Medical Inquiries and Observations, Vol. 3 / The Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged by the Author

by Benjamin Rush

OF BLOOD-LETTING.

The theory of this fever which led me to administer purges, determined me to use blood-letting, as soon as it should be indicated. I am disposed to believe that I was tardy in the use of this remedy, and I shall long regret the loss of three patients, who might probably have been saved by it. I cannot blame myself for not having used it earlier, for the immense number of patients which poured in upon me, in the first week of September, prevented my attending so much to each of them, as was necessary to determine upon the propriety of this evacuation. I was in the situation of a surgeon in a battle, who runs to every call, and only stays long enough with each soldier to stop the bleeding of his wound, while the increase of the wounded, and the unexpected length of the battle, leave his original patients to suffer from the want of more suitable dressings. The reasons which determined me to bleed were,

1. The state of the pulse, which became more tense, in proportion as the weather became cool.

2. The appearance of a moist and white tongue, on the first day of the disease, a certain sign of an inflammatory fever.

3. The frequency of hæmorrhages from every part of the body, and the perfect relief given in some cases by them.

4. The symptoms of congestion in the brain, resembling those which occur in the first stage of hydrocephalus internus, a disease in which I had lately used bleeding with success.

5. The character of the diseases which had preceded the yellow fever. They were all more or less inflammatory. Even the scarlatina anginosa had partaken so much of that diathesis, as to require bleeding to subdue it.

6. The warm and dry weather which had likewise preceded the fever. Dr. Sydenham attributes a highly inflammatory state of the small-pox to a previously hot and dry summer; and I have since observed, that Dr. Hillary takes notice of inflammatory fevers having frequently succeeded hot and dry weather in Barbadoes[74]. He informs us further, that the yellow fever is always most acute and inflammatory after a very hot season[75].

7. The authority of Dr. Mosely had great weight with me in advising the loss of blood, more especially as his ideas of the highly inflammatory nature of the fever accorded so perfectly with my own.

8. I was induced to prescribe blood-letting by recollecting its good effects in Mrs. Palmer's son, whom I bled on the 20th of August, and who appeared to have been recovered by it.

Having begun to bleed, I was encouraged to continue it by the appearance of the blood, and by the obvious and very great relief my patients derived from it.

The following is a short account of the appearances of the blood drawn from a vein in this disease.

1. It was, in the greatest number of cases, without any separation into crassamentum and serum, and of a scarlet colour.

2. There was in many cases a separation of the blood into crassamentum and yellow serum.

3. There were a few cases in which this separation took place, and the serum was of a natural colour.

4. There were many cases in which the blood was as sizy as in pneumony and rheumatism.

5. The blood was in some instances covered above with blue pellicle of sizy lymph, while the part which lay in the bottom of the bowl was dissolved. The lymph was in two cases mixed with green streaks.

6. It was in a few instances of a dark colour, and as fluid as molasses. I saw this kind of blood in a man who walked about his house during the whole of his sickness, and who finally recovered. Both this, and the fifth kind of blood which has been mentioned, occurred chiefly where bleeding had been omitted altogether, or used too sparingly in the beginning of the disease.

7. In some patients the blood, in the course of the disease, exhibited nearly all the appearances which have been mentioned. They were varied by the time in which the blood was drawn, and by the nature and force of the remedies which had been used in the disease.

The effects of blood-letting upon the system were as follow:

1. It raised the pulse when depressed, and quickened it, when it was preternaturally slow, or subject to intermissions.

2. It reduced its force and frequency.

3. It checked in many cases the vomiting which occurred in the beginning of the disease, and thereby enabled the stomach to retain the purging medicine. It likewise assisted the purge in preventing the dangerous or fatal vomiting which came on about the fifth day.

4. It lessened the difficulty of opening the bowels. Upon this account, in one of my addresses to the citizens of Philadelphia, I advised bleeding to be used before, as well as after taking the mercurial purge. Dr. Woodhouse informed me that he had several times seen patients call for the close-stool while the blood was flowing from the vein.

5. It removed delirium, coma, and obstinate wakefulness. It also prevented or checked hæmorrhages; hence perhaps another reason why not a single instance of abortion occurred in such of my female patients as were pregnant.

6. It disposed, in some cases, to a gentle perspiration.

7. It lessened the sensible debility of the system; hence patients frequently rose from their beds, and walked across their rooms, in a few hours after the operation had been performed.

