FOOTNOTES
[1] In this chapter, Hippolytus treats of what is probably a late form of the Ophite heresy, certainly one of the first to enter into rivalry with the Catholic Church. For its doctrines and practices, the reader must be referred to the chapter on the Ophites in the translator’s Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, vol. II; but it may be said here that it seems to have sprung from a combination of the corrupt Judaism then practised in Asia Minor with the Pagan myths or legends prevalent all over Western Asia, which may some day be traced back to the Sumerians and the earliest civilization of which we have any record. Yet the Ophites admitted the truth of the Gospel narrative, and asserted the existence of a Supreme Being endowed with the attributes of both sexes and manifesting Himself to man by means of a Deity called His son, who was nevertheless identified with both the masculine and feminine aspects of his Father. This triad, which the Ophites called the First Man, the Second Man, and the First Woman or Holy Spirit, they represented as creating the planetary worlds as well as the “world of form,” by the intermediary of an inferior power called Sophia or Wisdom and her son Jaldabaoth, who is expressly stated to be the God of the Jews.
All this we knew before the discovery of our text from the statements of heresiologists like St. Irenæus and Epiphanius; but Hippolytus goes further than any other author by connecting these Ophite theories with the worship of the Mother of the Gods or Cybele, the form under which the triune deity of Western Asia was best known in Europe. The unnamed Naassene or Ophite author from whom he quotes without intermission throughout the chapter, seems to have got hold of a hymn to Attis used in the festivals of Cybele, in which Attis is, after the syncretistic fashion of post-Alexandrian paganism, identified with the Syrian Adonis, the Egyptian Osiris, the Greek Dionysos and Hermes, and the Samothracian or Cabiric gods Adamna and Corybas; and the chapter is in substance a commentary on this hymn, the order of the lines of which it follows closely. This commentary tries to explain or “interpret” the different myths there referred to by passages from the Old and New Testaments and from the Greek poets dragged in against their manifest sense and in the wildest fashion. Most of these supposed allusions, indeed, can only be justified by the most outrageous play upon words, and it may be truly said that not a single one of them when naturally construed bears the slightest reference to the matter in hand. Yet they serve not only to elucidate the Ophite beliefs, but give, as it were accidentally, much information as to the scenes enacted in the Eleusinian and other heathen mysteries which was before lacking. The author also quotes two hymns used apparently in the Ophite worship which are not only the sole relics of a once extensive literature, but are a great deal better evidence as to Gnostic tenets than his own loose and equivocal statements.
As the legend of Attis and Cybele may not be familiar to all, it may be well to give a brief abstract of it as found in Pausanias, Diodorus Siculus, Ovid, and the Christian writer Arnobius. Cybele, called also Agdistis, Rhea, Gê, or the Great Mother, was said to have been born from a rock accidentally fecundated by Zeus. On her first appearance she was hermaphrodite, but on the gods depriving her of her virility it passed into an almond-tree. The fruit of this was plucked by the virgin daughter of the river Sangarios, who, placing it in her bosom, became by it the mother of Attis, fairest of mankind. Attis at his birth was exposed on the river-bank, but was rescued, brought up as a goatherd, and was later chosen as a husband by the king’s daughter. At the marriage feast, Cybele, fired by jealousy, broke into the palace and, according to one version of the story, emasculated Attis who died of the hurt. Then Cybele repented and prayed to Zeus to restore him to life, which prayer was granted by making him a god. The ceremonies of the Megalesia celebrating the Death and Resurrection of Attis as held in Rome during the late Republic and early Empire, and their likeness to the Easter rites of the Christian Church are described in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for October 1917.
[2] (οὗ) χάριν, “thanks to which.”
[3] μετέχιο τὰς ἀφορμὰς, a phrase frequent in Plato.
[4] נָחָשׁ
[5] Cf. Rev. ii. 24.
[6] ἀρσενόθηλυς.
[7] Cruice thinks the name derived from the Adam Cadmon of the Jewish Cabala. But Adamas “the unsubdued” is an epithet of Hades who was equated with Dionysos, the analogue of Attis. Cf. Irenæus, I, 1.
[8] Salmon and Stähelin in maintaining their theory that Hippolytus’ documents were contemporary forgeries make the point that something like this hymn is repeated later in the account of Monoimus the Arabian’s heresy. The likeness is not very close. Cf. II, p. 107 infra.
[9] Origen (cont. Celsum, VI, 30) says the Ophites used to curse the name of Christ. Hence Origen cannot be the author of the Philosophumena.
[10] τὰ ὅλα. I am doubtful whether he is here using the word in its philosophic or Aristotelian sense as “entities necessarily differing from one another in kind,” or as “things of the universe.” On the whole the former construction seems here to be right.
[11] “That which has been sent”?
[12] Doubtless as being still confined in matter.
[13] Both Origen and Celsus knew of this Mariamne, after whom a sect is said to have been named. See Orig. cont. Cels., VI, 30.
[14] τῶν ἐθνῶν. The usual expression for Gentiles or Goyim.
[15] Isa. liii. 8.
[16] διάφορον. Miller reads ἀδιάφορον: “undistinguished.”
[17] This hymn is in metre and is said to be from a lost Pindaric ode. It has been restored by Bergk, the restoration being given in the notes to Cruice’s text, p. 142, and it was translated into English verse by the late Professor Conington. Cf. Forerunners, II, p. 54, n. 6.
[18] ἰχθυοφάγον. Doubtless a mistake for ἰχθυοφόρον. The Oannes of Berossus’ story wore a fish on his back.
[19] Adam the protoplast according to the Ophites (Irenæus, I, xviii, p. 197, Harvey) and Epiphanius (Hær. xxxvii, c. 4, p. 501, Oehler) was made by Jaldabaoth and his six sons. The same story was current among the followers of Saturninus (Irenæus, I, xviii, p. 197, Harvey) and other Gnostic sects, who agree with the text as to his helplessness when first created, and its cause.
[20] So in the Bruce Papyrus, “Jeû,” which name I have suggested is an abbreviation of Jehovah, is called “the great Man, King of the great Aeon of light.” See Forerunners, II, 193.
[21] Eph. iii. 15. Cf. the address of Jesus to His Father in the last document of the Pistis Sophia, Forerunners, II, p. 180, n. 4.
[22] Why is he to be punished? In the Manichæan story (for which see Forerunners, II, pp. 292 ff.) the First Man is taken prisoner by the powers of darkness. Both this and that in the text are doubtless survivals of some legend current throughout Western Asia at a very early date. Cf. Bousset’s Hauptprobleme der Gnosis, Leipzig, 1907, c. 4, Der Urmensch.
