, [32]; his own narrative of the affair, [35] et seq.; theory of the object of the Ruthvens, [37]; the Master of Ruthven’s statement to him of the cloaked man and the pot full of coined gold pieces, [39]; suspects the Jesuits of importing foreign gold for seditious purposes, [40]; his horror of ‘practising Papists,’ [40]; hypothesis of his intended kidnapping, [37], [42]; importance of the ride of the Master and Henderson to Falkland and its concealment to the substantiation of his narrative, [44], [45], [46]; asserts Henderson’s presence at Falkland, [46]; rides, followed by Mar and Lennox, after the kill to Perth, [47]; surmises regarding Ruthven, [47]; motives for the Master acquiring his favour regarding the Abbey of Scone, [48]; asks Lennox if he thinks the Master settled in his wits, [48]; pressed by the Master to come on and see the man and the treasure, [48]; met by Gowrie with sixty men, [49]; presses the Master for a sight of the treasure, [49]; the Master asks him to keep the treasure a secret from Gowrie, [49]; Gowrie’s uneasy behaviour while the King dines, [49], [50]; despatches Gowrie to the Hall with the grace-cup, and follows the Master alone to the turret to view the treasure, [50], [51]; the question of the doors he passed through to reach the turret chamber and their locking by the Master, [51], [52], [53], [54]; threatened by the Master with the dagger of a strange man in the turret chamber, [55]; denounced for the execution of the Master’s father, [56]; his harangue to the Master excusing his action, and promising forgiveness if released, [56]; Ruthven goes to consult Gowrie, leaving him in the custody of the man, [56]; questions the man about the conspiracy, [57]; orders the man to open the window, [58]; the Master returns and essays to bind his hands with a garter, [58]; struggles with the Master and shouts Treason from the window, [58]; rescued by Ramsay, who wounds
the Master, [59]; returns to Falkland, [59]; Henderson’s narrative of events, [60] et seq.; his interview with the Master and journey to Gowrie House, [65]; at dinner, [65]; Henderson’s account of the struggle in the turret chamber mainly in accord with the King’s narrative, [66]; discrepancy between his and Henderson’s accounts of the disarming of Ruthven, [69], [104]; causes Oliphant to be lodged in the Gate House, Westminster, [76]; subsequently releases him and restores his property, [76], [77]; maintains his to be the true account of the Gowrie affair and disregards discrepancies in evidence, [78]; on the way to Gowrie House had informed Lennox of Ruthven’s tale of the pot of gold, [94]; theory of his concoction of the tale, [95]; despatches Preston to Elizabeth with his version of the Gowrie affair, [96]; rates the Edinburgh preachers for refusing to thank God for his delivery from a ‘Gowrie plot,’ [101]; reasons for his ferocity towards the recalcitrant preachers, [102]; his alleged ‘causes’ for the death of Gowrie, [104]; Bruce states that he is convinced, on Mar’s oath chiefly, of his innocence, [106]; under interrogation by Bruce, [107], [108]; subsequent persecution of Bruce, [109]; objections taken by contemporary sceptics to his narrative, [111]–117; grounds for a hereditary feud between him and Gowrie, [118]; early years of his reign, [119]; the Raid of Ruthven, [119]; his acquiescence in the execution of Gowrie’s father, [123]; Arran’s influence over him, [119], [123]; suspected of favouring the Catholic earls of the North, [124]; Gowrie, Atholl and Bothwell in alliance against him, [125]; their manifesto to the Kirk, [125]; Gowrie’s relique at Padua forwarded to him by Sir Robert Douglas, [127]; early correspondence with Gowrie, [127]; his alleged jealousy of Gowrie, [130]; gives Gowrie a year’s respite from pursuit of his creditors, [131]; thwarted by Gowrie in his demands for money, [131]; romantic story of his discovery of the Queen’s ribbon on the Master’s neck, [132]; his letters inviting Atholl, the Master and Gowrie to Falkland, [134], [135], note; his motives for killing both the Ruthvens, [139], [140]; method attributed to him by his adversaries on which he might have carried out a plot against the Ruthvens, [142]; plots against him encouraged by the English Government, [161]; his life aimed at by witchcraft, [198]. See ‘The Verie Manner of the Erll of Gowrie,’ &c.
