B. THE WYANDOT CREATION MYTH (Extract).
Collected by C. M. Barbeau.
“The people lived beyond.” They were Wyandots. Word was sent out that the chief’s only daughter was very sick; and that all the doctors had in vain tried to cure her disease. A specially appointed messenger brought back a very old doctor that lived far away from the rest of the people. When he saw the chief’s daughter he told the people, at once, that they must dig around the roots of a wild apple tree that was growing just a little way out from the chief’s lodge. Many of the people at once began their digging all around the tree. The old doctor instructed them to bring the chief’s daughter, and place her under the tree as near the edge of the hole (that they were digging) as thy could, “for,” he said, “if you dig down into the roots of the tree, you will find something that will cure her disease.” He added that as soon as she would see this object she would know it; and being near enough she could stretch her hand out and take it at once.
So they brought the girl and placed her at the edge of the hole that they had dug around the tree. They went on digging with great might. As soon as a party of the diggers became tired, another stepped into the hole and carried on the work. When they had placed the girl at the edge of the hole, a party of the diggers had stepped out; and before another could replace it the people were startled by a terrific roar that seemed to come nearer and nearer. They were all looking and wondering whence it had come. They soon discovered that all the ground around the tree was dropping downwards. Then they saw the tree falling down through the hole; the sick girl being pulled down with it, entangled in its branches. The world underneath, into which the tree fell, was a broad sheet of water about which no land was to be seen. On the water were swimming around a pair of great white birds with long crooked necks: I suppose they were swans. They heard a peal of thunder as the tree was falling down; this was the first peal of thunder ever heard on those waters. Both of them glanced upwards and saw the woman falling down. One of them said to the other:—“What a strange creature it is that is falling down from above. I know that she can not be borne up by the water; we must swim close together and hold her upon our backs.” So they did, and the woman fell gently upon their backs and rested there. Then, as they swam along, they turned their long necks around and looked at the woman; they said to each other:—“What a beautiful creature it is; but what shall we do; we can not always swim this way and hold her up. What shall we do?” The other replied:—“I think we must go and see the Big Turtle. He will call a council of all the animals to decide upon what is to be done with the creature.” So they swam away, found the Big Turtle, and showed him the woman that was resting upon their backs. Then the turtle had to decide as to what was to be done. A “moccasin” (ra´‘cu’, i.e., a messenger) was sent around to call the animals to a big council. They came at once, and were all in a great wonder. For a long time they looked with awe at the wonderful creature. Finally the Turtle told them that they must come to a decision as to what should be done regarding this creature; that they could not let her die as—“she must have been sent to them for some good; that since she had thus come to them, it was evident that their duty was to find some place for her to live.” The swans came forward and spoke of the tree that they had seen falling first. Then some one else got up and said that if the place could be known where this tree had fallen into the water, some of the divers might go down and get just a little bit of the earth that must be clinging to its roots. The Big Turtle found the idea a good one and advised that if the swans could show the very place where the tree had fallen, some one else should go down and get a little of the dirt clinging to its roots; that an island could be made with it for the woman to rest upon, even if he himself (the Turtle) had to hold the island upon his back. The swans told the animals that they could find that very place; they turned around, and swam with the woman upon their backs. The other animals followed until they came to the place where they had seen the tree and the woman falling. There they stopped. The Turtle called upon the otter, the best diver, for him to go down into the water and bring back some of the dirt clinging to the roots of the tree. The otter at once dived down. As he had been for some time out of sight the other animals began to speculate as to whether he was going to come back. By and by, they saw him coming back through the water. Upon reaching the surface he was so completely exhausted that he opened his mouth to gasp a breath and went down again,—dead. Then the muskrat was appointed to dive down. He remained still longer under the water. The same fate as the otter’s befell him. Then the beaver and a number of other animals tried and failed in the same day until so many had been lost that way that the Turtle said he would not call upon any other to dive down. He suggested, however, that somebody should volunteer to do so. They remained in expectation for a little while. Finally, away out to one side, a little old ugly toad (tĕno´‘skwaoyȩ) spoke up and said that he would try. The other animals looked at each other, laughing and jeering at the presumption of this little toad. The Big Turtle, however, acceded to her suggestion, acknowledging that she might perhaps accomplish what the others had failed to do. So she took a long breath and down she went. The others all gathered around and watched her as she went away down out of sight into the clear waters. For a long time they looked downwards with the expectation of seeing her coming back. But she remained so long in the water that the others began to whisper to each other that she would not come back. For a long time they remained in expectation. At the end they saw a bubble of water coming up towards the surface of the water. They could not see the toad as yet. The Turtle said:—“She must be coming. I will swim right over the spot where the bubble came up; and if the toad comes back we shall hold her up.” So it was done. A little while later the toad appeared away down in the water. Some of the animals said:—“She must have some earth as she has been gone so much longer than the others.” Then the toad emerged from the surface of the water, just by the Big Turtle. Just as she reached the surface she opened her mouth and spat out a few grains of earth that fell upon the edge of the shell of the Big Turtle. Then she gave one gasp and fell back dead. As soon as those grains of earth had fallen upon the edge of the Big Turtle’s shell, the Little Turtle came forward and began spreading it and rubbing it around the edge of the Big Turtle’s shell. While she was so doing an island began to grow around the shell of the Big Turtle. The animals were looking at it while it was growing. After it had grown into a place large enough for the woman to rest upon, the two white swans swam to its edge and the woman stepped off on to it.