[23] So the cryptogram in the Pistis Sophia professes to give “the word by which the Perfect Man is moved.” Forerunners, II, 188, n. 2.
[24] οὐσία: perhaps “essence” or “being.” It is the word for which hypostasis was later substituted according to Hatch. See his Hibbert Lectures, pp. 269 ff.
[25] So Miller, Cruice, and Schneidewin. I should be inclined to read φάος, “light,” as in the Naassene hymn at the end of this chapter. No Gnostic sect can have taught that the soul came from Chaos.
[26] This, as always at this period, means “Syrians.” See Maury, Rev. Archéol., lviii, p. 242.
[27] ἔμψυχοι. He is punning on the likeness between this and ψυχή, “soul.”
[28] And between “nourished” and “reared.”
[29] τὸ τοιοῦτον. Not φύσις or ψυχή. At this point the author begins his commentary on the Hymn of the Mysteries of Cybele, for which see p. [141] infra.
[30] γένεσις, perhaps “birth.”
[31] An allusion to the myth which makes Aphrodite and Persephone share the company of Adonis between them.
[32] These words are added in the margin.
[33] A prominent feature in the imposture of Alexander of Abonoteichus. See Lucian’s Pseudomantis, passim.
[34] In the better-known story Attis castrates himself; but this version explains the allusion in the hymn on p. [141] infra.
[35] i. e. restores to her the virility of which they had deprived her when she was hermaphrodite. See n. on p. [119] supra.
[36] λελεγμένη. Miller and Schneidewin read δεδαιγμένη, “open,” or “displayed.”
[37] Gal. iii. 28. So Clemens Romanus, Ep. ii. 12; Clem. Alex. Strom., III, 13. Cf. Pistis Sophia, p. 378 (Copt).
[38] 2 Cor. v. 17; Gal. vi. 15.
[39] i. e. masculo-feminine. That Rhea, Cybele and Gê are but different names of the earth-goddess, see Maury, Rèl. de la Grèce Antique, I, 78 ff. For their androgyne character, see J.R.A.S. for Oct. 1917.
[40] Rom. i. 20 ff. The text omits several sentences to be found in the A.V.
[41] Ibid., v. 27.
[42] Ibid., v. 28.
[43] ἐπαγγελία τοῦ λουτροῦ, pollicetur iis qui lavantur, Cr. But “the font” is the regular patristic expression for the rite.
[44] The text has ἄλλῳ, “other,” which makes no sense. Cruice, following Schneidewin, alters it to ἀλάλῳ on the strength of p. [144] infra, and renders it ineffabilis; but ἀλάλος cannot mean anything but “dumb” or “silent.” That baptism in the early heretical sects was followed by a “chrism” or anointing, see Forerunners, II, 129, n. 2; ibid., 192.
[45] Luke xvii. 21.
[46] This does not appear in the severely expurgated fragments of the Gospel of Thomas which have come down to us. Epiphanius (Hær. xxxvii.) includes this gospel in a list of works especially favoured by the Ophites.
[47] λόγος, Cr. disciplina, Macmahon, “Logos.” But see Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 161.
[48] ὄργια. In Hippolytus it always has this meaning.
[49] Isis. See Forerunners, I, p. 34.
[50] ἡ μεταβλητὴ γένεσις. The expression is repeated in the account of Simon Magus’ heresy (II, p. 13 infra) and refers to the transmigration of souls.
[51] ἀνεξεικονίστος, “He of whom no image can be made.”
[52] Prov. xxiv. 16.
[53] Some qualification like “originally” or “at the beginning” seems wanting. Cf. Arnold, op. cit., n. on p. [58] supra.
[54] Matt. v. 45.
[55] He has apparently mistaken Min of Coptos or Nesi-Amsu for Osiris who is, I think, never represented thus. At Denderah, he is supine.
[56] The “terms” of Hermes which Alcibiades and his friends mutilated.
[57] δημιουργός. Here as always the “architect,” or he who creates not ex nihilo, but from existing material.
[58] For this name which is said by all the early heresiologists to mean “the God of the Jews,” see Forerunners, II, 46, n. 3. He is called a “fiery God” apparently from Deut. iv. 24, and a fourth number, either because in the Ophite theogony he comes next after the Supreme Triad of Father, Son, and Mother or, more probably, from his name covering the Tetragrammaton, or name of God in four letters.
[59] Ps. ii. 9.
[60] Cr. supplies “virtutem”; but the adjective is in the neuter.
[61] Eph. v. 14.
[62] κεχαρακτηρισμένος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀχαρακτηρίστου Λόγου. These expressions repeated up to the end of the chapter are most difficult to render in English. The allusion is clearly to a coin stamped with the image of a king. Afterwards I translate ἀχαρακτηρίστος by “unportrayable,” for brevity’s sake.
[63] The famous words which tradition assigns to the Eleusinian Mysteries. One version is “Rain! conceive!” and probably refers to the fecundation or tillage of the earth. Cf. Plutarch, de Is. et Os., c. xxxiv.
[64] Rom. x. 18.
[65] Ps. cxviii. 22. Cf. Isa. xxviii. 16.
[66] See n. on p. 123 supra.
[67] Isa. xxviii. 16.
[68] Something is here omitted before ὀδόντες. Cf. Iliad, IV, 350.
[69] ἀρχανθρώπος, a curious expression meaning evidently First Man. It appears nowhere but in this chapter of the Philosophumena.
[70] Dan. ii. 45, “cut from the mountain without hands.”
[71] The Power called Adonæus or Adon-ai by the Ophites is also addressed as λήθη, “oblivion,” in the “defence” made to him by the ascending soul. See Origen, cont Cels. VI, c. 30 ff. or Forerunners, II, 72.
[72] A compound of Iliad, XIV, 201 and 246.
[73] Ps. lxxxii. 6; Luke vi. 35; John x. 34; Gal. iv. 26.
[74] John iii, 6.
[75] Joshua iii, 16.
[76] So the Cabbalists call one of their word-juggling processes gematria, which is said to be a corruption of γραμματεία.
[77] ἀρρήτως, i. e., “by implication,” or “not in words.”
[78] Play upon προφαίνω and προφήτης.
[79] Mariam was Moses’ aunt, Sephora his wife, and Jothor Sephora’s father, according to some fragments of Ezekiel quoted by Eusebius. So Cruice.
[80] Matt. xiii. 13.
