NOTES
[488] This passage of Pigafetta, had the Portuguese been aware of it, would have effectually answered the Spaniards in their assertions of priority of discovery in the Moluccas, in the celebrated Junta of Badajoz (see VOL. I, pp. 165–221).
[489] Tristão de Meneses was sent by Aleixo de Menezes to Malacca, and while on his way thither sailed among the islands of Java, Banda, and the Moluccas. He is mentioned by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) as being at Ternate.
[490] Diogo Lopes de Siqueira, a Portuguese naval officer, and captain-general and governor of India (1518–22), was despatched from Lisbon, April 5, 1508, with four ships on an expedition for the discovery and exploration of Malacca. On his arrival at India he was offered the position of chief-captain of India but declined. In December, 1509, he left for Malacca, where his carelessness and sense of security almost lost him his life because of Malay treachery. See Birch’s Alboquerque, Guillemard’s Magellan, and Mosto, p. 96, note 1.
[491] Juda is the town of Jidda or Djeddah, the port of Mecca. The feud between the Turks and Arabs and the Portuguese was of some years’ standing, for with the advent of the latter into the eastern world, the former had suffered greatly in their commerce, which had been extensive. Alboquerque fought against them at Aden (for descriptions and history of which, see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 59–64; Birch’s Alboquerque, iv, pp. 10–14; and Lucas’s Hist. geog. Brit. Col., i. pp. 53–62), and at Goa. Many men were sent (1515) from Egypt to aid the Arabs at Aden, and the Portuguese were in constant fear of attack.
[492] MS. 5,650 reads: “Francisque Sarie.” This is probably Pero de Faria who was given command of a ship at Malacca by Alboquerque (Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, p. 166), and who was sent by the governor (Diogo Lopes de Siqueira) to build a fort at Maluco (Mosto, p. 96, note 4).
[493] The Banda, or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch, are small and ten in number, some of which are uninhabited. Banda (properly Bândan) means in Javanese “the thing or things tied or united,” or with the word “Pulo,” “united islands.” The group lies between south latitudes 3° 50′ and 4° 40′. Sontar or the Great Banda is the largest island, but the principal settlement is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequent eruptions and earthquakes have occurred. The population is scant, and the raising of nutmegs constitutes almost the entire source of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese to visit them (in 1511, at the order of Alboquerque), but Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 243, 244) seems to have visited them before that time. The Portuguese held the islands peacefully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle, but were resisted by the natives, and many of the Dutch massacred, from which followed a war of extermination until 1627. Most of the natives fled, so that it became necessary for the Dutch to introduce slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs. At the Dutch conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the persons taking part in it, and are still held by their heirs, under the name of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole product to the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 33–36.
[494] MS. 5,650 reads: “than the other weapons [bastons].”
[495] MS. 5,650 reads: “of the color of the fruit.” Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the clove tree with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 246) and Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 81–84. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 101–105, and VOL. XIV, p. 58, note 5. Crawfurd remarks that Pigafetta’s account is even yet a good popular one.
[496] Probably Pottebackers Island to the south of Tidore.
[497] Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the nutmeg with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), p. 245, and Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 84–86. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 304–306, and VOL. XX, p. 258, note 48.
[498] This method of making cloth from tree-bark is also mentioned by Combés (Historia, Madrid, 1667).
[499] MS. 5,650 adds: “and bruise.” There are supposed to be five palms that produce the product called sago, which is probably the word for the meal, as each of the palms has its own specific name. The most frequently cultivated are the râmbiya, Sagus Konigii or Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagus lævis. The shell of each species is very thin, and the yield of sago very abundant, as it comprises all the pith of the tree. Sago trees grow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as far as Mindanao. They require a boggy ground and propagate by lateral shoots, as well as by seeds, so that a sago plantation is perpetual. Three trees will yield more nutritive matter than an acre of wheat, and six trees more than an acre of potatoes. Sago is the sole bread of the Moluccas and New Guinea and its neighboring islands, but of no other part of the Archipelago. In the Malay countries it is only the food of the wild tribes, and is hardly used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer classes in Mindanao use it, while in other islands, such as Java, where rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It is the lowest kind of farinaceous food. The pearl sago of commerce was introduced by the Chinese. The method of preparation is essentially that described by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 371, 372; and Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), pp. 115, 116.