Jesuits, suspected by James of importing foreign coin for seditious purposes, [40]
Keith, Andrew, at Padua, [126], [248]
Ker, George (Catholic intriguer with Spain), [154]
Ker of Newbattle, at Padua with Gowrie, [248]
Ker, Robert, of Newbattle, at Padua, [126]
Kirk, the, the King’s version of the Gowrie plot discredited by, [36]
Kirkcaldy of Grange, in defence of Edinburgh Castle, [152]; hanged on the fall of the castle, [153]
Lennox, Duke of, at the King’s hunt in Falkland Park, [12], [47]; his account of what followed, [13] et seq.; accompanies James to Gowrie House, [14]; his opinion of the Master of Ruthven and the story of the pitcher of
gold coins, [14]; at Gowrie House with the King, [19]; his version and that of others of the transactions which brought about the deaths of Gowrie and the Master, [20]–34; questioned by James as to the sanity of the Master, [48]; informed by James of the Master’s story of the gold coins, [94], [95]; at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [86], [88], [119], [124]; married to Gowrie’s sister Sophia, [124]
Lesley, suspected as the man in the turret, [62]
Letter I (Logan to—), [167], [174], [185], [188], [189], [196], [200], [216], [217], [223], [224], [225], [226], [228], [230], [232], [233], [234], [235], [257], [258]
Letter II (Logan to Bower), [183], [184], [185], [188], [189], [195], [205], [208], [224], [228], [229], [239], [258], [259]
Letter III (Logan to—), [200], [216], [217], [223], [224], [228], [232], [233], [234], [235], [239], [259], [260]
Letter IV (Logan to Gowrie), cited, [166], [167], [170], [173], [174], [175], [176], [177], [178], [179], [181], [182], [186], [187], [190], [191], [192], [194], [195], [196], [197], [199], [202], [206], [207], [215], [221], [222], [223], [224], [225], [226], [228], [229], [230], [231], [232], [233], [234], [235], [236], [237], [238], [260]–263
Letter V (Logan to—), [200], [215], [216], [217], [223], [224], [228], [232], [233], [234], [235], [263], [264]
Lindores, at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [19], [20], [21]
Lindsay, James, at Padua with Gowrie, [126], [248]
Lindsay, Lord, surety for Lord Robert Stewart, [153]
Lindsay, Rev. David, sent to tell James’s story of his escape from the Gowrie plot at the Cross, Edinburgh, [101]
Lindsay, Sir Harry, Laird of Kinfauns, Sprot withdraws his charge against him, [217]
Locke, Henry (Cecil’s go-between and agent in conspiracy against James), [160]
Logan, Matthew, [187], [189], [193], [203]; bearer of letters from Logan to Bower, [211], [212], [213]; account of Bower’s reception of them, [213]; denies every word attributed to him by Sprot, [213], [220]
Logan, Sir Robert (father of Logan of Restalrig), [150], [205], [206]
Logan of Restalrig, his name on Bothwell’s list of Catholic nobles, [129]; surety for Lord Robert Stewart, [153]; marries Elizabeth Macgill, and is divorced from her, [153]; on terms both with Protestant and Catholic conspirators, [154], [155], [156]; diplomatic ambitions, [156]; on the packed jury which acquits Archibald Douglas, [157]; relations with the Master of Gray, [157]; a partisan, with Gowrie’s father, of Bothwell, [157]; helps himself to the plate-chest of Nesbit of Newton, [158]; bound over not to put Fastcastle in the hands of the King’s enemies, [158]; his character from Lord Willoughby, [159]; intimacy with the Mowbrays, [160]; sells all his landed property at the time of the Gowrie plot, [161], [205]; erratic behaviour previous to his death, [161]; death, [161], [162]; compromising papers from him found on his notary Sprot, [162]; under torture Sprot confesses these papers to be his own forgeries, [162]; on examination before the Privy Council Sprot persists in Logan’s complicity in the Gowrie plot, [163], [170]; his exhumed remains brought into court and tried for treason, [164]; compromising letters, [164], [165]; his family forfeited, [165]; production of alleged plot-letters at his posthumous trial, [168], [175]; contents