[81] Isa. xxviii, 10. In A. V., “Precept upon precept; line upon line; here a little, there a little.” Irenæus (I, xix, 3, I, p. 201, Harvey) says, Caulacau is the name in which the Saviour descended according to Basilides, and the word seems to have been used in this sense by other Gnostic sects, See Forerunners, II, 94, n. 3.
[82] ἐκ γῆς ῥέοντα!
[83] A direct quotation from the Hymn of the Great Mysteries given later, p. [141] infra. Also a pun between κεράννυμι and κέρας.
[84] John 1. 34.
[85] Sophia, the third person of the Ophite Triad and Jaldabaoth her son.
[86] Something omitted after “cup.”
[87] τρία σάτα. A Jewish measure equivalent to 1½ modius. Cf. Matt. xiii. 33.
[88] The famous ὁμοούσιος.
[89] A compound of John vi. 53 and Mk. x. 38.
[90] Μαθητὰς, “disciples,” not apostles.
[91] The κατὰ may mean either “against” or “according to” nature.
[92] For this Corybas and his murder by his two brothers see Clem. Alex. Protrept., II. A pun here follows between Corybas and κορυφή, “head.”
[93] John v. 3.
[94] κεχαρακτηρισμένος.
[95] Ps. xxix. 3, 10.
[96] Ps. xxii. 20, A. V., “My darling from the power of the dog.”
[97] Isa. xci. 8; xliii. 1, 2.
[98] Ibid., xlix. 15; slightly altered.
[99] Ibid., xlix. 16.
[100] Ps. xxiv. 7. A. V. omits “rulers” or archons.
[101] Ps. xxiv. 8; xxii. 6.
[102] Job xl. 2.
[103] A pun like that on Geryon or Corybas.
[104] Gen. xxviii. 17.
[105] John x. 7, 9, “I am the door.”
[106] i. e. the worshippers of Cybele. For Attis’ name of Pappas, see Graillot, Le Culte de Cybèle, p. 15. It seems to mean “Father.”
[107] παῦε, παῦε!!!
[108] Eph. ii. 17.
[109] This was an Orphic doctrine. See Forerunners, I, 127, n. 1 for authorities.
[110] Matt. xxiii. 27.
[111] 1 Cor. xv. 52.
[112] 2 Cor. xii. 3, 4. A. V. omits “second heaven” and the sights seen.
[113] ψυχικὸς δὲ ἄνθρωπος. The “natural man” of the A. V.
[114] 1 Cor. ii. 13, 14.
[115] John vi. 44, “draw him unto me.”
[116] Matt. vii. 21.
[117] Matt. xxi. 31, “Kingdom of God.”
[118] 1 Cor. x. 11. A pun on τέλη, “taxes,” and τέλη, “ends.”
[119] Cf. the Stoic doctrine of λόγοι σπερματικοί, Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 161.
[120] Lit., “brought to an end.”
[121] A condensation of Matt. xiii. 3-9.
[122] Deut. xxxi. 20.
[123] i. e. become united with the Godhead. The newly-baptized were given milk and honey. Cf. Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, above quoted, p. 300.
[124] Matt. iii. 10.
[125] This “third gate” is evidently baptism. For the reason see Forerunners, II, p. 73, n. 2.
[126] This seems to be a quotation from the Naassene author.
[127] Perhaps an allusion to the λόγοι σπερματικοί.
[128] Matt. vii. 6.
[129] The derivation to be tolerable should be *ἀειπόλος!
[130] i. e. Proteus.
[131] Gal. iv. 27.
[132] Jerem. xxxi. 15.
[133] The mistake in geography shows that Hippolytus was not a Jew.
[134] Jerem. xviii. 9.
[135] ἐποπτικὸν ... μυστήριον.
[136] This is in effect the first real information we have as to the final secret of the Eleusinian Mysteries.
[137] Hesychius also translates Brimos by ἰσχυρός.
[138] Hades or Pluto.
[139] Schleiermacher attributes this saying to Heraclitus.
[140] Meineke (ap. Cr.) attributes these lines to Parmenides.
[141] Cf. Justinus later, p. [175] infra.
[142] Schneidewin and Cruice both read λαβεῖν, “receive” (their vestures) for βαλεῖν.
[143] Cr. translates ἀπηρσενωμένους, exuta virilitate; but it seems to be a participle of ἀπαρρενόω = ἀπανδρόω. The idea that the Gnostic pneumatics or spirituals would finally be united in marriage with the angels or λόγοι σπερματικοί was current in Gnosticism. See Forerunners, II, 110. The “virgin spirit” was probably that Barbelo whom Irenæus, I, 26, 1 f. (pp. 221 ff., Harvey), describes under that name as reverenced by the “Barbeliotae or Naassenes”; in any case, probably, some analogue of the earth-goddess, ever bringing forth and yet ever a virgin.
[144] Matt. vii. 13, 14. The A. V. has εἰσέρχομαι for διέρχομαι.
[145] See n. on p. [119] supra.
[146] i. e. Attis.
[147] ἀμύσσω is rather to “scratch,” or “scarify,” than as in the text.
[148] Cf. John iv. 21.
[149] Cruice’s restoration. Schneidewin’s would read: “The Spirit is there where also the Father is named, and the Son is there born from the Father.”
[150] Cf. Ezekiel x. 12.
[151] ῥῆμα, not λόγος.
[152] Here we see the interpretation put by Hippolytus an the Aristotelian τὰ ὅλα.
[153] θεμελιόω. The whole of this sentence singularly resembles that in the Great Announcement ascribed to Simon Magus, for which see II, p. 12 infra.
[154] This idea of the Indivisible Point, which recurs in several Gnostic writings, including those of Simon and Basilides, seems founded on the mathematical axiom that the line and therefore all solid bodies spring from the point, which itself has “neither parts nor magnitude.”
[155] Ἐπινοίᾳ. This also is used by Simon as the equivalent of Ἔννοια.
[156] Ps. xix. 3.
[157] ἀπρονοήτως, Cr., sine numine quidquam; Macmahon, “without premeditation.”
[158] Performances in the theatres formed part of the Megalesia or Festival of the Great Mother.
[159] I should be inclined to read τῆς Μεγάλης μυστήρια, “Mysteries of the Great Mother.”
[160] An allusion to the variant of the Cybele legend which makes her the emasculator of Attis.
[161] So Conington, who translated the hymns into English verse, and Schneidewin. Hippolytus, however, evidently gave this invocation to the Greeks. See p. [132] supra.
[162] δ’ ὀφίαν, according to Schneidewin’s restoration (for which see p. 176 Cr.), seems better sense, if we can suppose that the Sabazian serpent was so called.