[500] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley (p. 135, note) says that the dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta’s time was indecent.
[501] MS. 5,650 reads: “seven hundred and ninety.”
[502] These native names for cloves are “ghomodo” and “Bongalauant” in MS. 5,650. The principal names current for the clove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than native. In the Moluccas they are called gaumedi, which is a Sanskrit word meaning “cow’s marrow.” The most frequent name is cângkek which is said to be a corruption of the Chinese name theng-hia, meaning “odoriferous nails.” Another name is lawan to which the Malays prefix the words “flower” or “fruit” (as Pigafetta’s bongalauan), and is the name of the Telingas of India, who have always conducted the largest trade between India and the Malayan countries. Sec Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 101, 102.
[503] Still so called and located to the south.
[504] MS. 5,650 adds: “Ala.”
[505] MS. 5,650 reads: “crown.”
[506] Spelled zzambachean in MS. 5,650. This is the word subhan, “giving praise” (Stanley, p. 138).
[507] MS. 5,650 reads: “by Ala his god, and by his crown.”
[508] MS. 5,650 reads: “of that island.”
[509] MS. 5,650 reads: “the king of Bacchian.” These counselors were those well affected to the Portuguese who hoped by such an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the murder of the Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness (see p. 41).
[510] MS. 5,650 reads: “As we had no more cloth, we sent to ask the king for three brasses of his cloth, which he gave to us.”
[511] MS. 5,650 reads: “some silk and other presents.”
[512] St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a virgin who was martyred at Heliopolis, December 4, 306.
[513] MS. 5,650 reads: “our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets.”
[514] MS. 5,650 reads: “three sous.” The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelli equaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one quarter Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin of Francesco III, duke of Mantua, 1540–50. See Mosto, p. 98, note 7; and Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent.
[515] MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given to each of the brothers.
[516] MS. 5,650 reads: “many pieces of artillery.”
[517] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts and culverins.”
[518] MS. 5,650 reads: “relatives and friends.”
[519] MS. 5,650 reads: “as mistresses of the function, and arranged everything.”
[520] MS. 5,650 adds: “for a jest;” but omits the remainder of the sentence.
[521] St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province of Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India, bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James of Galicia, and a hundred thousand reis (about £20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at his death. The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the head-quarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 18, 19.
[522] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts.”
[523] MS. 5,650 reads: “quill.”
[524] In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Mamuco Diata (VOL. I, pp. 331, 332). This mention by the latter is perhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article of commerce. These skins were supposed to render the wearer safe and invincible in battle. (Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 285, 286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace (Malay Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter with “a conical wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a teacup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of the blow without making any wound or shedding any blood.”
[525] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.”
[526] In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads: “and cast spells.”
[527] MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: “bewitch and.”
[528] MS. 5,650 adds: “and shorter.”
[529] MS. 5,650 reads: “in lime and in large jars.” Cf. with Pigafetta’s description of the ginger plant and root, that of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also the prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 143.
[530] In Eden (p. 260) the “Trinidad” springs its leak in the island of Mare, after stowing provisions and fuel for the return trip.
[531] Bomba: a Spanish word.
[532] MS. 5,650 reads: “‘Who will go,’” etc.
[533] MS. 5,650 adds: “and regard.”
[534] MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it general of all who remained.
[535] MS. 5,650 adds: “and sadly.”
[536] MS. 5,650 reads: “afternoon.”
[537] MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.” Juan Carvalho was later superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa the alguacil who had rendered so signal service to Magalhães at the time of the mutiny at Port St. Julian.
Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection with the men of the “Trinidad” as follows:
“I have already written from Banda the news which I found there regarding the Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda May 2, 522, to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the other one had already left about three months before. I reached Tidore May 13, 522, where the Castilians had been, and where they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla. I learned that the first one had gone four months before and the other one a month and a half. The second had not left with the first because of a leak which had opened when they were on the point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo and after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians, one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner. I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery, and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long before by the Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as merchants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me three Castilians and a small amount of their goods. I had already taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had gone to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth Castilian was absent in the island of Moro, 60 leguas from Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He announced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had excuses for everything, all of which was proved by the Castilians themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in order to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Christians and his natives. I found the whole country full of tin crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a crucifix on one side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards, muskets, crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all those crosses above mentioned to your Highness, which those people were selling with full knowledge of what they were.
