CHAPTER XXXVI. CHANGES AND DISSENSIONS.
The Senate, which met in executive session when General Garfield was inaugurated, showed many changes. Vice-President Wheeler, who had served in Congress long and well, was replaced by General Arthur, whose war record in the State of New York had won him many friends. Senators Allen Thurman and Matt. Carpenter were missed by their legal friends, but among the new Senators was the ponderous David Davis, "learned in the law." General Hawley replaced Mr. Eaton, and with him there came from the House Messrs. Conger, Mitchell, and Hale. One of the silver kings of the Pacific slope, Mr. Fair, of Nevada, was naturally an object of attention.
As chosen, the Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but the transfer of Messrs. Blaine, Windom, and Kirkwood to the Cabinet gave the Democrats a temporary ascendency. The arrival of Mr. Frye, elected as the successor of Mr. Blaine, and of Mr. McDill, appointed as the successor of Mr. Kirkwood, secured a tie, and the casting vote of Vice-President Arthur enabled the Republicans to secure the control of the committees. The caucus of Republican Senators nominated Senator Anthony for President pro tempore when the Vice-President should vacate the chair; George C. Gorham for Secretary, and Harrison H. Riddleberger, Sergeant-at-Arms. The Democratic Senators refused to permit the election of Messrs. Gorham and Riddleberger, and as seven Senators could at any time prevent action by motions to adjourn, a dead-lock ensued, which lasted from March 23d until May 10th, when the Republicans gracefully surrendered, permitting the Democratic officers of the Senate to retain their places.
Meanwhile there was trouble among the Republican Senators, caused by the rival factions in the State of New York. Early in March several nominations of men who were ostensibly supporters of Mr. Conkling were made unexpectedly to him, and a day or two later the Senate was treated to a genuine surprise in the nomination of W. H. Robertson to be Collector of the Port of New York. The astonishment could not have been greater if the name of Samuel J. Tilden had been sent in. No intimation of such an intention had leaked out. Neither Arthur, Conkling, nor Platt dreamed of such a thing. It was a square blow at Conkling, at the very time when he and his friends were congratulating themselves as being on top. When Vice- President Arthur opened the list of nominations in the Senate, his eye lit first upon the name of Robertson for Collector. He turned the paper down so as to leave that name uppermost, and sent it to Senator Conkling. The latter, upon glancing at it, walked rapidly over to Senator Platt, showed it to him, and they held a whispered conference. After the Senate adjourned, it was learned that the nomination was especially objectionable to them.
It was subsequently stated that in New York city the preceding summer, at Mentor the previous February, and at the White House on the Sunday night before the Wednesday on which Judge Robertson's nomination was sent to the Senate, General Garfield had agreed not to make any appointments for New York unless they were satisfactory to the Republican organization of that State, and that they were to be submitted to the Vice-President and the two Senators from that State. At the interview held on the Sunday night previous to the nomination of Judge Robertson, Senator Conkling had especially objected to having him in the New York Custom House, yet if the President should nominate him to a foreign mission, he would go out in the lobby and hold his nose while the Senate confirmed him.
The objectionable nomination was, however, made, and it was immediately evident that it meant war between the Garfield Administration and Senator Conkling. The next day, while the Senate was in executive session, the President's secretary appeared at the door with a communication, which was handed to the Vice-President, and by him to the Executive Clerk, and read. When it arrived Conkling was sitting at his own desk, buried in a voluminous letter. He never raised his eyes from his letter, nor moved a muscle of his face or body while the Clerk monotonously read the momentous message, withdrawing, not Robertson, but all the nominations of men for the leading New York offices who were acceptable to the Senator. The arrow went home, of course, but the wounded one betrayed no sign of pain.
The nomination was referred to the Committee on Commerce, of which Mr. Conkling was chairman, and was there pigeon-holed until issue on it was squarely made in the Senate and in the Republican party. Republican Senators, who visited the White House or the Departments in search of offices for their henchmen, were plainly told that their votes in favor of the confirmation of Judge Robertson's nomination would be expected. The Democratic Senators were also looked after, and among other means resorted to in order to disarm their opposition was a letter signed by every Democratic member of the New York Legislature, addressed to Senator Pendleton, chairman of the Senatorial caucus, urging the confirmation of Judge Robertson. It would make an Administration and an anti-Administration faction in New York Republicanism, and would secure the State to the Democrats.
