FOOTNOTES:
[1] Breasted: A History of Egypt.
[2] N. de G. Davies: The Rock Tombs of El Amarna. 5 vols.
[3] Now out of print.
[4] Published by the Chicago University, 1906.
[5] As will be recorded at the end of this volume, the body of Akhnaton was discovered by Mr Theodore M. Davis at Thebes early in 1907; but at the time of writing (1908) the results have not been published in book form, though various articles have appeared.
[6] The writer has to thank the editors of ‘The Quarterly Review,’ ‘Blackwood’s Magazine,’ and ‘The Century Magazine,’ for permitting him to embody in this volume certain portions of articles contributed by him to the pages of those journals.
[9] The sphinx tablet.
[10] Of Thothmes III. at Karnak, of Aahmes I. at Abydos, and of Senusert III. at Amada.
[11] These ages are discussed on [pages 111] and [178 (note)].
[12] Petrie, History, ii. p. 183. The portrait upon which he bases this statement, however, may be that of Akhnaton (fig. 115, p. 182). The mouth and chin are extremely like those of Yuaa, as seen in his mummy; but again they both have a close resemblance to the head of Amonhotep III. (idem, fig. 120, p. 188). Of course, such evidence is extremely frail, and must not be too much relied upon.
[13] Breasted, Records, ii. 865, note h.
[14] He took the name Akhnaton in about the sixth year of his reign.
[15] His statue is at Turin. See also Erman, ‘Life in Ancient Egypt,’ p. 297.
[17] Recently discovered by the present writer whilst repairing this tomb.
[18] His mummy is that of a man of not more than fifty.
[19] The wise man Amonhotep-son-of-Hapu was steward of Princess Setamon’s estate, but this may have been previous to her mention in her grandparents’ tomb.
[22] It is usual for Egyptian girls to become mothers at about the age of thirteen, though sometimes earlier. They often continue to bear children at intervals of about two years, over a period of thirty years or so. Fifteen children is thus the usual number of a family, but half these generally die in babyhood.
[23] Maspero.
[24] Scarabs of the early period are sometimes inscribed Neb-nef-nezem, which has this meaning.
[25] The date of this work is not exactly known, but as it was certainly finished before the king founded his new city, it must have been commenced immediately upon his accession.
[26] The word benben, “shrine,” has the hieroglyph of an obelisk at the end of it, which has led to some mistranslations. Perhaps the temple was built somewhat on the plan of that at Abusêr, where an obelisk stood in an open court.
[27] It is possible that “found” is a mistranslation.
[28] Thus corresponding to the Silsileh quarry tablet, where Amon is worshipped.
[29] This tomb of Horemheb seems to have been begun and finished in the early years of Akhnaton’s reign, to have been left alone during the remainder of the reign, and to have received the addition of doorposts (see [note on p. 265]) after the death of Akhnaton. Fragments of the tomb are now divided between Leiden, Bologna, Vienna, Alexandria, and Cairo; and it would seem that all except those in the Cairo museum (the doorposts) are from the earlier period. The titles on the Cairo fragments are far more elaborate than those on the others. See Breasted, Records, iii. 1 ff.
[30] We know from the “Palermo stone” that the kingdom of Lower Egypt was much more ancient than that of Upper Egypt.
[31] In later times the name of Tiy and the Pharaoh’s second name were erased, but the name Amonhotep was not damaged. The facsimile copy here given was made on the spot by the present writer in correction of a previous copy made by Golénischeff. It is published in his ‘Travels in the Upper Egyptian Deserts’ (Blackwood).
[32] Meaning the god.
[33] Griffith: Kahun Papyri. Text, p. 91.
[34] Is there a distant connection between Mnevis and the Minoan bull of Crete? See [p. 183].
[35] The god is sometimes called “Aton” simply, and sometimes Pa Aton, “the Aton”; just as we speak of “Christ” or “the Christ,” and of “Lord” or “the Lord,” this latter being the actual meaning of “Aton.”
[36] The translation here given is based upon that published by Davies in Amarna V.; but the year cannot be the fourth, as there stated as probable, since in the above-mentioned letter dated in year 5 the king is still called Amonhotep, whereas in this inscription he is called Akhnaton.
[37] The day is not certain; perhaps it is day 4.
[38] For the sake of brevity it is often called “the City of the Horizon,” simply, in this volume.
[39] Mediterranean people.
[40] This has reference to the rays which come from the Aton.
[41] This seems to have been a temple.
[42] The second name of Amonhotep III., Akhnaton’s father.
[43] The second name of Thothmes IV., Akhnaton’s grandfather.
[44] The ater corresponds to the Greek schoinos, and the khe is the schoenium of 100 cubits, 40 khe making one ater.
[45] See [note on p. 178].
[46] Davies, Amarna, I. 45.
[47] The idea is that the Aton does not die as dies the sunlight.
[48] Probably by royal descent is meant.
[49] In Egyptian this title reads Pa shera nefer en pa Aton. In the tomb of a certain Amonhotep, at El Assasîf, temp. Amonhotep III., the deceased Amonhotep I. is called Pa shera nefer en Amon.
[50] So Prof. Breasted translates the Egyptian sehetep, though it would be possible to give it other interpretations.