“After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king of Ternate came to take me to his island. That man is the one who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight or nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival. This island [of Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco, and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived, as well as Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king, who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves as your Highness’s vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I wished first to see all the islands. After I had seen them, I thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there is no port in Tidor.
“While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months, I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me. About 50 of them died, and with so few men the fortress was started.
“On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back of these islands. I thought it must be the Castilians, since they took that course. I sent three ships with orders to bring it in, and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not caring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien. They found but light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accordingly] went to 40 degrees north. According to their account they had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they left they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods of the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps and astrolabes were seized. The ship, which was old and leaking badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened and 40 bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress and the equipment for the other ships there....
“I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they might pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he might send them thence to the chief captain of India according to the instructions given me in your Highness’s orders. Those men are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos, factor, who remained with the goods in Tidore; Alfonso de Costa, who was going to examine the trade in Banda; Luis del Molino; Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship; Juan Roiz; Ginés de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo; Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas; Segredo; Master Otans [the German gunner, Hans Vargue]; and Anton Moreno.
“I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan Bautista, who is the most skilful of them all, and has sailed in ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who took command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have taken his fleet to Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor and pilot; 3d, the boatswain; and 4th, a carpenter who is needed to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of Burneo....
“In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your Highness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I detained them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having them die there, as I did not dare order them beheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meet your Highness’s approval. I am writing to Jorge de Alburquerque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that is very unhealthy.”
Navarrete describes the adventures of the “Trinidad” and the fate of her crew in his Col. de viages, iv, pp. 98–107; for a translation of which see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 237–241. Cf. also the account in Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 298–307, where many details not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality of the crew of the “Trinidad” was terrible, and of the 53 men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following returned to Spain, and that only after a number of years: Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil; Ginés de Mafra, sailor; Leon Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan Rodriguez of Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also reached Lisbon with Espinosa and Ginés de Mafra, but died almost immediately upon his arrival there, in prison. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339.
The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards is thus given by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 310): “The goods which remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians amounted to 1,125 quintals 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver, two quintals of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14 iron culverins without any chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one large one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breast-plates, 12 serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with four chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves.”
[538] So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious matters of Tidore, which had embraced the Mahometan worship.
[539] MS. 5,650 adds: “was forty-five years old.”
[540] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai becomes comulicar in MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “and a marueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai.” The comulicai is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called guava is evidently the mango or manga (Mangifera Indica). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 263 (who fails to note that Pigafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is mentioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 159, 160).
[541] The generic name for “parrot” is loony. Its correct Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd, Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten’s Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 307). Nicolò de’Conti says that there are three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are both known by the name of nori, “bright,” and are about the size of doves, one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored beak and the other being of various colors. The third species are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are called cachi, “better.” They imitate human speech better than the others. Bellemo says that the lori [i.e., nori] are parrots with red feathers, giachi those which speak more easily, while the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100, note 3).
[542] The modern names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor, Mortier, Makian, and Batjian; or in a more correct orthography, Târnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo among the Moluccas.
[543] In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260) says that Tidore lies in 171 degrees of longitude. “Terenate, is vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the pole Antartike.... Theſe Ilandes are lyke foure ſharpe mountaynes, except Macchian which is not ſharpe. The byggeſt of all theſe, is Bacchian.”
Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially the same by the “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23–25) as by Pigafetta, although much shorter. The “Roteiro” says however that the king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the “Trinidad.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32) names the five Moluccas and mentions the island of Banda. See A. Bastian’s Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Archipel, which contains sections entitled: Die Mölukken (Berlin, 1884); Timor and umliegende Inseln (Berlin, 1885): and Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889).
[544] MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto has mistranscribed a few of the Malay words. This vocabulary is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in that language there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts; and it is wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 352; also R. N. Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878); and Wallace’s East India Archipelago, pp. 608–625.