Senator Conkling was not idle, and he appealed to the "Senatorial courtesy" of those around him to defeat the obnoxious nomination, but in vain. Senator Jones, of Nevada, and a half-dozen Democrats were all the strength that he could command, and the nomination of Judge Robertson was confirmed. Senator Conkling immediately left the Senate, taking his colleague, Senator Platt, with him, and they appealed to the Legislature of the State of New York, expecting that they would be triumphantly re-elected, and, thus indorsed, would return to the Senate with flying colors, conquering and to conquer.
The exodus of Senators Conkling and Platt left the Republican Senators again in a minority, and as it was evident that Senator Davis would not aid in electing Senator Anthony President pro tem., Vice-President Arthur did not vacate the chair prior to the close of the session, and thus render it necessary to elect a temporary presiding officer.
The most noticeable event of the executive session was a three hours' speech by Senator Mahone, of Virginia, in reply to bitter personal attacks that had been made on him by the Democrats since he had acted with the Republicans. No speech for years had attracted a greater audience, even the diplomatic gallery being crowded. Prominent among the many ladies present were Mrs. Secretary Blaine and Mrs. Kate Chase Sprague, accompanied by her three young daughters. The Supreme Court was present in a body, having adjourned on account of the funeral in the family of Justice Field. Representatives, still hunting for office, abandoned the White House for once, while each Senator seemed to have a score of secretaries, so many persons being admitted upon secretaries' cards. The Speaker was surrounded by Anthony, Morrill, Allison, Conger, and other leading Republicans. On the opposite side was Davis, of West Virginia, with a snowy white spot on his dark chin beard. Wade Hampton's military waxed moustache and haughty countenance was beside the genial face of Senator Pendleton, and next came the sagacious round head of Senator Beck, with close-cut, curling hair. Ingalls, of Kansas, a tall, slim collegian—"the bluejay of the plains"—clad in blue from head to foot, and with a bright blue ribbon encircling his slender throat, stood somewhat back of the seats. Senator Voorhees' form towered in the shadow of the cloak-room. Senator Conkling, who had not yet left the Senate, "Fier d'etre moi," sat in the middle aisle, dressed in a mixed brown business suit, with a bit of red handkerchief showing above the breast pocket.
Senator Mahone was just recovering from a temporary indisposition, and his voice was faint and thin, but his bearing was defiant as he rose, with his pointed beard streaming over his breast, and adjusted his gold-rimmed eye-glasses. A mass of public documents and newspapers were piled on his desk, with an ominous display of cut lemons, showing that he expected to be compelled to strengthen his voice. His weight at that time was but ninety pounds, and those ninety pounds must have been composed of brain and voice and sinew, for, notwithstanding his evident feebleness, he spoke calmly and earnestly for three hours. As for the speech, those who came expecting to witness a renewal of the outburst of passion and invective which characterized his first appearance in the Senate, when he made his impromptu, eloquent reply to the savage assaults of Senator Ben. Hill, of Georgia, went away disappointed. There was very little that was personal in his speech, but there was enough to show that the Virginia Senator intended on all occasions to take care of himself, and that it would be wise for the Bourbons to forego personalities in their future debates with him. Those who came to hear a careful explanation of the debt question in Virginia, as it was understood by the Refunders, and to listen to an exposition of the opposition to Bourbonism, of which General Mahone was a leader, went away enlightened, if not fully satisfied. The speech was not intended as a philippic; it was designed as a careful exposition of the Virginia debt question, as an argument in support of the Readjuster party, and an arraignment of the Bourbons. It was one of the old style, solid political speeches, customary with Southern orators, which were much sought and generally read in the cross-roads counties of the Old Dominion, where the telegraph and the newspapers had usurped the ancient functions of the Congressional Record.