[163] The whole hymn with the next fragment is given as restored to metrical form where quoted in last note.
[164] That is of the Galli, or eunuch-priests of Attis and Cybele.
[165] Thales only said, so far as we know, that water was the beginning of all things.
[166] The cornucopia: horn of the goat (not bull) Amalthea seems to have been intended. I see no likeness between this and the passage in Deut. xxxiii. 17, to which Macmahon refers it.
[167] Gen. ii. 10.
[168] This and the three following quotations are from Gen. ii. 10-14 and follow the Septuagint version.
[169] Play upon Euphrates and εὐφραίνει, “rejoices.”
[170] χαρακτηρίζει. “Stamps” would be more correct, but singularly incongruous with water.
[171] John iv. 10. No substantial difference from A. V.
[172] οὐσίαι, but not in the theological sense.
[173] This simile, repeated often later, has been the chief support of Salmon and Stähelin’s forgery theory. Yet Clement of Alexandria (Book VII, c. 2, Stromateis) also uses it, and the turning of swords into ploughshares and spears into pruning-hooks appears in Micah iv. 3, as well as in Isaiah ii. 4, without arguing a common origin.
[174] John 1. 9.
[175] Isa. xl. 15.
[176] Play upon χριόμενοι, “anointed,” and χριστιανοί.
[177] 1 Sam. x. 1; xvi. 13, 14.
[178] The hymn which follows is so corrupt that Schneidewin declared it beyond hope of restoration. Miller shows that the original metre was anapæstic, the number of feet diminishing regularly from 6 to 4. He likens this to that of the hymns of Synesius and the Tragopodagra of Lucian.
[179] Reading φάος for χάος.
[180] This seems to correspond with the Ophite description of Sophia or the third Person of their Triad in Chaos. Cf. Irenæus, I, 28.
[181] The source of this chapter on the Naassenes is so far undiscoverable. Contrary to his usual practice, Hippolytus here mentions the name of no heretical author as he does in the following chapters of this Book. It is probable, therefore, that he may have taken down his account of “Naassene” doctrines from the lips of some convert, which would account for the extreme wildness of the quotations and to the incoherence with which he jumps about from one subject to another. This would also account for the heresy here described being far more Christian in tone than the other forms of Ophitism which follow it in the text, and the quotations from Scripture, especially the N.T., being more numerous and on the whole more apposite than in the succeeding chapters. The style, such as it is, is maintained throughout and its continuity should perhaps forbid us to see in it a plurality of authors. Little prominence in it is given to the Serpent which gives its name to the sect, although it is here said that he is good, and this seems to point to the Naassene being more familiar with the Western than with the Eastern forms of Cybele-worship.
[182] No mention of this sect is made by Irenæus or Epiphanius, and Theodoret’s statements concerning it correspond so closely with those of our text as to make it certain either that they were drawn from it or that both he and Hippolytus drew from a common source. Yet Clement of Alexandria knew of the Peratics (see Stromateis VII, 16), and Origen (cont. Cels. VI, 28) speaks of the Ophites generally as boasting Euphrates as their founder. The name given to them in our text is said by Clement (ubi cit.) to be a place-name, and the better opinion seems to be that it means “Mede” or one who lives on the further side of the Euphrates. The main point of their doctrine seems to be the great prominence given in it to the Serpent, whom they call the Son, and make an intermediate power between the Father of All and Matter. In this they are perhaps following the lead of some of the Græco-Oriental worships like that of Sabazius, one of the many forms of Attis, or that of Dionysos whose symbol was the serpent. The proof of their doctrines, however, they sought for not, like the Naassenes, in the mystic rites, but in a kind of astral theology which looked for religious truths in the grouping of the stars; and it was in pursuit of this that they identified the Saviour Serpent with the constellation Draco. Yet they were ostensibly Christians, being apparently perfectly willing to accept the historical Christ as their great intermediary. Their attitude to Judaism is more difficult to grasp because, while they quoted freely from the Old Testament, they apparently considered its God as an evil, or at all events, an unnecessarily harsh, power, in which they anticipated Manes and probably Marcion. Had we more of their writings we should probably find in them the embodiment of a good deal of early Babylonian tradition, to which most of these astrological heresies paid great attention.
[183] πηγή.
[184] τὸ μὲν ἓν μέρος. Cruice thinks these words should be added here instead of in the description of the “great source” just above. See Book X, II, p. 481 infra.
[185] Probably “Great Father.”
[186] This is entirely contradictory of Hippolytus’ own statement later of their doctrine that the universe consists of Father, Son, and Matter. Αὐτογενής, for which αὐτογέννητος is substituted a page later, is the last epithet to be applied to a son. Is it a mistake for μονογέννητος, “only begotten?” For the three worlds, see the Naassene author also, p. [121] supra.
[187] The cause assigned a little later is the salvation of the three worlds.
[188] τριδύναμος probably means with powers from all three worlds. The phrase is frequent in the Pistis Sophia.
[189] συγκρίματα, concretiones, Cr. and Macmahon. It might mean “decrees” and is used in the Septuagint version of Daniel for “interpretations” of dreams.
[190] Coloss. i. 19, and ii. 9.
[191] From the starry influences?
[192] John iii. 17.
[193] 1. Cor. xi. 32.
[194] But see n. 4 on last page and text three sentences earlier.
[195] It was not the world, but the Zodiac that the astrologers divided into dodecatemories. See Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie Gr., passim.
[196] There must be some mistake here. The planetary world, according to the astronomy of the time, only began at the Moon.
[197] The words which follow, down to the end of this paragraph, with the exception of one sentence, are taken, not from the astrologers, but from the opponent Sextus Empiricus. They correspond to pp. 339 ff. of the Leipzig edition of Sextus and the restorations from this are shown by round brackets. The whole passage doubtless once formed the beginning of Book IV of our text, the opening words of which they repeat. For the probable cause of this needless repetition see the Introduction, p. 20 supra.
[198] Sextus’ comment, not Hippolytus’.
[199] The personal followers of Pythagoras were called Pythagorics, those who later gave a general assent to his doctrines Pythagoreans.
[200] An echo of a tradition which seems widespread in Asia. In the Pistis Sophia it is said that half the signs of the Zodiac rebelled against the order to give up “the purity of their light” and joined the wicked Adamas, while the other half remained faithful under the rule of Jabraoth. Cf. Rev. xii. 7, and the Babylonian legend of the assault of the seven evil spirits on the Moon.
[201] “Toparch” = ruler of a place. Proastius, “suburban,” or a dweller in the environs of a town. It here probably means the ruler of a part of the heavens near or under the influence of a planet.