8. The redness of the eyes frequently disappeared in a few hours after bleeding. Mr. Coxe observed a dilated pupil to contract to its natural size within a few minutes after he had bound up the arm of his patient. I remarked, in the former part of this work, that blindness in many instances attended or followed this fever. But two such cases occurred among my patients. In one of them it was of short continuance, and in the other it was probably occasioned by the want of sufficient bleeding. In every case of blindness that came to my knowledge bleeding had been omitted, or used only in a very moderate degree.

9. It eased pain. Thousands can testify this effect of blood-letting. Many of my patients whom I bled with my own hand acknowledged to me, while the blood was flowing, that they were better; and some of them declared, that all their pains had left them before I had completely bound up their arms.

10. But blood-letting had, in many cases, an effect the opposite of easing pain. It frequently increased it in every part of the body, more especially in the head. It appeared to be the effect of the system rising suddenly from a state of great depression, and of an increased action of the blood-vessels which took place in consequence of it. I had frequently seen complaints of the breast, and of the head, made worse by a single bleeding, and from the same cause. It was in some cases an unfortunate event in the yellow fever, for it prevented the blood-letting being repeated, by exciting or strengthening the prejudices of patients and physicians against it. In some instances the patients grew worse after a second, and, in one, after a third bleeding. This was the case in Miss Redman. Her pains increased after three bleedings, but yielded to the fourth. Her father, Dr. Redman, concurred in this seemingly absurd practice. It was at this time my old preceptor in medicine reminded me of Dr. Sydenham's remark, that moderate bleeding did harm in the plague where copious bleeding was indicated, and that in the cure of that disease, we should leave nature wholly to herself, or take the cure altogether out of her hands. The truth of this remark was very obvious. By taking away as much blood as restored the blood-vessels to a morbid degree of action, without reducing this action afterwards, pain, congestion, and inflammation were frequently increased, all of which were prevented, or occurred in a less degree, when the system rose gradually from the state of depression which had been induced by the great force of the disease. Under the influence of the facts and reasonings which have been mentioned I bore the same testimony in acute cases, against what was called moderate bleeding that I did against bark, wine, and laudanum in this fever.

11. Blood-letting, when used early on the first day, frequently strangled the disease in its birth, and generally rendered it more light, and the convalescence more speedy and perfect. I am not sure that it ever shortened the duration of the fever where it was not used within a few hours of the time of its attack. Under every mode of treatment it seemed disposed, after it was completely formed, to run its course. I was so satisfied of this peculiarity in the fever, that I ventured in some cases to predict the day on which it would terminate, notwithstanding I took the cure entirely out of the hands of nature. I did not lose a patient on the third, whom I bled on the first or second day of the disease.

12. In those cases which ended fatally, blood-letting restored, or preserved the use of reason, rendered death easy, and retarded the putrefaction of the body after death.

I shall now mention some of the circumstances which directed and regulated the use of this remedy.

1. Where bleeding had been omitted for three days, in acute cases, it was seldom useful. Where purging had been used, it was sometimes successful. I recovered two patients who had taken the mercurial purges, whom I bled for the first time on the seventh day. One of them was the daughter of Mr. James Cresson, the other was a journeyman ship-carpenter at Kensington. In those cases where bleeding had been used on the first day, it was both safe and useful to repeat it every day afterwards, during the continuance of the fever.

2. I preferred bleeding in the exacerbation of the fever. The remedy here was applied when the disease was in its greatest force. A single paroxysm was like a sudden squall to the system, and, unless abated by bleeding or purging, often produced universal disorganization. I preferred the former to the latter remedy in cases of great danger, because it was more speedy, and more certain in its operation.

3. I bled in several instances in the remission of the fever, where the pulse was tense and corded. It lessened the violence of the succeeding paroxysm.

4. I bled in all those cases in which the pulse was preternaturally slow, provided it was tense. Mr. Benj. W. Morris, Mr. Thomas Wharton, jun. and Mr. Wm. Sansom, all owe their lives probably to their having been bled in the above state of the pulse. I was led to use bleeding in this state of the pulse, not only by the theory of the disease which I had adopted, but by the success which had often attended this remedy, in a slow and depressed state of the pulse in apoplexy and pneumony. I had moreover the authority of Dr. Mosely in its favour, in the yellow fever, and of Dr. Sydenham, in his account of a new fever, which appeared in the year 1685. The words of the latter physician are so apposite to the cases which have been mentioned, that I hope I shall be excused for inserting them in this place. “All the symptoms of weakness (says our author) proceed from nature's being in a manner oppressed and overcome by the first attack of the disease, so as not to be able to raise regular symptoms adequate to the violence of the fever. I remember to have met with a remarkable instance of this, several years ago, in a young man I then attended; for though he seemed in a manner expiring, yet the outward parts felt so cool, that I could not persuade the attendants he had a fever, which could not disengage, and show itself clearly, because the vessels were so full as to obstruct the motion of the blood. However, I said, that they would soon find the fever rise high enough upon bleeding him. Accordingly, after taking away a large quantity of blood, as violent a fever appeared as ever I met with, and did not go off till bleeding had been used three or four times[76].”