NOTE.—Recited by B. N. O. Walker, Chief Clerk at the Quapaw U. S. Agency, Wyandotte, Oklahoma. Mr. Walker, now about 40 years of age, is a descendant of Wyandot ancestors, on one side, and of European ancestors on the other. His first European ancestor was made prisoner by the Wyandots in Virginia, when a child. Mr. Walker is a thoroughly reliable informant who has oftentimes heard this myth, as well as others, repeated by his Aunt Kitty Greyeyes, a thoroughbred Wyandot, who was living with his family. Kitty Greyeyes was possessed of a good knowledge of both English and Wyandot, and she had learned this myth in Wyandot. Kitty Greyeyes died at B. N. O. Walker’s father’s home, when he, himself, (B. N. O. W.), was about 22 years of age. Mr. B. N. O. Walker has heard this myth many times when between the age of 11 and 19. He states that his Aunt Kitty, who, by the way, was a Canadian Wyandot from Anderdon, Ontario, had learnt those stories from her Aunt Hunt, who spoke Wyandot almost exclusively. “Aunt Hunt seems to have been the story teller of the family.” (Barbeau, “Huron and Wyandot Mythology,” XXXIX, 6–17.)
C. AN INTERVIEW WITH “ESQ.” JOHNSON BY MRS. ASHER WRIGHT.[[66]]
Esquire Johnson does not recollect the name of the man who first gave the name Nan-do-wah-gaah[[67]] and then went to where they lived and said to them, “You are O-non-dah-ge-gaah,”[[68]] and then he went to another place and said to the residents, “You are Ga-nyah-ge-o-noh,”[[69]] and then he came to where he called them O-ne-yut-gaah,[[70]] then again to another place and said “You are Que-yu-gwe-o-noh”;[[71]] five nations, for the Tuscaroras were then at the South. This was long before the confederacy of the Iroquois, and the Tuscaroras did not return until after the Revolutionary war.
The Mohawks have 5 sachems,[[72]] The Onondagas, he thinks have 4, also the Oneidas and Cayugas four each, the Senecas have 4 also and two war chiefs, the other tribes had no war chiefs.
Sha-dye-na-waho,[[73]] Nis-ha-nye-yant,[[74]] Gah-nya-gaeh,[[75]] Shah-de-gao-yes,[[76]] Sho-guh-jis-wa,[[77]] Ga-no-ga-ih-da-wit, De-yo-ne-ho-gaah-wah,[[78]] were Seneca Sachems.
The Long House was first opened at Onondaga[[79]]; the Senecas also had a long house.[[80]] When anything occurred to render a council necessary, any trusty young man might be sent as a runner to the other tribes to call them together.
When they came together the evening before the council they sang a song (In Seneca Wa-a-non-dah ga-ya-soh,) and in the morning one man sang a different song as they were going to start, i.e. the volunteers to revenge the murder or whatever the injury was.
In the council some leading chief would state the business and ask, what shall we do? A few of the chiefs would tell their views and then leading men of influence would say, We will do so and so, and the multitude would acquiesce and the council would break up.
In case of making peace between the Senecas, or the Iroquois, and the Cherokees, e.g., two messengers would be dispatched by the party desiring peace. They would be called before the enemies’ council and introduced by the chief and then would deliver their message. If their proposals for peace were accepted they would agree to bury the whole list of grievances (bury the hatchet, Dyo-an-jo-gut,) so that they should not come up in sight again. If they refused the terms they would send the ambassadors back again to convey their refusal to the people and the war would continue.
The Quapaw war was long before the Cherokee war. This last was the last Indian war carried on by the Six Nations with the other Indians. Jak Snow’s widow was a Cherokee and Gah-no-syoot Hay-a-soo-oh who died at Allegany, but Johnson never heard that Blue Eyes was a Cherokee.
The office of the Ga-yah-gwaah-doh was to give notice of the death of a sachem and the convocation of the general council to mourn for the dead and to raise up some one in his place, and at such convocations all the subordinate vacancies would be filled by the “raising” of chiefs and the elections of new ones.