[545] Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word meaning “Nazarene;” in some of the following words used to denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought in with the conquering religion of Mahomet.
[546] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 315, note 160.
[547] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 349, note 391.
[548] At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown two charts: 1. On folio 68b, the islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi, Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription “The Pigmies live in this island”), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga, Maga, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 104); shown on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Bacchian, Toliman, Sico, Caioan, Laigoma, Gioggi, Caphi, Labuan, etc.” 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 110); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 84b, preceded by the words “Below is shown the chart of the islands of Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others.”
[549] A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly differently in Eden (p. 260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 224), which he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou; Laigoma is Laigama, one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is Siku; Giogi is perhaps Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 1–5.
[550] Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that Pigafetta has often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilots of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book iii, xiii), explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been cleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta’s account may possibly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a reference to the orang-outang.
[551] MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan, Toliman, and several others), but in general the changes in spelling are very slight, consisting in a change of vowel or a doubling of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern part of the island of Batchian; Toliman is Twali Bezar; Titameti is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl; Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is perhaps Oby Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 6–12.
[552] Called “Sulan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is one of the Xulla Islands (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 289, and Mosto, p. 104, note 13).
[553] It is impossible to identify these names with complete assurance. The first four probably correspond to the group of islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honimoa, Moelana, Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of Amboina; Tenetun (called “Tenado” by Albo-Navarrete, iv. p. 225) is perhaps one of the Xulla islands; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi, Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named lower down, and two other islands in its group. See Mosto, pp. 104, 105, notes.
[554] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is perhaps the island of Lisamatula. See Mosto, p. 105, note 2.
[554*] MS. 5,650 reads: “a food made of figs [i.e., bananas], almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried, which is cut into rather long pieces and called canali.” That MS. omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences.
[555] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty-five.” On modern maps this name is given as Boeroe. It is called Buró by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225), and he says that it was “necessary to coast along its eastern side.” This was on December 27.
[556] The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to be derived from its chief town, the island itself being called by its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have been converted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church. They attend public schools and are taught to read and write the Malay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 11.
[557] MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Undia.” It is probably the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225).
[558] Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square geographical miles, and a small population. It lies in latitude 3° 15´ south, and longitude 125° 15´ east.
Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio 72a) is shown the chart of the islands of Bandam, namely, Lailaca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach, Saniananpi, Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v., p. 114). This chart is shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words, “Chart of the islands of Bandan, Rossonghin, Man, Zzorobua, and others.”
[559] The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group are Banda (“United”), Pulo Nera (“the island of Palm Wine”), Lontar (“Palm”), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai; “Water Island”), Pulo Pisang (“Banana Island”), Pulo Run (Rung; “Chamber Island”), Pulo Suwanggi (“Sorcery Island”), Gunung-api (“Fire Mountain” or “Volcano”), Pulo Kapal (“Ship Island” or “Horse Island”), and Rosingen (the Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the Rosolangium of Barros, which Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso, “strength” and langgâng, “firm,” “assured”). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 33; and ante, note 493.
[560] At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. follows the chart of the islands, of Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau, Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Zzolot, Galliau, Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Mallua.”
[561] These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p. 105, notes 6–8). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 289, note) says that the passage taken by the “Victoria” was either Flores or Boleng Strait.
[562] MS. 5,050 reads: “little horns.” The Italian is corniolli.
[563] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have a kind of sack made from the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink. When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows,” etc. Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will allow this translation, although the most natural translation both in the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This might be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the adapter of the Italian to the French.
[564] MS. 5,650 reads: “in order to inspect and overhaul.”
[565] MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the round variety is also described as in the Italian MS.
[566] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sentence, compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those of the mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto “cat,” is the vulgar name for amento, the botanical name for the first flowers of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees.
[567] MS. 5,650 reads: “lubi.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335) says that the long pepper (Piper longum) is called chave by the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is probably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. It is not named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the long pepper is grown only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit pippali).