5. I bled in those cases in which the fever appeared in a tertian form, provided the pulse was full and tense. I well recollect the surprise with which Mr. Van Berkel heard this prescription from me, at a time when he was able to walk and ride out on the intermediate days of a tertian fever. The event which followed this prescription showed that it was not disproportioned to the violence of his disease, for it soon put on such acute and inflammatory symptoms as to require six subsequent bleedings to subdue it.

6. I bled in those cases where patients were able to walk about, provided the pulse was the same as has been mentioned under the fourth head. I was determined as to the propriety of bleeding in these two supposed mild forms of the fever, by having observed each of them, when left to themselves, frequently to terminate in death.

7. I paid no regard to the dissolved state of the blood, when it appeared on the first or second day of the disease, but repeated the bleedings afterwards in every case, where the pulse continued to indicate it. It was common to see sizy blood succeed that which was dissolved. This occurred in Mr. Josiah Coates, and Mr. Samuel Powel. Had I believed that this dissolved state of the blood arose from its putrefaction, I should have laid aside my lancet as soon as I saw it; but I had long ago parted with all ideas of putrefaction in bilious fevers. The refutation of this doctrine was the object of one of my papers in the Medical Society of Edinburgh, in the year 1767. The dissolved appearance of the blood, I suppose to be the effect of a certain action of the blood-vessels upon it. It occurs in fevers which depend upon the sensible qualities of the air, and in which no putrid or foreign matter has been introduced into the system.

8. The presence of petechiæ did not deter me from repeating blood-letting, where the pulse retained its fulness or tension. I prescribed it with success in the cases of Dr. Mease, and of Mrs. Gebler, in Dock-street, in each of whom petechiæ had appeared. Bleeding was equally effectual in the case of the Rev. Mr. Keating, at a time when his arms were spotted with that species of eruptions which I have compared to moscheto-bites. I had precedents in Dr. De Haen[77] and Dr. Sydenham[78], in favour of this practice. So far from viewing these eruptions as signs of putrefaction, I considered them as marks of the highest possible inflammatory diathesis. They disappeared in each of the above cases after bleeding.

9. In determining the quantity of blood to be drawn, I was governed by the state of the pulse, and by the temperature of the weather. In the beginning of September, I found one or two moderate bleedings sufficient to subdue the fever; but in proportion as the system rose by the diminution of the stimulus of heat, and the fever put on more visible signs of inflammatory diathesis, more frequent bleedings became necessary. I bled many patients twice, and a few three times a day. I preferred frequent and small, to large bleedings, in the beginning of September; but towards the height and close of the epidemic, I saw no inconvenience from the loss of a pint, and even twenty ounces of blood at a time. I drew from many persons seventy and eighty ounces in five days; and from a few, a much larger quantity. Mr. Gribble, cedar-cooper, in Front-street, lost by ten bleedings a hundred ounces of blood; Mr. George, a carter in Ninth-street, lost about the same quantity by five bleedings; and Mr. Peter Mierken, one hundred and fourteen ounces in five days. In the last of the above persons the quantity taken was determined by weight. Mr. Toy, blacksmith near Dock-street, was eight times bled in the course of seven days. The quantity taken from him was about a hundred ounces. The blood in all these cases was dense, and in the last, very sizy. They were all attended in the month of October, and chiefly by my pupil, Mr. Fisher; and they were all, years afterwards, living and healthy instances of the efficacy of copious blood-letting, and of the intrepidity and judgment of their young physician. Children, and even old people, bore the loss of much more blood in this fever than in common inflammatory fevers. I took above thirty ounces, in five bleedings, from a daughter of Mr. Robert Bridges, who was then in the 9th year of her age. Even great debility, whether natural or brought on by previous diseases, did not, in those few cases in which it yielded to the fever, deprive it of the uniformity of its inflammatory character. The following letter from Dr. Griffitts, written soon after his recovery from a third attack of the fever, and just before he went into the country for the re-establishment of his health, will furnish a striking illustration of the truth of the above observation.

“I cannot leave town without a parting adieu to my kind friend, and sincere prayers for his preservation.