In the election of new chiefs the women of the family in which the vacancy occurred having the name of the office in her keeping could confer it on any one of the family (always on the female side), whom she should regard as the most reliable. It was always the province of the female head of the household to settle such questions although she consulted the whole household as to their judgment of the fitness or unfitness of any candidate. In like manner she could also depose (knock the horns off), for any dereliction of duty. After the election etc. the act would be confirmed (Da-ye-a-wit ha-di-yaas-gwah), by the relations and then by the council. These rules applied to all ranks even to the Ho-ya-neh-gowaak of the Grand Council.
Johnson says that 72 years ago[[81]] last spring, he with many others, was invited over from Canada by the chiefs and that he was 20 years old at this time and he says at that time the Indians had an idol over at Cornplanter’s made of wood and ornamented with feathers around which they sung and danced and called it GOD. He had seen the idol but not the dancing around it. He says that Cornplanter’s son threw it into the river (corroborating the story I have heard before). He says that he never knew of any other such idol. But he says that the women very commonly made little images, made in conformity to their dreams. (They consider all remarkable dreams as revelations from the spirit world.) And not alone the dolls, but images of any other object they might be impressed by in a dream, they considered them to be their gods, considered them as their protectors, etc. Some of them, not all of them, used to dance before them as objects of worship. (He does not know that the women ever received from the Catholics any images of the Virgin, but he has often seen gold or silver crucifixes among them used simply as ornaments.)
The Indians did not all believe that their New Years and other feasts were ordained of God. Johnson says that when he was about ten years old he saw some of the disgusting things connected with the New Years and he asked his grandfather if God appointed that institution. The old man said No. And from that time Johnson did not believe in them and hence when the gospel came his mind was open to conviction and he embraced it. He says they had the New Years from time immemorial, but the dog burning, he thinks, was added to it not very long ago in consequence of somebody’s dreams. The Big Feather and Green Corn dances he thinks were of equal antiquity with the New Years. He thinks all other observances comparatively modern, dreamed out and agreed upon and then proclaimed to the people as being God’s ordinances.
He adds to the smoke of the tobacco to propitiate the pigeons when they took their young, the offering of payment to the old ones,—a brass kettle or other little dish full of ot-go-ah,[[82]] brooches, and various other things which the man who raised the smoke would deposit on the ground before he put the tobacco on the fire, and he says that they left the kettle there when they left home, considering it a real payment to the pigeons, etc. (The prayers are the same as related by Oliver Silverheels.)
He says that anciently they had a law that if a man died his widow should mourn a whole year, she should clothe herself in rags, keep her head covered with rags, never wash her face or hands, never to go anywhere except at night weeping to the grave. (The same rules applied in case it was her child that died. It was the general law of mourning.) The chiefs at last forbade these customs, as being too hard, often resulting in the death of the mourners before the year was up, and they appointed that the mourning should last only ten days, at the end of which they should hold the funeral feast (Ho-non-di-aak-hoh-ga-ya-soh), and during these ten days they should abstain from all ordinary business; a chief, e.g. could not meet in council or attend any public business till the ten days were over. At the funeral feast the chief or other person would proclaim the removal of the disabilities.
Johnson says that a long time ago squashes were found growing wild. He says that he has seen them and that they were quite unpalatable, but the Indians used to boil and eat them. He says that in their ancient wars with the Southern Indians they brought back squashes that were sweet and palatable and beans which grow wild in the South, calico colored, and which were very good, and he thinks the white folks have never used them. Also the o-yah-gwa-oweh they brought from the south where it grows wild, also the various kinds of corn, black, red and squaw corn they brought from the prairie country south where they found it growing wild. All these things they found on their war expeditions and brought them here and planted them and thus they abound here, but he does not know where they first found the potato.
STONE GIANTS.
He says the old people used to tell the story that after God had made the world and man and animals he was one day walking around and he saw a strange people coming towards him, clothed with stone and he asked them who they were and who created them. They replied that they were free and independent and that they had no creator, that they were their own masters. He then said, “Where are you going?” They said, “We are going to find men that we may devour them.” He said, “You must not go. Very likely if you do they will kill you.” But the more he forbid them the more they were determined to go. So he went away and blackened his face with coal and took him a basswood club three or four inches through and came around in front of them and fell upon them and killed all but two who fled and he came around again and having washed off the black met them in the place where he first saw them, and said, “What is the matter with you that you flee so?” They answered, “They have been killing us, and we only are left.” He said, “That is what I told you,” though he had done it himself. He said then, “You must go away and leave mankind alone. You must keep away from and never come nigh them again.”
THE THUNDER GOD.