of Letter IV to Gowrie, [176]; use made of the letters by the Government, [179], [181]; letters from and to Gowrie, [183]; letter to Bower, [183], [184], [185]; conduct immediately before and after Gowrie’s death, [187]; his scheme to get possession of Dirleton, [189]; his keep Fastcastle, where it is said James was to have been carried, [193]; charge of conspiracy to murder James made in the Indictment in his posthumous trial, [193]; faint evidence that he was connected with the Gowrie plot, [194]; with Bower at Coldinghame on the failure of the plot, [195]; memorandum to Bower and Bell, [195]; singular behaviour in trusting his letters to Bower, [202]; burns Ruthven’s and Clerk’s letters, [202]; letter to Baillie of Littlegill, [202]; events at his Yule at Gunnisgreen, [203]; takes Sprot into his confidence, [204]; discourages the idea of bringing Lord Home into the plot, [207], [208]; conversation with Lady Home about Dirleton, [208]; his visit to London, [210]; letter to Bower, and Sprot’s answer, [211]; fears the effect of Bower’s rash speeches, [212]; forged letters attributed to him, [215], [216], [217]; partner in a ship with Lord Willoughby, [218]; his letter to Gowrie the model for Sprot’s forgeries, [177], [221]; motives for his sale of his lands, [228]
Logan, Robert (son of Logan of Restalrig and Elizabeth Macgill), [153]
Lords of the Articles, the, the Gowrie case before, [8]; the Logan trial before, [165]
Lumisden, Rev. Mr., present when Sprot confessed to forgery of letters, [186]; at the examination of Sprot, [226]
Lyn, tailor, Mr. Robert Oliphant’s confidences to him about the Gowrie plot, [73], [75]
Macbreck, witness of the attack on Gowrie, [29]
Macgill, Elizabeth, married to Logan of Restalrig, and divorced from him, [153]
Maitland of Lethington, [152]
Man, the, in the turret, [35], [55], [56], [57], [62], [72]
Mar, Earl of, at the King’s hunt at Falkland, [12], [47]; with James at Gowrie House, [23], [24], [26], [32]; at the Gowrie slaughter, [86], [88]; assures the preacher Bruce of the truth of the King’s narrative, [104], [105]; is told by Bruce that he will accept the verdict in the Gowrie case but not preach Gowrie’s guilt, [105]; entrusted by James with the care of Prince Henry, [138]; the Queen’s plots against him, [138]
Mary of Guise (James’s grandmother), [118]
Mary Queen of Scots and the Casket Letters, [5], [7], [8]; declares that Ruthven (Gowrie’s grandfather) persecuted her by his lust, [119]
Mason, Peter, [190]
Masson, Dr., on the Gowrie mystery, [5]
Matthew, Toby (Dean of Durham), Bothwell’s statement to him, [251]
Maul, one of Sprot’s victims, [203]
Maxwell, Lord, cited, [193]
Melville, Sir Robert, his treachery in procuring the conviction of Gowrie’s father, [120]–122
Moncrieff, Hew, present at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [29], [32]; at the fight in the death chamber, [60]; proclaimed, [63]; puzzled regarding the Master’s early ride from Perth to Falkland, [137]
Moncrieff, John, questions Henderson as to the ride to Falkland,
[44], [145]; on Gowrie’s silence as to his knowledge of the King’s approach, [45]; on Gowrie’s actions on the morning of the fatal 5th, [137]
Montrose (Chancellor), [64]; desires the preachers to thank God in their churches for the King’s ‘miraculous delivery,’ [100]
Montrose, the Master of, conspiring against James, [125]
Moray, Earl, his alleged relations with Queen Anne, [2]
Morton, Regent, confines Lord Robert Stewart in Linlithgow Castle, [153]
Mossman, imprisoned for share in the Gowrie plot, [203]
Mowbray, Francis, intriguing with Cecil against James, [159]; imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, and killed in trying to escape therefrom, [160]
Mowbray, Philip, of Barnbogle, surety for Lord Robert Stewart, [153]; intriguing with Cecil against James, [159]
Moysie, David, probable writer of the Falkland letter, after the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [38] note; [100]
Murray, George, in attendance on James, [12]
Murray, John of Arbany, in attendance on James, [12]; with James at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [24], [25], [26], [32], [61]; wounded by a Ruthven partisan, [88]
Murray, Sir David, on Gowrie’s speech against James’s demands for money, [131]
Murray of Tullibardine, in Perth at the time of the Gowrie tragedy, [28]
Naismith (surgeon), with James at the Falkland hunt, [47]
Napier, Mr. Mark, on Sprot’s alleged forgery of the Logan letters, [172], [173], [222]; denies that any compromising letters were found, [178]
Napier of Merchistoun, his contract as to gold-finding with Logan of Restalrig, [171]
Nesbit, William, of Newton, robbed by Logan, [158]
Neville, recommends Gowrie to Cecil as a useful man, [130]