“I am sorry to find that the use of the lancet is still so much dreaded by too many of our physicians; and, while lamenting the death of a valuable friend this morning, I was told that he was bled but once during his disease. Now if my poor frame, reduced by previous sickness, great anxiety, and fatigue, and a very low diet, could bear seven bleedings in five days, besides purging, and no diet but toast and water, what shall we say of physicians who bleed but once?

“October 19th, 1793.”

I have compared a paroxysm of this fever to a sudden squall; but the disease in its whole course was like a tedious equinoctial gale acting upon a ship at sea; its destructive force was only to be opposed by handing every sail, and leaving the system to float, as it were, under bare poles. Such was the fragility (if I may be allowed the expression) of the blood-vessels, that it was necessary to unload them of their contents, in order to prevent the system sinking from hæmorrhages, or from effusions in the viscera, particularly the brain.

9. Such was the indomitable nature of the pulse, in some patients, that it did not lose its force after numerous and copious bleedings. In all such cases I considered the diminution of its frequency, and the absence of a vomiting, as signals to lay aside the lancet. The continuance of this preternatural force in the pulse appeared to be owing to the miasmata, which were universally diffused in the air, acting upon the arterial system in the same manner that it did in persons who were in apparent good health.

Thus have I mentioned the principal circumstances which were connected with blood-letting in the cure of the yellow fever. I shall now consider the objections that were made to it at the time, and since the prevalence of the fever.

It was said that the bleeding was unnecessarily copious; and that many had been destroyed by it. To this I answer, that I did not lose a single patient whom I bled seven times or more in this fever. As a further proof that I did not draw an ounce of blood too much it will only be necessary to add, that hæmorrhages frequently occurred after a third, a fourth, and in one instance (in the only son of Mr. William Hall) after a sixth bleeding had been used; and further, that not a single death occurred from natural hæmorrhages in the first stage of the disease. A woman, who had been bled by my advice, awoke the night following in a bath of her blood, which had flowed from the orifice in her arm. The next day she was free from pain and fever. There were many recoveries in the city from similar accidents. There were likewise some recoveries from copious natural hæmorrhages in the more advanced stages of the disease, particularly when they occurred from the stomach and bowels. I left a servant maid of Mrs. Morris's, in Walnut-street, who had discharged at least four pounds of blood from her stomach, without a pulse, and with scarcely a symptom that encouraged a hope of her life; but the next day I had the pleasure of finding her out of danger.

It was remarked that fainting was much less common after bleeding in this fever than in common inflammatory fevers. This circumstance was observed by Dr. Griffitts, as well as myself. It has since been confirmed to me by three of the principal bleeders in the city, who performed the operation upwards of four thousand times. It occurred chiefly in those cases where it was used for the first time on the third or fourth day of the disease. A swelling of the legs, moreover, so common after plentiful bleeding in pneumony and rheumatism, rarely succeeded the use of this remedy in the yellow fever.

2. Many of the indispositions, and much of the subsequent weakness of persons who had been cured by copious blood-letting, have been ascribed to it. This is so far from being true that the reverse of it has occurred in many cases. Mr. Mierken worked in his sugar-house, in good health, nine days after his last bleeding; and Mr. Gribble and Mr. George seemed, by their appearance, to have derived fresh vigour from their evacuations. I could mention the names of many people who assured me their constitutions had been improved by the use of those remedies; and I know several persons in whom they have carried off habitual complaints. Mr. Richard Wells attributed his relief from a chronic rheumatism to the copious bleeding and purging which were used to cure him of the yellow fever; and Mr. William Young, the bookseller, was relieved of a chronic pain in his side, by means of the same remedies.

3. It was said, that blood-letting was prescribed indiscriminately in all cases, without any regard to age, constitution, or the force of the disease. This is not true, as far as it relates to my practice. In my prescriptions for patients whom I was unable to visit, I advised them, when they were incapable of judging of the state of the pulse, to be guided in the use of bleeding, by the degrees of pain they felt, particularly in the head; and I seldom advised it for the first time, after the second or third day of the disease.

In pneumonies which affect whole neighbourhoods in the spring of the year, bleeding is the universal remedy. Why should it not be equally so, in a fever which is of a more uniform inflammatory nature, and which tends more rapidly to effusions, in parts of the body much more vital than the lungs?

I have before remarked, that the debility which occurs in the beginning of the yellow fever, arises from a depressed state of the system. The debility in the plague is of the same nature. It has long been known that debility from the sudden abstraction of stimuli is to be removed by the gradual application of stimuli, but it has been less observed, that the excess of stimulus in the system is best removed in a gradual manner, and that too in proportion to the degrees of depression, which exist in the system.