[568] The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan, lada in the Philippines, and maricha (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese, was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly so in the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the western side of India. It is produced in some parts of the Philippines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention has not been paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that raised in other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 333–335; and Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 114. See also Yule’s Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 27 (who confuses the long with the black pepper); Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 219; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72–75; and VOL. III, p. 77.
[569] They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day of the storm. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv, p. 226).
At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the chart of the islands of Botolo, Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute, and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio 89a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Timor and of its four settlements, and four other islands.”
[570] Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one of the Aru Islands or the island of Haruku, east of Amboina. Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto (Arucetto): “But owr men wolde not ſayle thyther, bothe bycauſe the wynde and courſe of the ſea was ageynſte theym, and alſo for that they gaue no credite to his reporte.” This last reason may have been obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus.
[571] Amoretti reads erroneously: “Saturday, January 25, at 22 o’clock;” and Stanley (p. 151), reproducing his error, explains this as the Italian method of reckoning time.
[572] MS. 5,650 omits the date.
[573] MS. 5,650 reads: “beef,” here and throughout this paragraph, and elsewhere.
[574] The large island was Timur, and Amaban and Balibo were villages located on its coast. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 226) says that they coasted along Timor “to the village of Manvay, first arriving at the village of Queru.”
[575] MS. 5,650 reads: “linen, silk and cotton cloth, knives, scissors, mirrors, and other things.”
[576] MS. 5,650 reads: “adorned with gold,” and the last sentence of the paragraph reads: “Some of them wear other gold ornaments in their ears.” Guillemard conjectures from Pigafetta’s description that these people were of Papuan origin (Magellan, p. 290). His translation of this passage is not exact.
[577] The white sandal wood (Santalum album) is a low tree resembling a large myrtle, although belonging to another family. It is a native of several islands in the Malay Archipelago, but more especially of Timur and Sumba (Sandal Wood Island). It is also found in the South Sea islands and in Malabar. The Malays and Javanese call it “chandana” (a Sanskrit word, written “sandana” by the Filipinos, but used there for another tree), and it was probably first made known to the natives of the archipelago by the Hindu traders. Both Varthema and Barbosa mention it as an article of commerce, and the latter gives prices. The greatest users of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancy wood are the Hindus and Chinese, especially the latter. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 375.
[578] MS. 5,650 omits mention of beans.
[579] MS. 5,650 reads “steel” instead of “hatchets.”
[580] MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-four and one-half.”
[581] Timur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands called the Sunda, being different in location, structure, fauna, and botany. It is mountainous and rather desolate. Its inhabitants are Malayans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken there—Timourese in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The religion is a sort of demonology. An annual sacrifice of a virgin to the sharks and alligators was made until recent times, when the practice was abolished by the Dutch. It is about 370 miles long by 50 broad in its widest part and contains about 9,808 square geographical miles. The island belongs to the Dutch and Portuguese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 432–435, and Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878), p. 143.
[582] MS. 5,650 reads: “St. Job,” and “for franchi.” Eden (p. 260) says of this disease: “In al the Ilandes of this Archipelagus, rayneth the diſeaſe of ſaynt Iob (whiche wee caule the frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde.” Evidently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in the Orient by the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in America, for Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed in China long before it was noticed in Europe. Littré discovered a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century, and it is mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the name of upadamça. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley (p. 153) following Amoretti, wrongly believes the leprosy to be meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a name for the disease (see vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its existence was well known. See Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, p. 239.
The following information is received from Walter G. Stern, M. D., of Cleveland, Ohio, regarding this disease: “The maladie de Job is considered by many authors to be syphilis (lues venerea). At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease. That syphilis is as old as mankind, there can be no doubt, although for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was introduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the discovery of the New World, the ignorance of the medical profession of those times, and the silence of the popular medical writers of former ages as to the previous existence of such a complex contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The finding of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most remote historic periods is undisputed evidence of the antiquity of syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and Astarte worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult of the Romans, were at least most favorable means of spreading venereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Roman and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic Izdebar and the “papyrus Ebers,” we find the first reference to syphilitic disease in Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B. C.). There is also a reference in the Chinese work of Musi-King, which very possibly dates from 2637 B. C.; also one in a Japanese MS. Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B. C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and Pliny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis, while the Roman satirists describe venereal afflictions identical to it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild type—endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey. Its place of origin is unknown. It probably came from India, where it has been endemic at least from 800 B. C., and brought by the Assyrians, Phœnicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and Rome and the rest of Europe. (See Neuman’s Syphilis, Wien, 1899).” Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in “The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal” for January and February, 1905, has the following note: “American origin of syphilis. In his ‘Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche) in der europäischen Kulturwelt’ (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains the thesis of its pre-Columbian existence in America and transference to Europe in the wake of the discovery of the new world. Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis ‘Der Ursprung der Syphilis’ (1901), in which he set forth similar views. The new work contains data concerning the first appearance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a like sexual disease among the American Indians.”