Nicholson, George (English resident at the Court of Holyrood), his account of James’s Falkland letter on the Gowrie case, [38]; on Robert Oliphant’s indiscretions of speech, [74]; communicates to Cecil Oliphant’s statement respecting Cranstoun and Henderson [75] note; refers to a book on the Ruthven side published in England, [82]; cites the King’s letter to the Privy Council regarding the Gowrie plot, [100], [102]; informs Cecil of Gowrie’s conversion to Catholicism, [128]
Oliphant of Bauchiltoun, brother of Robert, [77]
Oliphant, Robert, identified by the first proclamation as the man in the turret, [62]; proves an alibi, [62], [72]; his confidences to tailor Lyn anent his foreknowledge of the Gowrie plot, [73]; denounces the hanging of Cranstoun, and affirms the guilt of Henderson, [75]; avers that Gowrie proposed to him in Paris the part offered to Henderson, [75]; seeks to divert Gowrie from his project, [75]; his portable property seized by Captain Heron, and himself imprisoned, [76]; released by James and goes abroad, [76]; property subsequently restored, [77]; his statement contrasted with Henderson’s, [77]; cited, [144]
Padua University, [126]
Panton, Mr., on Henderson at Falkland, [64] note; his defence
of the Ruthvens, [80]; refers to a contemporary vindication, [80]
‘Papers relating to the Master of Gray,’ cited, [158]
Paul, Sir James Balfour, on the Gowrie arms, [245]
Perth, gathering of the burgesses of, before Gowrie House on the day of the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [30], [32]
Pitcairn, on Bruce’s interrogation of the King, [109]; discovery and publication of Logan of Restalrig’s alleged plot-letters, [169]
Pittencrieff, Laird of, at Gowrie House on the day when the Ruthvens were killed, [23]
Popular contemporary criticism on the King’s narrative, [111]–117
Preachers of Edinburgh, the, summoned before the Privy Council to hear the King’s letter on the Gowrie plot read, [99], [100]; desired by Montrose to thank God for the King’s ‘miraculous delivery,’ [100]; their reply to that request, [100], [101]; taken to task by James for refusing to thank God for his delivery from a Gowrie ‘conspiracy,’ [101]; their defence, [101], [102]; James’s punishment of the recalcitrants, [102]; before the King at Stirling, [103]–106; summon Gowrie home to be the leader of the Kirk, [140]
Preston, sent by James to Elizabeth with his version of the Gowrie affair, [96]; his account to Sir William Bowes, [97] note
Primrose (Clerk of Council), attests the record of Sprot’s examination, [201], [210]
Privy Council, Scottish, receipt of a letter from James containing an account of the Gowrie plot, [99]; the preachers summoned to hear it read, and desired by the Chancellor to thank God in their churches for the King’s escape, [99], [100]; report to James that the preachers will not praise God for his delivery, [101]
Raid of Ruthven, the, [119]
Ramsay, John, in attendance on James, [12]; his share in the proceedings at Gowrie House which led to the deaths of the Gowries, [23], [24], [25], [26], [27], [29], [31], [33], [53], [97]; takes part in the slaughter of the Master of Ruthven, [26], [85]; kills the Earl of Gowrie, [31]
Ray, Andrew (a bailie of Perth), at Gowrie House on the day of the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [21], [24]
Restalrig, Lady (Logan’s wife), [189]; her agitation on the knowledge of the Logan conspiracy, [204]; blames Bower for the selling of Fastcastle, [204]; her postscript to Logan’s letter to Bower after his death, [215]; distressed at Logan’s conduct, [220]; her daughter by Logan, [220]
Restalrig village, [148], [149], [150], [151]
‘Return from Parnassus,’ the, quoted, [126]
Rhynd, Mr. (Gowrie’s tutor), at Padua with Gowrie, [126]; at Gowrie House when the Ruthvens were killed, [32]; tells of the ride to Falkland, [45], [46]; gives the key of the gallery to the Master, [66]; on Gowrie’s views as to secrecy in plots, [144]
Robertson, Rev. Mr. (Edinburgh preacher), accepts James’s narrative, [102]
Robertson, William (notary of Perth), his evidence of what he saw near the death chamber, [60], [61], [97]
Roll of Scottish scholars at Padua, [126]
Rollock, Mr. (tutor to Gowrie and the Master), [56], [124]