This principle in the animal economy has been acknowledged by the practice of occasionally stopping the discharge of water from a canula in tapping, and of blood from a vein, in order to prevent fainting.

Child-birth induces fainting, and sometimes death, only by the sudden abstraction of the stimulus of distention and pain.

In all those cases where purging or bleeding have produced death in the yellow fever or plague, when they have been used on the first or second day of those diseases, I suspect that it was occasioned by the quantity of the stimulus abstracted being disproportioned to the degrees of depression in the system. The following facts will I hope throw light upon this subject.

1. Dr. Hodges informs us, that “although blood could not be drawn in the plague, even in the smallest quantity without danger, yet a hundred times the quantity of fluids was discharged in pus from buboes without inconvenience[79].”

2. Pareus, after condemning bleeding in the plague, immediately adds an account of a patient, who was saved by a hæmorrhage from the nose, which continued two days[80].

3. I have before remarked that bleeding proved fatal in three cases in the yellow fever, in the month of August; but at that time I saw one, and heard of another case, in which death seemed to have been prevented by a bleeding at the nose. Perhaps the uniform good effects which were observed to follow a spontaneous hæmorrhage from an orifice in the arm, arose wholly from the gradual manner in which the stimulus of the blood was in this way abstracted from the body. Dr. Williams relates a case of the recovery of a gentleman from the yellow fever, by means of small hæmorrhages, which continued three days, from wounds in his shoulders made by being cupped. He likewise mentions several other recoveries by hæmorrhages from the nose, after “a vomiting of black humours and a hiccup had taken place[81].”

4. There is a disease in North-Carolina, known among the common people by the name of the “pleurisy in the head.” It occurs in the winter, after a sickly autumn, and seems to be an evanescent symptom of a bilious remitting fever. The cure of it has been attempted by bleeding, in the common way, but generally without success. It has, however, yielded to this remedy in another form, that is, to the discharge of a few ounces of blood obtained by thrusting a piece of quill up the nose.

5. Riverius describes a pestilential fever which prevailed at Montpellier, in the year 1623, which carried off one half of all who were affected by it[82]. After many unsuccessful attempts to cure it, this judicious physician prescribed the loss of two or three ounces of blood. The pulse rose with this small evacuation. Three or four hours afterwards he drew six ounces of blood from his patients, and with the same good effect. The next day he gave a purge, which, he says, rescued his patients from the grave. All whom he treated in this manner recovered. The whole history of this epidemic is highly interesting, from its agreeing with our late epidemic in so many of its symptoms, more especially as they appeared in the different states of the pulse.

An old and intelligent citizen of Philadelphia, who remembers the yellow fever of 1741, says that when it first made its appearance bleeding was attended with fatal consequences. It was laid aside afterwards, and the disease prevailed with great mortality until it was checked by the cold weather. Had blood been drawn in the manner mentioned by Riverius, or had it been drawn in the usual way, after the abstraction of the stimulus of heat by the cool weather, the disease might probably have been subdued, and the remedy of blood-letting thereby have recovered its character.

Dr. Hodges has another remark, in his account of the plague in London in the year 1665, which is still more to our purpose than the one which I have quoted from it upon this subject. He says that “bleeding, as a preventive of the plague, was only safe and useful when the blood was drawn by a small orifice, and a small quantity taken at different times[83].”

I have remarked, in the history of this fever, that it was often cured on the first or second day by a copious sweat. The Rev. Mr. Ustick was one among many whom I could mention, who were saved from a violent attack of the fever by this evacuation. It would be absurd to suppose that the miasmata which produced the disease were discharged in this manner from the body. The sweat seemed to cure the fever only by lessening the quantity of the fluids, and thus gradually removing the depression of the system. The profuse sweats which sometimes cure the plague, as well as the disease which is brought on by the bite of poisonous snakes, seem to act in the same way.

The system, in certain states of malignant fever, resembles a man struggling beneath a load of two hundred weight, who is able to lift but one hundred and seventy-five. In order to assist him it will be to no purpose to attempt to infuse additional vigour into his muscles by the use of a whip or of strong drink. Every exertion will serve only to waste his strength. In this situation (supposing it impossible to divide the weight which confines him to the ground) let the pockets of this man be emptied of their contents, and let him be stripped of so much of his clothing as to reduce his weight five and twenty or thirty pounds. In this situation he will rise from the ground; but if the weights be abstracted suddenly, while he is in an act of exertion, he will rise with a spring that will endanger a second fall, and probably produce a temporary convulsion in his system. By abstracting the weights from his body more gradually, he will rise by degrees from the ground, and the system will accommodate itself in such a manner to the diminution of its pressure, as to resume its erect form, without the least deviation from the natural order of its appearance and motions.