[202] The bombastic phrases which follow seem to have been much corrupted and to have been translated from some language other than Greek. Νυκτόχροος and ὑδατόχροος are not, I think, met with elsewhere, and the genders are much confused throughout the whole quotation, Poseidon being made a female deity and Isis a male one. The more outlandish names have some likeness to the “Munichuaphor,” “Chremaor,” etc., of the Pistis Sophia. There seems some logical connection between the name of the powers and those born under them, the lovers being assigned to Eros, and so on.
[203] Cruice points out that “eyes” are here probably written for “wells,” the Hebrew for both being the same, and refers us to the twelve wells of Elim in Exod. xv. 27.
[204] Schneidewin here quotes from Berossos the well-known passage about the woman Omoroca, Thalatth, or Thalassa, who presided over the chaos of waters and its monstrous inhabitants. See Cory’s Ancient Fragments, p. 25. The name has been generally taken to cover that of Tiamat whom Bel-Merodach defeated. See Rogers, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 107.
[205] All Titans, like Kronos himself.
[206] Macmahon reads here Ino, but this name appears later.
[207] There is some confusion here. The Platonists, following Philolaos, attributed singular properties to the twelve-angled figure made out of pentagons and declared it to have been the model after which the Zodiac was made.
[208] νυκτόχροος. It seems to be a translation of the Latin nocticolor.
[209] So the Codex. Schneidewin and Cruice would read Κρόνος, but that name has already occurred.
[210] Here again Schneidewin would read ἀστέρος, “star”; but the next sentence makes it plain that it is the wind which is meant.
[211] Ariel is in one of the later documents of the Pistis Sophia made one of the torturers in hell.
[212] Probably Saclan or Asaqlan whom the Manichæans made the Son of the King of Darkness and the husband of the Nebrod or Nebroe mentioned above.
[213] πρωτοκαμάρον. Macmahon translates it the “star Protocamarus,” for which I can see no authority. It seems to me to be an inversion of πρωτομακάρος, “first-best,” very likely to happen in turning a Semitic language into Greek and back again.
[214] The dogstar, Sothis, or Sirius, was identified with Isis.
[215] Μύγδων. In a magic spell, Pluto, who has many analogies with Attis, is saluted as “Huesemigadon,” perhaps “Hye, Cye, Mygdon.” Has this Mygdon any analogy with amygdalon the almond?
[216] Qy. Mise, the hermaphrodite Dionysos?
[217] Βουμέγας, “great ox”? All the other names which follow are those of magicians or diviners.
[218] Two of the seven “angels of the presence.” Their appearance in a list mainly of Greek heroes is inexplicable.
[219] τῆς ἄνω. Perhaps we should insert δυνάμεως, “the Power on High.”
[220] See Sibyll. Orac., III. But the Sibyl says the exact opposite. Cf. Charles, Apocrypha and Psuedepigrapha of the O.T., II, 377.
[221] περᾶσαι. The derivation is too much even for Theodoret, who says that the name of the sect is taken from “Euphrates the Peratic” (or Mede).
[222] So modern astrologers make him the “greater malefic.”
[223] A fragment from Heraclitus according to Schleiermacher.
[224] So the Pistis Sophia speaks repeatedly of “the Pleroma of all Pleromas.”
[225] Many magical books bore the name of Moses. See Forerunners, II, 46, and n.
[226] Is this why one Ophite sect was called the Cainites? The hostility here shown to the God of the Jews is common to many other sects such as that of Saturninus, of Marcion and later of Manes. Cf. Forerunners, II, under these names.
[227] Gen. x. 9. Nimrod, who is sometimes identified with the hero Gilgames, plays a large part in all this Eastern tradition.
[228] John iii. 13, 14.
[229] Ibid., i. 1-4.
[230] For this identification of Eve with the Mother of Life or Great Goddess of Asia, see Forerunners, II, 300, and n.
[231] ἄκραν. Cruice and Macmahon both read ἀρχή, “beginning,” but see ταύτην τὴν ἄκραν later.
[232] All this is, of course, quite different to the meaning assigned to these stars by the unnamed heretics of Book IV.
[233] If we could be sure that Hippolytus was here summarizing fairly Ophite doctrines, it would appear that the Ophites rejected the Platonic theory that matter was essentially evil. What is here said presents a curious likeness to Stoic doctrines of the universe, as of man’s being. Hippolytus, however, never quotes a Stoic author and seems throughout to ignore Stoicism save in Book I.
[234] πρόσωπον. The word used to denote the “character” or part or a person on the stage.
[235] ἰδέαι. So throughout this passage.
[236] Gen. xxx. 37 ff.
[237] χαρακτῆρες. See n. on p. 143 supra.
[238] Not “ring-straked” like Jacob’s sheep.
[239] ὁμοούσιος.
[240] Matt. vii. 11. Note the change of “Your” for “Our.”
[241] John viii. 44.
[242] Here again he dwells upon the supposed evil nature of the Demiurge.
[243] Or as Macmahon translates, “the substantial from the Unsubstantial one.”
[244] A lacuna in the text is thus filled by Cruice.
[245] Again this simile is not necessarily by the Peratic author, but seems to be introduced by Hippolytus. For the supposed conduct of naphtha in the presence of fire, see Plutarch, vit Alex.
[246] ἐξεικονισμένον. A different metaphor from the “type.” We shall meet with this one frequently in the work attributed to Simon Magus.
[247] The text has ἐκ καμαρίου. Here Schneidewin agrees that the proper reading is μακαρίου, there being no reason why any “life-giving substance” should exist in the brain-pan. He thus confirms the reading in n. on p. [152] supra.
[248] This chapter on the Peratæ is evidently drawn from more sources than one. The author’s first statement of their doctrines, which occupies pp. [146]-[149] supra, represents probably his first impression of them and contains at least one glaring contradiction, duly noted in its place. Then comes a long extract from Sextus Empiricus which is to all appearance a repetition of the earliest part of Book IV, only pardonable if it be allowed that the present Book was delivered in lecture form. There follows a quotation longer and more sustained than any other in the whole work from a Peratic book which he says was called Proastii, with a bombastic prelude much resembling the language of Simon Magus’ Great Announcement in Book VI, followed by a catalogue of starry “influences” which reads much as if it were taken from some astrological manual. There follows in its turn a dissertation on the Ophite Serpent showing how this object of their adoration, identified with the Brazen Serpent of Exodus, was made to prefigure or typify in the most incongruous manner many personages in the Old and New Testaments, including Christ Himself. After this he announces an “epitome” of the Peratic doctrine which turns out to be perfectly different from anything before said, divides the universe, which he has previously said the Peratics divided into unbegotten, self-begotten and begotten, into a new triad of Father, Son (i. e. Serpent), and Matter, and gives a fairly consistent statement of the Peratic scheme of salvation based on this hypothesis. One can only suppose here that this last is an afterthought added when revising the book and inspired by some fresh evidence of Peratic beliefs probably coloured by Stoic or Marcionite doctrine. In those parts of the chapter which appear to have been taken from genuinely Peratic sources, the reference to some Western Asiatic tradition concerning cosmogony and the protoplasts and differing considerably from the narrative of Genesis, is plainly apparent.