Ruthven, Alexander, the Master of (Gowrie’s brother), attributed relations with the Queen, [3]; plot to seize the King, [7]; Lennox’s version of events, [13] et seq.; interviews James before the hunt in Falkland Park, [13]; induces the King to visit Perth, to see the pot of gold coins, [14]; his actions at Gowrie House after the King’s arrival, [19]; observers’ accounts of the transactions which led to his death, [24]–34; stabbed by Ramsay, [26]; James’s own narrative of the affair, [35] et seq.; the King’s interview with the Master, [39]; the cloaked man and the lure of the pot of gold pieces, [39]–42; his suggested project of kidnapping James, [42]; was accompanied by Henderson in his mission to James at Falkland, [43], [44]; alleged differences with his brother over the Abbey of Scone, [48], [49]; enjoins on James to keep the treasure a secret from Gowrie, [49]; conducts the King alone to view it, [50]; duplicity in securing this privacy, [51]; suspicious conduct in locking doors of rooms passed through, [51], [52], [53]; threatens the King with a dagger, [55]; James harangues him and promises forgiveness, [56]; goes to consult Gowrie, leaving James in the custody of the man in the turret, [56]; returns and essays to bind the King’s hands with a garter, [58]; struggles with the King, [58]; Ramsay enters and stabs him, [59]; he is driven down stairs, and killed by Erskine and Herries, [59]; further details given by Henderson, [62] et seq.; his message to Gowrie by Henderson from Falkland, [65]; locks Henderson in the turret, [66]; Henderson’s narrative of the struggle with the King, [66]; words exchanged with James in the turret chamber, [68]; the ‘promise,’ [68]; question of his disarming, [69]; romantic story of the King’s discovery of the Queen’s ribbon round his neck, [132]; gossip about his relations with the Queen, [133]
Ruthven, Alexander (cousin of the Earl of Gowrie), at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [29], [32]; letter to Logan, [183], [184]
Ruthven, Andrew, with the Master, at Gowrie House, on the day of the slaughter, [43], [157]; rides with the Master and Henderson to Falkland, [45], [64], [65]; asserts the despatch of Henderson by the Master from Falkland to acquaint Gowrie of the King’s coming, [45], [46], [145]
Ruthven, Beatrice (Gowrie’s sister), Queen Anne’s favourite maid of honour, [13], [124], [131]
Ruthven, Harry, present at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [29]
Ruthven, Lord (Gowrie’s grandfather), his part in the murder of Riccio, [118]
Ruthven, Mary (sister of Gowrie), married to the Earl of Atholl, [123]
Ruthven, Patrick (Gowrie’s brother), [124]
Ruthven, Sophia (sister of Gowrie), married to Lennox, [124]
Ruthven Vindication, the contemporary, [80]–93, [252]–256
Ruthven, William (Gowrie’s brother), [124], [129]
St. Triduana’s Chapel, [150], [151]
Salisbury, Marquis of, in possession of genuine letters of Logan, [viii], [241]
Sanderson, William, on the Gowrie arms, [250]
Scone, Abbey of, in the Gowrie inheritance, [48], [54]
Scott, Rev. John, his Life of John, Earl of Gowrie, cited, [80]
note, [248]; on the Gowrie arms and seal, [250], [251]
Scott, Sir Walter, cited, [5]
Scrymgeour, Sir James (Constable of Dundee), accused falsely by Sprot, [217]
Smith, Rev. Alexander, on the Logan plot-letters, [242]
Spottiswoode, Archbishop of Glasgow, his opinion of Sprot, [178]; kept in the dark as to the Logan letters, [179]; present at Sprot’s examination, [176], [201], [210]
Sprot (Logan of Restalrig’s law agent), arrested by Watty Doig, [162]; confesses that he knew beforehand of the Gowrie conspiracy, [162]; tortured, and in part recants, [162]; persists in maintaining Logan of Restalrig’s complicity in the Gowrie conspiracy, [163], [170]; question of his forgery of letters to prove Logan’s guilt, [170], [171]; motive for forging the letters, [172]; confesses to the forgery in private examinations, [173]; records of those examinations in possession of the Earl of Haddington, [173]; letters quoted from memory by him, [175]; the indictment against him, [176], [177]; Sir William Hart’s official statement of his trial, [177], [178]; use made by the prosecution of the Logan letters, [179]; his tale of Logan’s guilt, [182]; sources of his knowledge, [183], [184]; discrepancies in his statements, [184], [185]; preachers present at his confession of forgery, [186]; his written deposition, [186]; the cause for which he forged, [187]; his conflicting dates, [188]; his account of Logan and Bower’s scheme to get Dirleton, [189]; excuses for the discrepancies in his dates, [192]; asserts that Logan let Bower keep his letter to Gowrie for months, [195]; steals that letter, [194]; confesses to the forgery of Logan’s letter to Bower, [195]; and to that of Logan’s memorandum to