He also at another time saw the Hih-noh coming towards him and did not know him for he had not created him and he said to him, Who are you? Who created you? And whom do you own as your lord? He answered no one. Then he said What do you think of men? He replied Oh they are my grandchildren and if you wish me to do anything I can do it, (or I am ready to do it.) GOD said to him, What can you do. Oh he said I can wash the earth, &c. And so the Indians, when it thunders think that Hih-noh is washing the earth again and they call him Grandfather because he told GOD that they were his grandchildren.
ANOTHER STORY, OR FABLE, THE THUNDERER.
In ancient times there was a war party got up to go against the southwestern Indians. There were four or five men and there was a poor friendless boy, an orphan, and he came to one of these men and found him painted and ready for the expedition. He painted himself, and the man befriended him and sent him to where there was a company of men, who seeing him painted enquired the object and said to him, that man is your friend? He said yes and they said we will go with you. There were five in the party besides this boy whose name was Shot-do-gas, in allusion to his filthy miserable condition. They came together near Smoke’s Creek (near Buffalo) and there they made a bark canoe and then started up the lake. They came after several nights to Ga-yah-hah-geh (Clear Land), and there while the moon was yet high and it was quite light, they became sleepy, and the leader said Let us stop here. So they ran in among the cattail flags and tied a lot of them together on each side of the canoe and fastened it to them, so as to have it lie still. (Noe-oh-gwah ga-ya-soh, cattail flag.) So they slept in the canoe. After a little while the leader awoke and thought he saw evidence that they were in motion, and putting his hand over the side of the canoe, felt the rush of water, and aroused his companions, saying Wake up! The canoe is running swiftly. Another put his hand on the other side of the canoe, and said Yes we are going rapidly! They could not tell the cause of the motion, but the canoe kept on. They lay in it mostly asleep and when they awaked they found themselves at Green Bay, and the canoe kept on, and they finally landed at Chicago, at daylight, having come from Cleveland in one night. They took the canoe into the bushes and hid it and got ready their breakfast and ate it and about noon they found a trail leading off into the country and they started on that trail and they went till night and camped and started again the next morning, and till perhaps 5 p. m., they saw a man coming. They stopped beside the trail till he came up. He said the chief sent me on this trail saying you will meet men coming. Tell them to come on with you. They went on a great way for he had run very fast and at length they came to a house. Beside the door there was something tied and concealed, and he said to them you must not look upon this. Something will happen to whosoever looks upon it. (It was a She-wah, a sable.) They went into the house, no one of them having looked upon the forbidden object. They found the house full of people who made room for them, and all men, women and children saluted them kindly. The chief said to his family We are in a hard case we have nothing for these guests to eat. They can not eat our food. You must provide for them of such kind of food as they can eat. Four of them then went out and presently it began to thunder. Then these men began to realize their situation. They had come into Hih-noh’s house. The whole household were his family, although in form and speech they seemed to be human beings. These four soon returned bringing with them green corn, beans, squashes, etc., for their guests. The women cooked these things for them and they ate. They soon discovered that the Hih-noh family lived upon serpents,—that whenever they discovered a snake they shot down a bolt upon him, and carried him home for food, and that it was this that made the old man say We are in a hard case because our guests cannot eat our food. They remained there a long time living together. At length the old man said to them, Pretty soon you will see something coming in the air from the North. We have tried to kill it but we cannot do it. You can do it for us. They then all went out and soon there was a wind from the North and they saw something flying towards them. It seemed to be a man entirely naked of a yellow color, without wings or any means of flying, and yet it flew swiftly towards them. Shot-da-gas said, “Shoot it with an arrow,” and he shot, and he shot and the arrow fell below and he shot again but over-shot it. By the time his third arrow was ready it had come directly overhead, and he shot and pierced him through the body, so that he fell but a little way off. The Hih-noh family were greatly rejoiced and poured forth many thanks upon him for his exploit.
Afterwards Hih-noh said, Yonder is another thing which we cannot kill, and he led them a long way till they came to a monstrous big whitewood tree, and from a large limb projecting from near the top there was a creature sitting and Hih-noh said Shoot that, and Shot-de-gas drew his bow and shot it through the body. It crawled along the limb and finally fell, (bum!) and was stone dead. It proved to be a monstrous porcupine with quills as large as one’s finger, which the Hih-noh family had tried in vain to kill.