It has been said that the stimulating remedies of bark, wine, and the cold bath, were proper in our late epidemic in August, and in the beginning of September, but that they were improper afterwards. If my theory be just, they were more improper in August and the beginning of September, than they were after the disease put on the outward and common signs of inflammatory diathesis. The reason why a few strong purges cured the disease at its first appearance, was, because they abstracted in a gradual manner some of the immense portion of stimulus under which the arterial system laboured, and thus gradually relieved it from its low and weakening degrees of depression. Bleeding was fatal in these cases, probably because it removed this depression in too sudden a manner.

The principle of the gradual abstraction, as well as of the gradual application of stimuli to the body, opens a wide field for the improvement of medicine. Perhaps all the discoveries of future ages will consist more in a new application of established principles, and in new modes of exhibiting old medicines, than in the discovery of new theories, or of new articles of the materia medica.

The reasons which induced me to prescribe purging and bleeding, in so liberal a manner, naturally led me to recommend cool and fresh air to my patients. The good effects of it were obvious in almost every case in which it was applied. It was equally proper whether the arterial system was depressed, or whether it discovered, in the pulse, a high degree of morbid excitement. Dr. Griffitts furnished a remarkable instance of the influence of cool air upon the fever. Upon my visiting him, on the morning of the 8th of October, I found his pulse so full and tense as to indicate bleeding, but after sitting a few minutes by his bed-side, I perceived that the windows of his room had been shut in the night by his nurse, on account of the coldness of the night air. I desired that they might be opened. In ten minutes afterwards the doctor's pulse became so much slower and weaker that I advised the postponement of the bleeding, and recommended a purge instead of it. The bleeding notwithstanding became necessary, and was used with great advantage in the afternoon of the same day.

The cool air was improper only in those cases where a chilliness attended the disease.

For the same reason that I advised cool air, I directed my patients to use cold drinks. They consisted of lemonade, tamarind, jelly and raw apple water, toast and water, and of weak balm, and camomile tea. The subacid drinks were preferred in most cases, as being not only most agreeable to the taste, but because they tended to compose the stomach. All these drinks were taken in the early stage of the disease. Towards the close of it, I permitted the use of porter and water, weak punch, and when the stomach would bear it, weak wine-whey.

I forbade all cordial and stimulating food in the active state of the arterial system. The less my patients ate, of even the mildest vegetable food, the sooner they recovered. Weak coffee, which (as I have formerly remarked) was almost universally agreeable, and weak tea were always inoffensive. As the action of the pulse diminished, I indulged my patients with weak chocolate; also with milk, to which roasted apples, or minced peaches, and (where they were not to be had), bread or Indian mush were added.

Towards the crisis, I advised the drinking of weak chicken, veal, or mutton broth, and after the crisis had taken place, I permitted mild animal food to be eaten in a small quantity, and to be increased according to the waste of the excitability of the system. This strict abstinence which I imposed upon my patients did not escape obloquy; but the benefits they derived from it, and the ill effects which arose in many cases from a contrary regimen, satisfied me that it was proper in every case in which it was prescribed.

Cold water was a most agreeable and powerful remedy in this disease. I directed it to be applied by means of napkins to the head, and to be injected into the bowels by way of glyster. It gave the same ease to both, when in pain, which opium gives to pain from other causes. I likewise advised the washing of the face and hands, and sometimes the feet, with cold water, and always with advantage. It was by suffering the body to lie for some time in a bed of cold water, that the inhabitants of the island of Massuah cured the most violent bilious fevers[84]. When applied in this way, it gradually abstracts the heat from the body, and thereby lessens the action of the system. It differs as much in its effects upon the body from the cold bath, as rest in a cold room, differs from exercise in the cold and open air.

I was first led to the practice of the partial application of cold water to the body, in fevers of too much force in the arterial system, by observing its good effects in active hæmorrhages, and by recollecting the effects of a partial application of warm water to the feet, in fevers of an opposite character. Cold water when applied to the feet as certainly reduces the pulse in force and frequency, as warm water, applied in the same way, produces contrary effects upon it. In an experiment which was made at my request, by one of my pupils, by placing his feet in cold pump water for a few minutes, the pulse was reduced 24 strokes in a minute, and became so small as hardly to be perceptible.