[249] This chapter is the most difficult of the whole book to account for, with the doubtful exception of the much later one on the Docetæ. A sect of Sethians is mentioned by Irenæus, who does not attempt to separate their doctrines from those of the Ophites. Pseudo-Tertullian in his tractate Against All Heresies also connects with the Ophites a sect called Sethites or Sethoites, the main dogma he attributes to them being an attempt to identify Christ with the Seth of Genesis. Epiphanius follows this last author in this identification and calls them Sethians, but does not expressly connect them with the Ophites, makes them an Egyptian sect, and does not attribute to them serpent-worship. The sectaries of this chapter are called in the rubric Sithiani, altered to Sēthiani in the Summary of Book X, and the name is not necessarily connected with that of the Patriarch. In the Bruce Papyrus, a Power, good but subordinate to the Supreme God, is mentioned, called “the Sitheus,” which may possibly, by analogy with the late-Egyptian Si-Osiris and Si-Ammon, be construed “Son of God.” Of their doctrines little can be made from Hippolytus’ brief but confused description. Their division of the cosmos into three parts does not seem to differ much from that of the Peratæ, although they make a sharper distinction than this last between the world of light and that of darkness, which has led Salmon (D.C.B. s.v., Ophites) to conjecture for them a Zoroastrian origin. This is unlikely, and more attention is due to Hippolytus’ own statement that they derived their doctrines from Musæus, Linus, and Orpheus. In Forerunners it is sought to show that the Orphic teaching was one of the foundations on which the fabric of Gnosticism was reared, and the image of the earth as a matrix was certainly familiar to the Greeks, who made Delphi its ὀμφαλός or navel. Hence the imagery of the text, offensive as it is to our ideas, would not have been so to them, and Epiphanius (Hær., XXXVIII, p. 510, Oehl.) knew of several writings, κατὰ τῆς Ὑστέρας, or the Womb, which he says the sister sect of Cainites called the maker of heaven and earth. In this case, we need not take the story in the text about the generation by the bad or good serpent as necessarily referring to the Incarnation. One of the scenes in the Mysteries of Attis-Sabazius, and perhaps of those of Eleusis also, seems to have shown the seduction by Zeus in serpent-form of his virgin daughter Persephone and the birth therefrom of the Saviour Dionysos who was but his father re-born. This story of the fecundation of the earth-goddess by a higher power in serpent shape seems to have been present in all the religions of Western Asia, and was therefore extremely likely to be caught hold of by an early form of Gnosticism. In no other respect does this so-called “Sethian” heresy seem to have anything in common with Christianity, and it may therefore represent a pre-Christian form of Ophitism. The serpent in it is, perhaps, neither bad nor good.
[250] τούτοις δοκεῖ, “it seems to them.”
[251] Cruice and Macmahon both translate this “into the same nature with the spirit.”
[252] This anxiety of the higher powers to redeem from matter darkness or chaos, the scintilla of their own being which has slipped into it, is the theme of all Gnosticism from the Ophites to the Pistis Sophia and the Manichæan writings. See Forerunners, II, passim.
[253] Or “the substances brought up to the sealer.”
[254] ἰδέαι. And so throughout.
[255] Schneidewin, Cruice, and Macmahon would here and elsewhere read ὁ φαλλὸς. But see the next sentence about pregnancy.
[256] ἐξετύπωσεν, “struck off.”
[257] πρωτόγονος. The others were “unbegotten” like the highest world of the Peratæ and Naassenes.
[258] εἴδεσιν.
[259] Is this Ps. xxix. 3, 10 already quoted by the Naassene author? Cf. p. [133] supra.
[260] This idea of a divine son superior to his father is common to the whole Orphic cosmogony and leads to the dethroning of Uranus by Kronos, Kronos by Zeus and finally of Zeus by Dionysos. It is met with again in Basilides (see Book VII infra).
[261] A lacuna here which Cruice thus fills.
[262] This has not been previously described. Is the narrative of the Fall alluded to?
[263] Cruice and Macmahon would translate “any other than man’s.”
[264] Phil. ii. 7. The only quotation from the N.T. other than that from Matt. used by the Sethians, if it be not, as I believe it is, the interpolation of Hippolytus.
[265] ἀπελούσατο. Yet it may refer to baptism which preceded initiation in nearly all the secret rites of the Pagan gods. Cf. Forerunners, 1, c. 2.
[266] The whole of this paragraph reads like an interpolation, or rather as something which had got out of its place. The statement about the physicists is directly at variance with the opening of the next which attributes the Sethian teaching to the Orphics. The triads he quotes are all of three “good” powers and therefore would belong much more appropriately to the system of the Peratæ. The quotation from Deut. iv. 11, he attributes to several other heresiarchs.
[267] The codex has ὀμφαλός for ὁ φαλλὸς which is Schneidewin’s emendation. No book attributed to Orpheus called “Bacchica” has come down to us, but the Rape of Persephone was a favourite theme with Orphic poets. Cf. Abel’s Orphica, pp. 209-219.
[268] This is not improbable; but Hippolytus gives us no evidence that this is the case, as Plutarch, from whom he quotes, certainly did not connect the frescoes of Phlium in the Peloponnesus (not Attica as he says) with the Sethians, nor does the light in their story desire the water.
[269] This too is a stock quotation which has already done duty for the Naassene author. Cf. p. [131] supra.
[270] So has this with the “Peratic.” Cf. p. [154] supra.
[271] κράσις ... μίξις.
[272] καταμεμῖχθαι λεπτῶς.
[273] τέχνη.
[274] Matt. x. 34.
[275] This again seems to be Hippolytus’ own repetition of a simile which he met with in the Naassene author and which so pleased him that he made use of it in his account of the Peratic heresy as well as here. Cf. pp. [144] and [159] supra.
[276] ἅλας πηγνύμενον.
[277] Herodotus VI, 20, mentions the City of Ampe, but says nothing there about the well which is described in c. 119 as at Ardericca in Cissia.