They staid a long time, when at last Hih-noh said, they are about to take you home, but let Shot-do-gas remain with us, we will take care of him. Shot-do-gas was willing and his friend gave his consent. They went out and saw a very big Mortar, (gä-ne-gah-tah,) and Hih-noh called them to it. Shot-do-gas climbed into it and there he was killed, but Hih-noh restored him to life and he also became a hih-noh. Then the five men were about to start, and all at once there commenced a terrible thunder storm and Hih-noh said now take them home, and suddenly they were taken up on the backs of as many men and carried along with the storm and down at Smoke’s Creek where they started. They then washed off their paint and started to go home, but they found the trail grown up with bushes; they kept on to where there was a bark shanty, it had been rebuilt,—to the council house, it was gone, every(thing) was changed they kept on and at last met a man whom they did not know, he asked them where and whither they were going, they replied we went from here and have come home, he said wait and I will go and tell the people. He found the chief and told him here are men whom I never saw before, saying that they have come home. The chief gave the call implying important business,—the people rushed together into the council house, the man told what he had seen, the chief said to him go call these men, they came, no one knew them and they knew no one. The chief asked the leader of the party for his name, we may perhaps remember that, he would not tell his own name but the rest of the party told it and each others names, but nobody recollected them. Then said the chief there is a very old woman living yonder, go call her, if so be she can recollect them. She came and they told her their names and that one of the party named Shot-do-gas had remained behind. She recollected the leaving of the party a long, long time ago, and recalled their names, and said that when they went away, there was a poor miserable little boy, on that account called Shot-do-gas, who left with them. It proved that one of these men was elder brother of this old woman, and he returned in all the freshness of youth, as when he left, while his younger sister had become a superannuated old woman. All the rest of the people had grown up since they left and therefore did not know them. She, the sole survivor of her generation, was the only one to recognize them and remove the unbelief of those that did not believe that they had ever gone from this region of country.
D. EMBLEMATIC TREES IN IROQUOIAN MYTHOLOGY.[[83]]
By Arthur C. Parker.
A student of Iroquoian folk-lore, ceremony or history will note the many striking instances in which sacred or symbolic trees are mentioned. One finds allusions to such trees not only in the myths and traditions which have long been known to literature and in the speeches of Iroquois chiefs when met in council with the French and English colonists, but also in the more recently discovered wampum codes and in the rituals of the folk-cults.
There are many references to the “tree of peace” in the colonial documents on Indian relations. Colden in his Five Nations, for example, quotes the reply of the Mohawk chief to Lord Effingham in July, 1684. The Mohawk agree to the peace propositions and their spokesman says: “We now plant a Tree who’s tops will reach the Sun, and its Branches spread far abroad, so that it shall be seen afar off; & we shall shelter ourselves under it, and live in Peace, without molestation.” (Gives two Beavers).[[84]]
In a footnote Colden says that the Five Nations always express peace under the metaphor of a tree. Indeed in the speech, a part of which is quoted above, the Peace tree is mentioned several times.
In Garangula’s reply to De la Barre, as recorded by Lahontan are other references to the “tree.” In his “harangue” Garangula said:
“We fell upon the Illinese and the Oumamis, because they cut down the Trees of Peace—.” “The Tsonontouans, Gayogouans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes, and Agnies declare that they interred the Axe at Cataracuoy, in the Presence of your Predecessor, in the very Center of the Fort; and planted the Tree of Peace in the same place; ’twas then stipulated that the Fort should be us’d as a Place of Retreat for Merchants, and not as a Refuge for Soldiers.... You ought to take Care that so great a number of Militial Men as we now see ... do not stifle and choak the Tree of Peace.... it must needs be of pernicious Consequences to stop its Growth and hinder it to shade both your Country and ours with its Leaves.”[[85]]
Fig. 1.—The pictograph of the sky-dome in the Walum Olum. a is interpreted “At all times above the earth.” b, “He made them [sun and moon] all to move evenly.”
The above examples are only a few of many that might be quoted to show how commonly the Iroquois mentioned the peace tree. There are also references to the tree which was uprooted “to afford a cavity in which to bury all weapons of war,” the tree being replanted as a memorial.
In the Iroquoian myth, whether Cherokee, Huron, Wyandot, Seneca or Mohawk, the “tree of the upper world” is mentioned, though the character of the tree differs according to the tribe and sometimes according to the myth-teller.
Before the formation of the lower or earth-world the Wyandot tell of the upper or sky world and of the “Big Chief” whose daughter became strangely ill.[[86]] The chief instructs his daughter to “dig up the wild apple tree; what will cure her she can pluck from among its roots.” David Boyle[[87]] wondered why the apple tree was called “wild,” but that the narrator meant wild-apple and not wild apple is shown by the fact that the Seneca in some versions called the tree the crab-apple. The native apple tree with its small fruit was intended by the Indian myth teller who knew also of the cultivated apple and took the simplest way to differentiate the two.