But this effect of cold water, in reducing the frequency of the pulse, is not uniform. In weak and irritable habits, it increases its frequency. This has been fully proved by a number of experiments, made by my former pupil, Dr. Stock, of Bristol, in England, and published in his “Medical Collections of the Effects of Cold, as a Remedy in certain Diseases[85].”

In the use of the remedies which were necessary to overcome the inflammatory action of the system, I was obliged to reduce it below its natural point of excitement. In the present imperfect state of our knowledge in medicine, perhaps no disease of too much action can be cured without it.

Besides the remedies which have been mentioned, I was led to employ another of great efficacy. I had observed a favourable issue of the fever, in every case in which a spontaneous discharge took place from the salivary glands. I had observed further, that all such of my patients (one excepted) as were salivated by the mercurial purges recovered in a few days. This early suggested an idea to me that the calomel might be applied to other purposes than the discharging of bile from the bowels. I ascribed its salutary effects, when it salivated in the first stage of the disease, to the excitement of inflammation and effusion in the throat, diverting them from more vital parts of the body. In the second stage of the disease, I was led to prescribe it as a stimulant, and, with a view of obtaining this operation from it, I aimed at exciting a salivation, as speedily as possible, in all cases. Two precedents encouraged me to make trial of this remedy.

In the month of October, 1789, I attended a gentleman in a bilious fever, which ended in many of the symptoms of a typhus mitior. In the lowest state of his fever, he complained of a pain in his right side, for which I ordered half an ounce of mercurial ointment to be rubbed on the part affected. The next day, he complained of a sore mouth, and, in the course of four and twenty hours, he was in a moderate salivation. From this time his pulse became full and slow, and his skin moist; his sleep and appetite suddenly returned, and in a day or two he was out of danger. The second precedent for a salivation in a fever, which occurred to me, was in Dr. Haller's short account of the works of Dr. Cramer[86]. The practice was moreover justified, in point of safety, as well as the probability of success, by the accounts which Dr. Clark has lately given of the effects of a salivation in the dysentery[87]. I began by prescribing the calomel in small doses, at short intervals, and afterwards I directed large quantities of the ointment to be rubbed upon the limbs. The effects of it, in every case in which it affected the mouth, were salutary. Dr. Woodhouse improved upon my method of exciting the salivation, by rubbing the gums with calomel, in the manner directed by Mr. Clare. It was more speedy in its operation in this way than in any other, and equally effectual. Several persons appeared to be benefited by the mercury introduced into the system in the form of an ointment, where it did not produce a salivation. Among these, were the Rev. Dr. Blackwell, and Mr. John Davis.

Soon after the above account was written of the good effects of a mercurial salivation in this fever, I had great satisfaction in discovering that it had been prescribed with equal, and even greater success, by Dr. Wade in Bengal, in the year 1791, and by Dr. Chisholm in the island of Granada, in the cure of bilious yellow fevers[88]. Dr. Wade did not lose one, and Dr. Chisholm lost only one out of forty-eight patients in whom the mercury affected the salivary glands. The latter gave 150 grains of calomel, and applied the strongest mercurial ointment below the groin of each side, in some cases. He adds further, that not a single instance of a relapse occurred, where the disease was cured by salivation.

After the reduction of the system, blisters were applied with great advantage to every part of the body. They did most service when they were applied to the crown of the head. I did not see a single case, in which a mortification followed the sore, which was created by a blister.

Brandy and water, or porter and water, when agreeable to the stomach, with now and then a cup of chicken broth, were the drinks I prescribed to assist in restoring the tone of the system.

In some cases I directed the limbs to be wrapped in flannels dipped in warm spirits, and cataplasms of bruised garlic to be applied to the feet. But my principal dependence, next to the use of mercurial medicines, for exciting a healthy action in the arterial system, was upon mild and gently stimulating food. This consisted of rich broths, the flesh of poultry, oysters, thick gruel, mush and milk, and chocolate. I directed my patients to eat or drink a portion of some of the above articles of diet every hour or two during the day, and in cases of great debility, from an exhausted state of the system, I advised their being waked for the same purpose two or three times in the night. The appetite frequently craved more savoury articles of food, such as beef-stakes and sausages; but they were permitted with great caution, and never till the system had been prepared for them by a less stimulating diet.

There were several symptoms which were very distressing in this disease, and which required a specific treatment.