[278] The title of the book is given in the text as Παράφρασις Σήθ, which is a well-nigh impossible phrase.
[279] On the whole it may be said that this is the most suspect of all the chapters in the Philosophumena, and that, if ever Hippolytus was deceived into purchasing forged documents according to Salmon and Stähelin’s theory, one of them appears here. Much of it is mere verbiage as when, after having identified Mind or Nous with the fragrance of the spirit, he again explains that it is a ray of light sent from the perfect light, or when he explains the difference between the three different kinds of law. The quotations too are seldom new, nearly all of them appearing in other chapters and are, if it were possible, more than usually inapposite, while almost the only new one is inaccurate. The sentence about the Paraphrase (of) Seth, if that is the actual title of the book, does not suggest that Hippolytus is quoting from that work, nor does the phrase, “he says,” occur with anything like the frequency of its use in e. g., the Naassene chapter. On the whole, then, it seems probable that in this Hippolytus was not copying or extracting from any written document, but was writing down, to the best of his recollection the statements of some convert who professed to be able to reveal its teaching. It is significant in this respect that when the summary in Book X had to be made, the summarizer makes no attempt to abbreviate the statement of the supposed tenets of the Sethians, but merely copies out the part of the chapter in which they are described, entirely omitting the stories of the frescoed porch at Phlium and the oil-well at Ampa.
[280] Nothing is known of this Justinus, whose name is not mentioned by any other patristic writer, and there is no sure means of fixing his date. Macmahon, relying apparently on the last sentence of the chapter, would make him a predecessor of Simon Magus, and therefore contemporary with the Apostles’ first preaching. This is extremely unlikely, and Salmon on the other hand (D.C.B., s.v., “Justinus the Gnostic”) considers his heresy should be referred to “the latest stage of Gnosticism” which, if taken literally, would make it long posterior to Hippolytus. The source of his doctrine is equally obscure; for although Hippolytus classes him with the Ophites, the serpent in his system is certainly not good and plays as hostile a part towards man as the serpent of Genesis, while his supreme Triad of the Good Being, an intermediate power ignorant of the existence of his superior, and the Earth, differs in all essential respects from the Ophite Trinity of the First and Second Man and First Woman. Yet the names of the world-creating angels and devils here given, bear a singular likeness to those which Theodore bar Khôni in his Book of Scholia attributes to the Ophites and also to those mentioned by Origen as appearing on the Ophite Diagram. On the other hand, there are many likenesses not only of ideas but of language between the system of Justinus and that of Marcion, who also taught the existence of a Supreme and Benevolent God and of a lower one, harsh, but just, who was the unwitting author of the evil which is in the world. This, indeed, leaves out of the account the third or female power; but an Armenian account of Marcion’s doctrines attributes to him belief in a female power also, called Hyle or Matter and the spouse of the Just God of the Law, with whom her relations are pretty much as described in the text. Justinus, however, was not like Marcion a believing Christian; for he makes his Saviour the son of Joseph and Mary and the mere mouthpiece of the subaltern angel Baruch, while his account of the Crucifixion differs materially from that of Marcion. The obscene stories he tells about the protoplasts also appear in much later Manichæan documents and seem to be drawn from the Babylonian tradition of which the loves of the angels in the Book of Enoch are probably also a survival. It is therefore not improbable that Justinus, the Book of Enoch, the Ophites, and perhaps Marcion, alike derived their tenets on these points from heathen myths of the marriage of Heaven and Earth, which may possibly be traced back to early Babylonian theories of cosmogony. Cf. Forerunners, II, cc. 8 and 11, passim.
[281] Hippolytus, like the Gnostic writers, seems to know of an oral as well as a written tradition from the Evangelists.
[282] Matt. x. 5. In the A.V. as here, τὰ ἔθνη, “the nations.”
[283] πρότερον διδάξας or “at first teaches.”
[284] ψυχαγωγίας χάριν. The reader must again be reminded that while the ψυχή of the Greeks was what we should call “mind,” the πνεῦμα is spirit, answering more to our word “soul.”
[285] παραμύθιον, a play upon μύθος.
[286] 1 Cor. ii. 9.
[287] Lit., “guarded the secrets of silence.”
[288] Ps. cx. 4.
[289] “The Blessed.”
[290] παραπλάσει, “given it another form.” As a fact, Justinus’ quotation from Herodotus is singularly accurate, save as afterwards noted.
[291] Herodotus, IV, 8-10.
[292] An island near Cadiz. The codex has Ἐρυθρᾶς, “the Red Sea.”
[293] In Herodotus it is mares and a chariot.
[294] μιξοπάρθενος. A neologism.
[295] In Herodotus the prophecy is given by the girl.
[296] To explain the origin of the Scythian nation.
[297] Or perhaps, as above, “the things of the universe.”
[298] Supplied from the summary in Book X. So the Pistis Sophia has a Power never otherwise described but not benevolent who is called “the great unseen Forefather,” and seems to rule over material things.
[299] There is nothing to show that Hippolytus or Justinus knew this to be a plural.
[300] Seven names are missing from the text. Of the five given, Michael, Amen and Gabriel are given in the chapter on the Ophites in Theodore bar Khôni’s Book of Scholia as the first angels created by God, the name of Baruch being replaced by that of “the great Yah.” “Esaddæus” is probably El Shaddai, who is said in the same book to be the angel sent to give the Law to the Jews and to have treacherously persuaded them to worship himself.
[301] Of these twelve names, Babel is written in bar Khôni as Babylon and said to be masculo-feminine, Achamoth is the Hebrew חכמת, Chochmah, Sophia, or Wisdom whom most Gnostics called the Mother of Life, Naas is the Serpent as is explained in the chapter on the Naassenes, Bel, Baal or the Chaldæan Bel, for Belias we should probably read Beliar, the devil of works like the Ascensio Isaiae, Kavithan should probably be Leviathan, Adonaios is the Hebrew Adonai, or the Lord, while Sael, Karkamenos and Lathen cannot be identified. Pharaoh and “Samiel,” a homonym of Satan, appear in bar Khôni’s list of angels who rule one or other of the ten heavens, and Adonaios and Leviathan in the Ophite Diagram described by Celsus. Cf. Forerunners, II, pp. 70 ff.
[302] Gen. ii. 8.
[303] So a Chinese Manichæan treatise lately discovered (see Forerunners, II, p. 352) speaks of demons inhabiting the soul as “trees.”
[304] ξύλον τοῦ εἰδέναι γνῶσιν κ.τ.λ., “the Tree of seeing Knowledge,” etc.