With the Seneca this tree is described more fully. In manuscript left by Mrs. Asher Wright, the aged missionary to the Seneca, I find the cosmologic myth as related to her by Esquire Johnson, a Seneca, in 1870. Mrs. Wright and her husband understood the Seneca language perfectly and published a mission magazine as early as 1838 in that tongue. Her translation of Johnson’s myth should therefore be considered authentic. She wrote: “—there was a vast expanse of water—. Above it was the great blue arch of air but no signs of anything solid—. In the clear sky was an unseen floating island sufficiently firm to allow trees to grow upon it, and there were men-beings there. There was one great chief there who gave the law to all the Ongweh or beings on the island. In the center of the island there grew a tree so tall that no one of the beings who lived there could see its top. On its branches flowers and fruit hung all the year round. The beings who lived on the island used to come to the tree and eat the fruit and smell the sweet perfume of the flowers. On one occasion the chief desired that the tree be pulled up. The Great Chief was called to look at the great pit which was to be seen where the tree had stood.” The story continues with the usual description of how the sky-mother was pushed into the hole in the sky and fell upon the wings of the waterfowl who placed her on the turtle’s back. After this mention of the celestial tree in the same manuscript is the story of the central world-tree. After the birth of the twins, Light One and Toad-like (or dark) one, the Light One, also known as Good Minded, noticing that there was no light, created the “tree of light.” This was a great tree having at its topmost branch a great ball of light. At this time the sun had not been created. It is significant as will appear later that the Good Minded made his tree of light one that brought forth flowers from every branch. After he had gone on experimenting and improving the earth “he made a new light and hung it on the neck of a being and he called the new light Gaa-gwaa (gä’´gwā) and instructed its bearer to run his course daily in the heavens.” Shortly after he is said to have “dug up the tree of light and looking into the pool of water in which the stump (trunk) had grown he saw the reflection of his own face and thereupon conceived the idea of creating Ongwe and made them both a man and a woman.”
The central world-tree is found also in Delaware mythology, though as far as I discover it is not called the tree of light. The Journal[[88]] of Dankers and Slyter records the story of creation as heard from the Lenape of New Jersey in 1679. All things came from a tortoise, the Indians told them. “It had brought forth the world and in the middle of its back had sprung a tree upon whose branches men had grown.”[[89]] This relation between men and the tree is interesting in comparison with the Iroquois myth as it is also as the central world-tree. Both Lenape and the Iroquois ideas are symbolic and those who delight in flights of imagination might draw much from both.
Fig. 2.—A false face leader rubbing his rattle on a stump. Drawn from a photograph.
The Seneca world-tree is described elsewhere in my notes as a tree whose branches pierce the sky and whose roots run down into the underground waters of the under-world. This tree is mentioned in various ceremonial rites of the Iroquois. With the False Face Company, Hadĭgon’´săshon’´on, for example, the Great Face, chief of all the False Faces, is said to be the invisible giant that guards the world-tree (gaindowo´nĕ‘). He rubs his turtle shell rattle upon it to obtain its power and this he imparts to all the visible false faces worn by the Company. In visible token of this belief the members of the Company rub their turtle rattles on pine tree trunks, believing that they become filled with both the earth and the sky-power thereby. In this use of the turtle shell rattle there is perhaps a recognition of the connection between the turtle and the world-tree that grows upon the primal turtle’s back.
In the prologue of the Wampum Code of the Five Nations Confederacy we again find references to a symbolic “great tree.” In the code of Dekānăwī´dă and with the Five Nations’ confederate lords (rodiyā´nĕr) “I plant the Tree of the Great Peace. I plant it in your territory, Adōdar´ho‘ and the Onondaga nation, in the territory of you who are Firekeepers.
“I name the tree the Tree of the Great Long Leaves. Under the shade of this Tree of Peace we spread the soft feathery down of the globe thistle, there beneath the spreading branches of the Tree of Peace.”
In the second “law” of the code the four roots of the “tree” are described and the law-giver says, “If any individual or any nation outside the Five Nations shall obey the laws of the Great Peace and make known their disposition to the Lords of the Confederacy, they may trace the Roots to the Tree and if their minds are clean and obedient—they shall be welcome to take shelter beneath the Tree of the Long Leaves.
“We place in the top of the Tree of the Long Leaves an Eagle who is able to see afar;—he will warn the people.”
In another place is the following: “I Dekānăwī´dă, and the union lords now uproot the tallest pine tree and into the cavity thereby made we cast all weapons of war. Into the depths of the earth, down into the deep under-earth currents of water flowing to unknown regions we cast all the weapons of strife. We bury them from sight and we plant again the tree. Thus shall the Great Peace, Kayĕ’´narhe‘kowa, be established.”
These laws and figures of speech are very evidently those which the Iroquois speakers had in mind when addressing “peace councils” with the whites.