[51] Cf. such expressions as “When thou settest they die,” and others used in Akhnaton’s hymns.
[52] Professor Breasted’s translation.
[53] In the tomb of Huya the scene is dated in the twelfth year, as here recorded, and there are four daughters shown, which is the number one is led by other evidence to suppose were then alive. The scene in the tomb of Meryra II. has precisely the same date, but six daughters are shown, and there is evidence to show that that number is not to be looked for previous to the fifteenth year of the reign, the first daughter being born in about the fifth year, the second in the seventh, the third in the ninth, the fourth in the eleventh, the fifth in the thirteenth, and the sixth in the fifteenth year, in all probability. Thus the scene in Meryra II. may perhaps represent no particular reception of the tribute of any one year, but the artist may have had in mind the great tribute of the twelfth year while representing the occurrence in the fifteenth or sixteenth year, at which date his work was taking place. Or again the date in this latter tomb may be a misreading or miswriting. The scene described above is that represented in the tomb of Meryra, as it is more elaborate than the other; but the inscription is that found in the tomb of Huya.
[54] Her first child, it will be remembered, was born when she was about thirteen.
[55] It is probable, as has been stated on [p. 111], that she was married to Amonhotep III. in about her tenth year, and was thus about forty-six when he died. She could not have been much more, for her daughter Baketaton must have been born but a year or so before Amonhotep’s death, and it is improbable that she would bear children after forty-five, if as late as that.
[56] It is to be noticed that there are pomegranates amongst the fruit, which indicates that the visit was made during the summer, as do the light costumes also.
[57] Davies: Amarna, iii. 8, note 1.
[58] This is to be observed also in some other inscriptions of the period.
[59] Breasted: History of Egypt, p. 364.
[61] It is usual to date the tombs roughly by the number of daughters shown, presuming that the artist represented all the children living at the time. But though this gives us the lowest possible year, it does not always give us the highest, for daughters are obviously sometimes omitted when the available space was cramped.
[64] Davies: El Amarna, iii., Pl. xviii.
[66] Davies: El Amarna.
[67] Wilkinson: Modern Egypt, ii. 69.
[68] Davies: El Amarna.
[69] It is probable that there was some likeness between Akhnaton’s temples and those dedicated to the sun in early days, as, for example that at Abusêr.
[70] Perhaps this is a part of the royal palace.
[71] Petrie: El Amarna.
[72] Petrie: History of Egypt, ii. 219.
[75] She probably married some Egyptian noble, and her future career is recorded on [p. 269].
[76] The plaster has now fallen off, and little of the original decoration remains. The tomb is seldom visited by tourists, being seven miles back from the river; but it is in charge of the Government custodian.
[77] The reception of the tribute recorded in the tomb of Meryra II. (see [page 170]), although dated in the twelfth year of the reign, may represent a later event, since six daughters are shown in the scene; and it is not likely that the sixth daughter was born before the fifteenth year. Perhaps the date is a misreading or miswriting, influenced by that given in the tomb of Huya.
[78] Breasted: History, p. 388.
[79] It is doubtful whether the second sign is menkh or ȧa͑, they being somewhat alike.
[81] The scarab, another symbol from older times, seems to have been retained, for a gold heart-scarab is said to have been found in Akhnaton’s tomb.—Petrie: History of Egypt, ii. 220.
[82] In Egyptian: Ḥeq nefer, Ra͑ setept, Seten bati, A͑nkh em Mȧa͑t, Neb taui, Akhnaton, Pa sherȧ nefer en Pa Aton a͑nkh, enti ȧuf a͑nkhu ren ḥeḥ zet. This was all that was written upon the coffin.
[83] Probably he is to be identified with Tutu, a well-known noble of this period—the words ankhaton, “Living in Aton,” being added to make the name more majestic.
[84] See [note on page 67]. This inscription is found on the doorposts of the tomb of Horemheb, which, by the greatly increased titles, were set up some time after the rest of the tomb was finished, and thus probably in the reign of Tutankhaton. A fragment of gold-leaf has recently been found showing this king in his chariot charging Asiatic enemies. The present writer recently found part of a shrine of his in the desert on the road to the gold mines. See ‘Travels in the Upper Egyptian Deserts’ (Blackwood).
[85] The present writer assisted at the opening of this tomb. A full account of the find will be published by Mr Davis, and therefore only a brief description, already published with Mr Davis’s permission in article form, must be given here.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained: for example,
burial-chamber, burial chamber; underworld, under-world; intrust;
unbiassed; engrained.
[Pg xi]: ‘ART OF AKHNATION’ replaced by ‘ART OF AKHNATON’.
[Pg xii]: ‘MAP OF AKHHETATON’ replaced by ‘MAP OF AKHETATON’.
[Pg 158]: ‘who seens to have’ replaced by ‘who seems to have’.
[Pg 178]: ‘elaborate footsools’ replaced by ‘elaborate footstools’.
[Pg 205]: ‘the light rooves’ replaced by ‘the light roofs’.
[Pg 236]: ‘the Egptian yoke’ replaced by ‘the Egyptian yoke’.
[Pg 262] Footnote [82]: ‘In Egytian’ replaced by ‘In Egyptian’.
Index.
[Dushratta]: ‘marriage of Nesemmut’ replaced by ‘marriage of Nezemmut’.