[583] In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) follows the chart of Laut Chidol, that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124). This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without other inscription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the above.
[584] Endé, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between latitudes 7° and 9° south, and longitudes 120° and 123° east. It is two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-two to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six distinct languages, and the natives are intermediate between Malayan and Papuan. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust, ut supra, p. 143.
[585] Tanabutun—Mani (in MS. 5,650, “Moiu,” and in Mosto “Main”) inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Endé or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which is so called from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain from the westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50, and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The island belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are Mahometans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three languages or dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is the second island due east of Java. The name is taken from the Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, “a raft” or “temporary bridge”), and sometimes Selaparang. It is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers, and a number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of Java, but its fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subject (along the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a unique example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in permanent subjection by another professing Hinduism). The language of the Sasaks is similar to that of the western end of Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java. See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6–9; Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Cust’s Modern Languages of East Indies.
[586] Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived from its principal people. It was first named among Europeans by Marco Polo. Varthema’s account of the island is almost worthless, but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately, while Pigafetta’s account is still more accurate. The botany of Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely fertile. The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people whether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese are industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western part are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief language of the island, and is one of the most copious languages in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of all Malayan peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Europeans in the Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts and have many industries. They have a literature that is sufficiently abundant in both the ancient and modern languages. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 165–192; Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies, pp. 137, 138; and Lucas’s Historical Geography of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99.
[587] The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as “Patiunus Sunda” in MS. 5,650. That manuscript continues: “Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities are.” Magepaher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the western district of Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be remembered that Pigafetta’s information is derived orally from the Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom of Däa; Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi is Gressik or Gârsik (the first place in Java visited by the Portuguese d’Abreu); and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 166.
[588] Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali, located about 1–1/2 miles east of Java. The name in Javanese and Malay signifies “to return.” Its area is about 1685 square geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous rivers are navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the reach of the tide; and its mountain lakes ensure a constant water supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to three thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without stone or brick. They are said to be more skilful agriculturists than the Javanese. The religion is Brahmanical and Buddhist, although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste idea prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and although rude and simple is above those of the Sundanese and Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 28–31; and Cust’s Modern Languages, pp. 138, 139.
[589] Eden reads (p. 260): “Giaua the leſſe, is as bygge as the Ilande of Madera, and is but half a leaque diſtante from Giaua maior;” thus confusing the island of Madura with the Portuguese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation, vegetation, and manners and character of its inhabitants, as Java. The name is derived from the Hindu legend, which represents it as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the island is about ninety miles. The language although poorer and ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It has one dialect, termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to Java. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Cust’s Modern Languages, p. 138.
[590] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.
[591] This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island of Bali (the only one of the East Indies to preserve the custom) is described by Crawfurd (Dictionary, pp. 30, 140–142). “The ordinary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the Buddhists of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modification of the Hindu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves.” In that island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman sacrificing herself was stabbed to death with a kris, instead of being burned with her husband’s corpse, as the expense accompanying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this custom of one of the countries of India. See also Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note).
[592] MS. 5,650 adds: “of their vagina.”
[593] MS. 5,650 adds: “and more pleasantly.” This custom is also mentioned by Barbosa (ut supra, p. 184) in connection with the people of Pegu. His account, which is left untranslated by Stanley, is as follows:
“They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk’s-bells sewn and fastened in the head of their penis between the flesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some have three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and silver, and others of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without them. The most honored men are those who have the most and largest ones. I will say nothing more of this custom, for it is a shameful one.” Stanley says that this custom is also mentioned by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century.