Senator Mahone indicated, possibly, a line for future aggressive debate in the Senate when he called upon the leaders of the different schools of finance and tariff in the Democratic party to stand up and tell him who was the leader of the party. He was unable to say whether it was the stalwart Greenbacker, Mr. Voorhees, the stalwart hard-money man, Mr. Bayard, or the author of the Ohio idea, Mr. Pendleton, and he called upon Mr. Voorhees, whose silver eloquence, he said, he had heard could make the water of the Wabash run backward, to answer the inquiry at his leisure. The general assaults upon him personally Senator Mahone repelled by a disclaimer and the Scotch quotation ending,
"If thou sayest I am not peer,
To any lord of Scotland here,
Highland or Lowland, far or near,
Lord Angus, thou hast lied."
In conclusion, Senator Mahone declared to him and to those who supported him the Solid South had become a mere geographical expression, that he and they stood for the right of freemen, and that he, in the name of the brave men who stood behind him, would guarantee to the North that thereafter in Virginia there should be a full and free ballot and an honest count.
President Garfield's first appearance in public after his inauguration was at the unveiling of the statue of Farragut, which was the work of his protégé, Mrs. Vinnie Ream Hoxie. A procession was formed at the Capitol, and was headed by Commodore Baldwin, as Grand Marshal, with the Naval School Cadets as an escort. The naval division, commanded by Captain Meade, included the battalion of marines and band, two infantry battalions of sailors and bands, and a battalion of naval light artillery, dragging their howitzers. The army division, commanded by Colonel Pennington, included the Second Artillery band, four batteries of artillery armed and equipped as infantry, and a light battery. The militia division, commanded by Colonel Webster, included the volunteer infantry companies of Washington, white and colored, with a battery of artillery.
The procession marched to the statue, where seats had been provided for invited guests. When the troops had been massed near by, Rev. Arthur Brooks offered prayer, and the canvas covering was then removed from the statue by Quartermaster Knowles, of the navy, who was ordered by the executive officer of the Hartford to follow Farragut up the shrouds during the engagement in Mobile Bay, and to lash him to the rigging, which he did. Bartholomew Diggins, who was captain of Farragut's barge, then hoisted the Admiral's flag on a mast planted near the pedestal, the drums beat four ruffles, the trumpets sounded four flourishes, the Marine Band played a march, and an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns was fired from a naval battery, the troops presenting arms at the first gun and coming to a "carry" at the last.
Brief addresses were then delivered in turn by President Garfield, Horace Maynard, and Senator Voorhees. The Marine Band played "Hail to the Chief," and was followed by an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns, during which the troops presented arms, drums beat, trumpets sounded, and bands played, and at last gun the Admiral's flag was hauled down. The column then re-formed and marched in review before the President at the Executive Mansion.
President Garfield, later in the spring, conferred the degrees at the College for Deaf Mutes at Kendall Green, just north of Washington. The graduates delivered addresses in sign language, while one of the College professors read their remarks from manuscript, very few of the audience understanding the gestured speech. The President concluded a neat little address by saying: "During many years of political life in one way or another, I always looked upon this place as a neutral ground, where we all, no matter what the political differences were, could meet, all trying to make this institution worthy the capital, and I hope to see this unchanged by any political vicissitudes that can happen."
President Garfield showed deep practical interest in all educational measures. He had learned by his own experiences how rough the road to literary eminence may be. He had received for himself when a boy the slender aid of a winter school in a country district; he had fed his early mental cravings with the narrow store of borrowed books in a rural section; but he had studied diligently and worked hard to enter college and to graduate, and his subsequent life for many years was one of unintermitted mental toil. No wonder, therefore, that institutions of learning received his constant attention.
[Facsimile] DavidDavis DAVID DAVIS was born in Cecil County, Maryland, March 9th, 1815; was graduated from Kenyon College in 1832; studied law at the New Haven Law School; was admitted to the bar, and commenced practice at Bloomington, Illinois, in 1836; was Judge of an Illinois Circuit Court, 1848-1862; was appointed by President Lincoln a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States in October, 1862, and served until March 5th, 1877, when he resigned to take his seat as United States Senator from Illinois; when Vice-President Arthur became President he was chosen President pro tempore of the Senate, and served until March 3d, 1883, and died at Bloomington, Illinois, June 26th, 1886.