Symbolic trees appear not only in Iroquois history, mythology and folk beliefs but also in their decorative art. The numerous decorative forms of trees embroidered in moose hair and porcupine quills by the eastern Algonquins and by the Huron and the Iroquois appear to be attempts to represent the world-tree and the celestial tree, in some cases with its “all manner of fruits and flowers.” Many, if not most, of the modern descendants of the old-time Indian, who copy these old designs have forgotten their meanings and some have even invented new explanations. A few of the more conservative, however, remember even yet the true meaning of their designs and from such much of interest has been learned.
Fig. 3.—Portion of legging strip. The inward curving design at the top sometimes symbolizes sleep or death. (Specimens collected for the New York State Museum by M. R. Harrington.)
In examining examples of Iroquois decorative art one is immediately impressed with the repeated use of a pattern consisting of a semi-circle resting upon two parallel horizontal lines having at the top two divergent curved lines each springing from the same point and curving outward, like the end of a split dandelion stalk, (See fig. 4b.) This design or symbol, with the Iroquois represents the celestial tree growing from the top of the sky, or more properly, from the bottom of the “above-sky world” (gä´oñyă’gĕ‘´). The two parallel lines represent the earth. This symbol is found with the same meaning among the Delaware. In the Walum Olum[[90]] parallel semi-circles represent the sky-dome, though single semi-circles appear. Two parallel horizontal lines, likewise, represent the earth. (See fig. I, a.)
Fig. 4.—Various forms of the sky-dome symbol as employed in Iroquois moose hair and quill embroidery.
With the Iroquois the sky-dome and earth symbols are employed as pattern designs for decorating clothing. Nearly always these symbols are associated with the celestial-tree symbol, though sometimes this is employed alone. These patterns appear embroidered in moose hair, porcupine quills and beads as borders for leggings, skirts, breech-clouts and moccasins. (See fig. 5.) Occasionally the pattern is found on head-bands and hair ornaments. In some cases, especially in examples of silver work and beaded articles it seems evident that the decorator has not the meaning of his pattern in mind. This is true of some of the more modern attempts to use it.
These outward curving designs, beside being symbols of the celestial tree have a secondary meaning, that of life, living and light. Curving inward upon themselves they sometimes represent sleep and death. Fig. 3 shows this design on a leggin strip. In fig. 4 h we have it used in conjunction with a sleeping sun. The Onondaga call the double curve design oĕn’´shă’, tendril.
In this connection it may be well to note that the “horns” wampum when placed upon a dead civil chief’s body is curved inward, the two ends touching and forming the outline of a circle or heart. When the condoling ceremonial chief finishes his address and is about to lift the strands of wampum from the corpse to hand it to the successor he turns the wampum-string so that the ends point outward and away from each other. These particular symbols while being those of death and life respectively are regarded as horn and not tree symbols. The wampum so employed “the horns,” onă’gasho‘´ă, and alludes to the symbolic title of the civil chief (roya´ner).
The celestial-tree symbol appears also as a trefoil. The third tendril or branch unfolds from the center of the tree. (See fig. 4 c.) A fourth branch is often used and then appears as a double tree. (See fig. 4 d.) In 4, e the night-sun is represented over the world-tree and in meaning this sign is found to be the same as 4, h. In fig. 4, f the day-sun is represented as shining at zenith above the world-tree. In 4, g the sun-above-the-sky is awake and roosting in the celestial-tree. All of these designs are found on borders of Iroquois garments some of which are shown in plate I.
Another important modification of the sky-dome and celestial-tree combination is that which represents the sky-dome with the celestial-tree upon it and the earth-tree within the dome below and resting upon a long intersection of an oval (possibly the turtle) and sending its long leaves or branches upward to the sky-arch.
Sometimes the design is used as the motif of a rosette or other balanced design. Morgan figured several and the Report of the Director of the State Museum of New York for 1907 shows a picture of Red Jacket’s pipe pouch ornamented with such a pattern. There the ends of the tendrils are split and represented as conventional flowers. In other instances the motif is built upward upon itself as shown in figure 6. The first “tree” in this figure is copied from Lafitau[[91]] and the others from Mohawk moccasin toes.
With the Iroquois the celestial-tree symbol is generally represented by this anies-like figure. The earth-tree, on the other hand, is less highly conventionalized. With the Iroquois as with many other tribes in the forest area in North America, the Ojibwa for example, the ordinary tree sign is commonly used,—that depicting the upward slanting branches of the balsam fir. Figure 7 shows the Ojibwa pictograph which is interpreted as “the big tree in the middle of the earth.” The terminal buds on the conventionalized trees of the Huron moose hair embroidery type resemble in form this balsam fir symbol. The Huron indeed call the bud “balsam fir.”[[92]] The method of slanting the hair to form the design creates the resemblance and causes the confusion, in all probability. Used alone the “bud” would be a tree if placed in proper position but as ordinarily used by the Huron at the extremity of an embroidered branch, it seems paradoxical to find a tree on the small end of one of its branches. This is discussed more fully hereinafter.