[594] In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: “Ocoloro.” Yule (Book of Ser Marco Polo, ii, p. 395) conjectures that this is the modern island of Engano.
[595] In MS. 5,650 “caiu paugganghi,” and “bua paugganghi.” Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay for “griffin,” and (note 1) that campong anghin means “the place of wind.” Yule (Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511, note) says: “Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its use among the Malays is a relic of their ancient religion.... To an island of the Indian Sea also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size, that, if dead, the half of its beak would serve for a ship.” De Gubernatis (Memorie intorno ai viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie orientali, Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu paradise; and the bird is the one with the golden feathers, into which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology. Mosto, p. 108, note 5.
[596] Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca.
[597] Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the Sanskrit singa, “lion,” and pura, “city.” It is an island and town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the Portuguese, and properly spelt Päang), which is a city and district or province of the eastern part of the Malacca Peninsula. Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part of the peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same names. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam. Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lâkon by the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today in the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mercatorius; and Valentyn gives an island “Couir.” Brabri is perhaps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient amanuensis for Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese capital in 1350. Mosto believes that Jandibum, Sanu, and Langhonpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are probably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name of a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign’s name. Stanley (following Amoretti, who mistranscribed) has Bradlini, Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 “Lauu”), and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Mosto (p. 109, notes 1–8).
[598] MS. 5,650 reads: “the rest.”
[599] MS. 5,650 reads: “Cameggia.” This is the country of Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja), called also Champa by the Malays. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 80, 81.
[600] Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the eastern side of the gulf of Siam, in the country of Cambodia. Stanley makes the name of its king “Brahami Martu.” Mosto (p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See preceding note; and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 93.
[601] Stanley (p. 156, note) says: “Pigafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which, when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a high price.”
[602] MS. 5,650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and translates accordingly: “Cocoanuts are found there.” It is, of course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also makes the Seribumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala (Seribumnipala, in MS. 5,650) the ruler of Champa, although a ruler has already been named for that country.
[603] This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the Ming dynasty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reigned for forty-five years. See Boulger’s Short History of China (London, 1900, pp. 94–96).
[604] In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are “Canthan, Nauchin, and Connulaha.” The last is the city of Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the Khan) by the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the accounts of those times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55.
[605] MS. 5,650 reads: “great and little.” See VOL. XXXIII, p. 331, note 273.
[606] Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a “linx;” an allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem, the dragon, called lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267.
[607] MS. 5,650 continues from this point: “so that he may furnish an example.” See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408–420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the obeisance made by criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text is perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which consists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast (ii, p. 68).
[608] MS. 5,650 adds: “also artificially made.” Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found in all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 290.
[609] This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “Each circle or enclosure of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter who holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu horan. In the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin; in the fourth a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach panan; in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu tumach; in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two white elephants called two gaggia pute.” Mosto has houman for the horiman of our text and the hurimau of MS. 5,650; while Stanley has hurimau. Mosto also prints the word con meaning “with,” as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mosto are as follows: satu orang, “one man;” anjing, a “dog;” pokoh bisi, “club of iron;” panah, a “bow;” tombak, a “lance;” horiman, a “tiger.”
[610] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and continuing reads: “If one stops to examine the palace thoroughly, he finds four halls, where the principal men go at times to visit and converse with the king.” Eden (p. 261) says: “In this pallaice are lxxix. haules, in the which is an infinite number of women that ſerue the kynge hauynge euer lyght torches in theyr handes for the greater magnifycence.”
[611] See description of Peking with map showing the palace in Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 55–66.
[612] Eden (p. 261) reads: “They haue the croſſe in ſum eſtimation, but knowe not the cauſe whye.”
[613] The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
[614] “Commaru” in MS. 5,650.
[615] MS. 5,650 reads: “Then it is steeped in the urine of the said cat.”
[616] MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: “But the real musk comes from the blood abovesaid, and if that be made into little round pellets, it evaporates.”