[305] The context shows that it is the unity, etc., of Elohim and Edem that is referred to.
[306] Cf. n. on p. [177] supra.
[307] Gen. i. 28.
[308] Macmahon, “viceregal”; but the “satrap” shows from which country the story comes.
[309] Thus the Armenian version of Marcion’s theology (for which see Forerunners, II, p. 217, n. 2) makes the “God of the Law’s” withdrawal from Hyle or Matter, and his retirement to a higher heaven, the cause of all man’s woes.
[310] Cf. Ps. cxvii. 19, 20; but the likeness is not exact.
[311] Ps. cx. 1.
[312] Lit., “until she wishes it not.”
[313] “Serpent.” See n. on p. [173] supra.
[314] Gen. ii. 16, 17.
[315] That these stories about the protoplasts endured into Manichæan times, see M. Cumont’s La Cosmogonie Manichéenne, Appendix I.
[316] Here again a power is referred to by its number instead of its name, as with the Naassene author.
[317] Gal. v. 17.
[318] τὴν πλάσιν τὴν πονηράν, malam fictionem, Cr. Yet we have been told nothing of any deceit by Edem towards her partner.
[319] The Ophite Diagram, and bar Khôni’s authority both figure the powers hostile to man as taking the shapes of these animals.
[320] So one of the latest documents of the Pistis Sophia calls the planet Aphrodite by a place-name, which in that case is Bubastis.
[321] προφητεία.
[322] If these words are to be taken literally, Justinus was the only heretic of early date who denied His divinity, and this would distinguish him finally from Marcion. But the words are not inconsistent with the Adoptionist view.
[323] These words are Miller’s suggestion.
[324] John xix. 26.
[325] παραθέμενος. So Luke xxiii. 46.
[326] ἐπριοποίησε. The derivation is absurd and the word if it had any meaning would be something like “made like a saw.” προποιέω would make the pun at which he seems to have been striving.
[327] This was not the case, the statues of Priapus being placed in gardens. The whole passage seems to have been interpolated by some one ignorant of Greek and of Greek customs or mythology.
[328] Isa. i. 2.
[329] τελεῖσθας or “initiated.” In any case a mystical word.
[330] Lit., “washed”; but the context shows that it is baptism which is in question. It played an important part not only in all these heretical sects but in heathen “mysteries” like those of Isis and Mithras.
[331] Hosea i. 2. The A.V. has “departing from the Lord.” Here we have Edem clearly identified with the Earth goddess which is the key to the whole of Justinus’ story.
[332] ταῖς ἑξῆς ... τὰς τῶν ἀκολούθων αἱρέσεων. Macmahon, following Cruice, translates as above. It may well be, however, that the “heresies which follow” only mean which follow in the book.
[333] There is no reason to doubt Hippolytus’ assertion that this chapter is compiled from a book called Baruch in which Justinus set forth his own doctrines. The narrative therein is, unlike that of the earlier chapters, perfectly coherent and plain, and the author’s use of the historical present gives it a dramatic form which is lacking from the oratio obliqua formerly employed. Solecisms like the omission of the article are also rare, and the very long sentences in which Hippolytus seems to have delighted do not appear except in those passages where he is speaking in his own person. Whether from this or from some other cause, moreover, the transcription of it seems to have given less difficulty to the scribe Michael than some of the other chapters, and there is therefore far less need to constantly restore the text as in the case of the quotations from Sextus Empiricus. On the whole, therefore, we may assume that, as we have it, it is a genuine summary of Justinus’ doctrines taken from a work by his own hand.
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FOOTNOTES
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Transcriber's Notes
Obvious typographical errors and variable spelling were corrected. The following corrections have been made to the text:
| Page | Original | New |
|---|---|---|
| [5] | leben | Leben |
| [12] | recemmet | récemment |
| [25] | δοκείν | δοκεῖν |
| [33] | ἅ | ἃ |
| [45] | αὐτῆ | αὐτῇ |
| [45] | έξατμισθέντα | ἐξατμισθέντα |
| [45] | πυκνωθὲντα | πυκνωθέντα |
| [45] | κοὶλῳ | κοίλῳ |
| [57] | σολλογιστικώτερον | συλλογιστικώτερον |
| [62] | δασσαντο | δάσσαντο |
| [63] | Λἰθήρ | Αἰθήρ |
| [63] | καἰ | καὶ |
| [66] | δἰ | δι’ |
| [68] | Mathescos | Matheseos |
| [69] | δορυφορεἶσθαι | δορυφορεῖσθαι |
| [69] | σομπάσχει | συμπάσχει |
| [71] | sabacta | subacta |
| [72] | ν | ἐν |
| [73] | μερἰζεσθαί | μερίζεσθαι |
| [75] | οί | οἱ |
| [80] | Ideés | Idées |
| [80] | σομφωνίᾳ | συμφωνίᾳ |
| [82] | guess-work | guesswork |
| [83] | Scientarum | Scientiarum |
| [85] | ἀπαρτίσῄ | ἀπαρτίσῃ |
| [87] | ἀγωνίξωνται | ἀγωνίζωνται |
| [92] | Kapital | Capitel |
| [98] | σκολόπενδριον | σκολόπενδρον |
| [98] | ἀμορρύτων | αὐτορρύτων |
| [99] | after-thought | afterthought |
| [103] | windpipe | wind-pipe |
| [106] | ἀπερίξυγον | ἀπερίζυγον |
| [109] | ’εν | ἐν |
| [110] | Manichéisine | Manichéisme |
| [111] | positon | position |
| [113] | Ιασίδαο | Ἰασίδαο |
| [113] | ’ιδέας | ἰδέας |
| [120] | Stähelein | Stähelin |
| [120] | ἀφορμας | ἀφορμὰς |
| [125] | Ibia | Ibid |
| [125] | Ge | Gê |
| [128] | theogomy | theogony |
| [133] | Μαθητἁς | Μαθητὰς |
| [143] | χαρακτηρίξει | χαρακτηρίζει |
| [147] | begotten. | begotten? |
| [147] | ἕν | ἓν |
| [152] | Dogstar | Dog-star |
| [153] | Midheaven | Mid-heaven |
| [163] | ἐξετύπωσευ | ἐξετύπωσεν |
| [166] | Musaeus | Musæus |
| [170] | τά | τὰ |
| [180] | ἑξης | ἑξῆς |
| [180] | τάς | τὰς |
| [180] | ἀκουλούθων | ἀκολούθων |
| [180] | αἱρεσεων | αἱρέσεων |