Figure 4, e, and f show the Iroquois “middle-of-theworld-tree” as used in conjunction with the sky-dome and sun symbols.
Fig. 5.—Borders embroidered in moose hair on deer-skin garments. (Seneca specimens in the New York State Museum.) a is the “two curve” pattern common in Iroquoian decoration. b represents a series of “sky-domes” resting upon the earth, the two parallel horizontal lines. c represents a series of the “trees” of Iroquois symbolism. The unit of the design is indicated by m-n. d shows a series of suns and celestial trees resting on the sky-dome.
Another, and more elaborate, form of the “tree” as it appears in Iroquoian decorative art is a flowering plant or tree having conventionalized leaves (generally, “long leaves”), branches, buds, tendrils and flowers. See plate 2. In this plate (9) is shown the flowering tree as embroidered in porcupine quills on an Iroquois pouch collected by Lewis H. Morgan, and now in the New York State Museum. It will be perceived that here the diverging curved lines play a conspicuous part in the make-up of the tree. Like all Iroquois symbolic trees of the purely conventional type the tree is exactly balanced on each side of the central line that represents the trunk or stalk.
With the Huron these trees are, likewise, used as an adornment for bags and other things where a comparatively large surface is afforded. Dr. Speck illustrates one of these trees in the article on moose hair embroidery previously cited, and gives the Huron interpretation for the various parts of the tree. With the Huron, it is most interesting to note, the topmost flower is called not a flower but a star, thus suggesting some dim recollection of the “tree of light.”
The Confederated Iroquois made similar trees, though they interpret some of the parts differently. With them the significance of the tree is recognized. Mr. Hewitt describes the tree in his Onondaga creation myth.[[93]] His informants in relating the myth said: “And there beside the lodge stands the tree that is called Tooth (Ono’´djă’). Moreover, the blossoms this standing tree bears cause the world to be light, making it light for men-beings dwelling there.” This agrees with the Seneca version previously cited in this article.
Embroidered pouch made by the Seneca before 1850. Note tree and floral designs. Specimen in New York State Museum.
Scale x½.
The “Tree of Peace” symbolically planted by Dekānăwī´dă, as has been noted was called the “Tree of the Great Long Leaves.” It will be observed that the “tree of light” in nearly every case where leaves are shown at all has long sword-like leaves. This is true among the Huron in their older patterns, as among the Iroquois. The Huron, however, now call these long leaves “dead branches” and the unopened flowers “balsam fir.”[[94]] The Huron, as with most of the Iroquois, have likely forgotten or confused the true names of the elements of their designs. These designs, with the Huron at least, seem to have undergone some change due to the necessity for trade purposes of working their patterns in outline and quickly. It is most important to observe, however, that oftentimes when the object of using a symbol is primarily for decorative purposes, the Indian artist or needle-worker gives parts of the design “pattern names,” often at entire variance with the real meaning of the part but based upon real or fancied resemblance. With the Huron with whom the decorative element is now of primary importance this seems to have been the case. Indeed, Dr. Speck does not say that the parts of the designs which he illustrates are symbols though he does give the names which the Huron told him. The Huron are very likely making “trees of light” and do not know it, in this respect being similar to their Iroquois brethren. The designs are worked, as some of my Indian informants say, “because they are Indian” and likewise because they have become accustomed to them and because there seems nothing more appropriate to invent.
Fig. 6.—Various forms of the celestial tree. Here the unit is superposed to form the tree.
This instance suggests how with change of environment myths, symbols and ceremonial rites may lose their meaning and yet preserve their outward form.
The two-curve motif in Indian art is widely distributed throughout America. In many instances it seems to have meanings similar to that given it by the Iroquois, though there are other instances where it has not. It is sometimes used with a few simple additions to represent the face of the thunderbird or even the human face, at least the eyes and nose. In a more elaborate form it is found in the Fejérvary Codex as a tree symbol though a variation of the form in the Vienna codex makes the cross-section of a vase.
Fig. 7.—“The big tree in the middle of the earth.” From the Ojibwa Midéwiwin.
It is not strange that the simple outline should be found almost universally. It is one of those simple conceptions in art that would occur to any people independently. Many things in nature suggest it. It is not its outline, however, so much as its use as a definite symbol and its combination with others that gives it interest to the writer.
The world-tree with its long leaves and luminous flowers is worthy of more detailed consideration. It seems to have been a deeply imbedded concept with the certain branches of the Algonquin stock and of the Iroquois, affecting not only their mythology and ceremonial language but also their decorative art. Whether the idea has a deeper and more primitive meaning than here suggested the author does not pretend to know.