[617] Mosto (p. 110, note 5) thinks it more probable that this passage refers to the animal Moschus moschiferus, or the musk deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet, and Eastern Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names. Castor is derived from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the Malays and Javanese for the perfume of the civet cat (although they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says also that the Kasturi produces the musk (see Yule’s Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. clxxiv). Friar Jordanus gives a very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of musk (Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of preparing musk and prices are given by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222), who mentions the leeches, and Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 94, 95), who also describes civet (ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace (Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes that leeches are very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of Malacca.
[618] Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo (Chinchew; the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied to a province of China. See VOL. III, p. 41, note 6.
[619] Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans proper are called Mon, says (Mosto, p. 110, note 6) that Burmah is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of the northern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and Lechii may refer to the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon.
[620] Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the country now called China, became later (in the Middle Ages) the name for the entire country. See Yule’s Cathay, i, preliminary essay.
[621] MS. 5,650 reads: “Hau.” Han was a small Chinese state which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, and it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger’s Short History of China, p. 10.
[622] “Chetissirimiga” in MS. 5,650.
[623] “Triagomba” in MS. 5,650.
[624] These names appear before (see VOL. XXXIII, p. 321, note 177) where they are given as the name of one island.
[625] Javanese for “South Sea.”
[626] Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less); and probably by Nicolò de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batûta (ca., 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long and having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust’s Modern Languages; and Lucas’s Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.
[627] Eden (p. 261) reads: “Fearyng leaſt if they ſhuld ſayle toward the firm land, they myght bee ſeene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha.”
[628] Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the Ghôrî or Patan empire of Hindustân toward the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: “Gon” and “Armux.” See Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. 111, notes 3–11).
[629] In MS. 5,650 “Irauai,” “Poleni,” and “Poleai.” Stanley gives the first as “Franas.” The names of the castes as given by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: “Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 121–144; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278–284 (very defective and inadequate); Gray and Bell’s Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371–420; and Ball’s Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181–189.
[630] MS. 5,650 reads: “and never enter any city.”
[631] Malayâlam for “go.” Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1).
[632] Eden says (p. 261): “ſeuen weekes.”
[633] Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope.
[634] MS. 5,650 reads: “one thousand and sixty.”
[635] The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was “so called of three small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promontorium Prassum.” Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the settlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879), pp. 80–97.
[636] MS. 5,650 adds: “and stank.”
[637] On March 14, the crew of the “Victoria” worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general course northward. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard’s Magellan. Considering Albo’s date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling of the cape.
[638] Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. 111, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had died during the voyage. (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 291, note).
[639] Eden adds: (p. 261): “that is, ſaynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of Portugale.” This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): “On the ninth of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was Wednesday, but they [i.e., the Portuguese] maintained that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the morning we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various tacks until its return.”
[640] This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.
[641] These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.
[642] MS. 5,650 reads: “and that we did not dare to go to Spain.”
[643] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as follows: “On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice. It returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested them to send us our men and ship’s boat. They replied that they would bear our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men, both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July.” See also Transylvanus’s account, VOL. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94):
| Martin Mendez | ship’s accountant |
| Pedro Tolosa | steward |
| Ricarte de Normandia | carpenter |
| Raldan de Argote | gunner |
| Master Pedro | |
| Juan Martin | sobresaliente |
| Simon de Burgos | sobresaliente |
| Felipe de Rodas | sailor |
| Gomez Hernandez | sailor |
| Socacio Alonso | sailor |
| Pedro Chindurza | common seaman |
| Vasquito Gallego | boy |
Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5) who mentions thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).
[644] Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522.
[645] The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: “There was a mutiny and conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed.” Oviedo says also: “Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes.” Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note). The survivors of the “Victoria” who reached Spain, as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows:
Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete’s list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: “Among the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others did.” See also Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 296.
[646] The value of the spices brought to Spain by the “Victoria” exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The “Victoria” afterward made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 297, 310.
[647] Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks “to almyghtie god who had brought them ſafe to theyr owne countrey, and reſtored them to theyr wyues and chyldren.”
[648] The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’s return to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows:
“M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.
“Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies:
“Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed, in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaræan Majesty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v.” The docket follows.
[649] Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliothéque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650.
[650] The signature in MS. 5,650 is “Anthoyne Pigaphete.”