Bower and Bell, [196]; blackmailing operations, [196], [197]; forges receipts from Logan to Heddilstane for blackmailing purposes, [199]; his uncorroborated charges, [202], [203]; in the confidence of Logan, [204]; his account of Logan’s revels in London, [210]; goes with Matthew Logan to Bower to give answers to Logan’s letters, [211]; denies that he had received promise of life or reward, [214]; reports an incriminating conversation with Matthew Logan, [214]; confesses forging, for blackmailing purposes, Logan’s letters to Chirnside and the torn letter, [215]; swears to the truth of his last five depositions, [217]; on Logan’s ship venture with Lord Willoughby, [219]; solemnly confesses to the forgery of the letters in Logan’s hand, [220]; details respecting the letter of Logan to Gowrie on which he modelled his forgeries, [220], [221], [222], [223]; the letter found in his kist, [224]; copies endorsed by him found among the Haddington MSS., [224], [225]; oral discrepancies, [225]; tried and hanged at Edinburgh, [226]; protestations on the scaffold, [226]; small effect of his dying confession on the Kirk party, [227]; motives which prompted his forgeries, [227]–231
Stewart, Colonel, his part in the arrest and the conviction of Gowrie’s father, [11], [120], [122]; dreads Gowrie’s revenge, [140]
‘The Verie Manner of the Erll of Gowrie and his brother, their death, &c.,’ a manuscript written in vindication of the Ruthvens, received by Carey, and forwarded to Cecil, [81]; conspectus of its arguments:
Dr. Herries shown the secret parts of Gowrie House a day or two before the tragedy, [82]; preparations by Gowrie’s retainers on the fatal day to accompany him to Dirleton, [82]; the visit of the Master to Falkland, accompanied by Ruthven and Henderson, [83]; the Master sends Henderson to Gowrie with a message that the King will visit him ‘for what occasion he knew not,’ [83]; the Master tells Craigengelt that Abercromby brought the King to Gowrie House to take order for his debt, [83], [84]; James accompanied to Perth by sixty horsemen, [84]; Gowrie advertised of the King’s approach by Henderson, [84]; James meets Gowrie on the Inch of Perth and kisses him, [85]; a hurried dinner, [85]; the keys of the house handed to Gowrie’s retainers, [85]; the slaughter of the Master in the presence of four of James’s followers, [85]; a servant of James brings the news that he has ridden off, [85]; Gowrie hears his Majesty call from the window that the Master is killed by traitors and James himself in peril, [86]; Gowrie and Cranstoun alone permitted by James’s servants to enter the House, [86]; Sir Thomas Erskine’s dual rôle, [86]; the true account of Gowrie’s death, [87]; the question of Henderson’s presence at Falkland, [83], [87], [92]; derivation of the narrative, [87]; on the payment by Gowrie of his father’s debts, [87]; points on which the narrative is false, [86]–88; points ignored, [88], [89]; presents a consistent theory of the King’s plot, [89]; conflicting statements, [89], [90], [91], [92]; the detail of the locked door, [92]
‘True Discourse,’ quoted on the doors leading to the turret, [52]
‘True Discovery of the late Treason, the’ (unpublished MS.), on the Gowrie family, [48]
Tullibardine, Young, at the slaughter of the Earl of Gowrie, [28], [33]; effort to relieve the King, [60]; helps to pacify the populace after the tragedy, [88]
Tytler, Mr., cited, on James VI, [5]; on the King’s account of the Gowrie tragedy, [41], [42]; on Logan’s plot-letters, [169]
Urchill, present at the slaughter of the Gowries, [19]
Vindication of the Ruthvens, the contemporary, [80] et seq., [252] et seq.
Wallace, asks Sprot for silence on Logan’s conspiracy, [187]
Watson, Rev. Alexander, on the Logan plot-letters, [242]
Wilky, Alexander, surety for John Wilky not to harm tailor Lyn, [73], [74]
Wilky, John, his pursuit of tailor Lyn for revealing Robert Oliphant’s confidences respecting the Gowrie plot, [73], [74]
Willoughby, Lord, kidnaps Ashfield, [139]; his opinion of Logan of Restalrig, [159]; builds a ship for protection of English commerce, [218]; offers the venture to Cecil if subsidised by government, [218], [219]; admits Logan to the venture, [218], [219]; dies suddenly on board his ship, [219]
Wilson (Erskine’s servant), at the slaughter of the Ruthvens, [27], [30], [31], [85]
Younger, suspected as the man in the turret, [62]
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