For the vomiting, with a burning sensation in the stomach, which came on about the fifth day, I found no remedy equal to a table spoonful of sweet milk, taken every hour, or to small draughts of milk and water. I was led to prescribe this simple medicine from having heard, from a West-India practitioner, and afterwards read, in Dr. Hume's account of the yellow fever, encomiums upon the milk of the cocoa-nut for this troublesome symptom. Where sweet milk failed of giving relief, I prescribed small doses of sweet oil, and in some cases a mixture of equal parts of milk, sweet oil, and molasses. They were all intended to dilute or blunt the acrimony of the humours, which were either effused or generated in the stomach. Where they all failed of checking the vomiting, I prescribed weak camomile tea, or porter, or cyder and water, with advantage. In some of my patients the stomach rejected all the mixtures and liquors which have been mentioned. In such cases I directed the stomach to be left to itself for a few hours, after which it sometimes received and retained the drinks that it had before rejected, provided they were administered in a small quantity at a time.

The vomiting was sometimes stopped by a blister applied to the external region of the stomach.

A mixture of liquid laudanum and sweet oil, applied to the same place, gave relief where the stomach was affected by pain only, without a vomiting.

I have formerly mentioned that a distressing pain often seized the lower part of the bowels. I was early taught that laudanum was not a proper remedy for it. It yielded in almost every case to two or three emollient glysters, or to the loss of a few ounces of blood.

The convalescence from this fever was in general rapid, but in some cases it was very slow. I was more than usually struck by the great resemblance which the system in the convalescence from this fever bore to the state of the body and mind in old age. It appeared, 1. In the great weakness of the body, more especially of the limbs. 2. In uncommon depression of mind, and in a great aptitude to shed tears. 3. In the absence or short continuance of sleep. 4. In the frequent occurrence of appetite, and, in some cases, in its inordinate degrees. And 5. In the loss of the hair of the head, or in its being suddenly changed in some cases to a grey colour.

Pure air, gentle exercise, and agreeable society removed the debility both of body and mind of this premature and temporary old age. I met with a few cases, in which the yellow colour continued for several weeks after the patient's recovery from all the other symptoms of the fever. It was removed most speedily and effectually by two or three moderate doses of calomel and rhubarb.

A feeble and irregular intermittent was very troublesome in some people, after an acute attack of the fever. It yielded gradually to camomile or snake-root tea, and country air.

In a publication, dated the 16th of September, I recommended a diet of milk and vegetables, and cooling purges to be taken once or twice a week, to the citizens of Philadelphia. This advice was the result of the theory of the disease I had adopted, and of the successful practice which had arisen from it. In my intercourse with my fellow-citizens, I advised this regimen to be regulated by the degrees of fatigue and foul air to which they were exposed. I likewise advised moderate blood-letting to all such persons as were of a plethoric habit. To men whose minds were influenced by the publications in favour of bark and wine, and who were unable at that time to grasp the extent and force of the remote cause of this terrible fever, the idea of dieting, purging, or bleeding the inhabitants of a whole village or city appeared to be extravagant and absurd: but I had not only the analogy of the regimen made use of to prepare the body for the small-pox, but many precedents in favour of the advice. Dr. Haller has given extracts from the histories of two plagues, in which the action of the miasmata was prevented or mitigated by bleeding[89]. Dr. Hodges confirms the utility of the same practice. The benefits of low diet, as a preventive of the plague, were established by many authors, long before they received the testimony of the benevolent Mr. Howard in their favour. Socrates in Athens, and Justinian in Constantinople, were preserved, by means of their abstemious modes of living, from the plagues which occasionally ravaged those cities. By means of the low diet, gentle physic, and occasional bleedings, which I thus publicly recommended, the disease was prevented in many instances, or rendered mild where it was taken. But my efforts to prevent the disease in my fellow-citizens did not end here. I advised them, not only in the public papers, but in my intercourse with them, to avoid heat, cold, labour, and every thing else that could excite the miasmata (which I knew to be present in all their bodies) into action. I forgot, upon this occasion, the usual laws which regulate the intercourse of man with man in the streets, and upon the public roads, in my excursions into the neighbourhood of the city. I cautioned many persons, whom I saw walking or riding in an unsafe manner, of the danger to which they exposed themselves; and thereby, I hope, prevented an attack of the disease in many people.

It was from a conviction of the utility of low diet, gentle evacuations, and of carefully shunning all the exciting causes which I have mentioned, that I concealed, in no instance, from my patients the name of their disease. This plainness, which was blamed by weak people, produced strict obedience to my directions, and thereby restrained the progress of the fever in many families, or rendered it, when taken, as mild as inoculation does the small-pox. The opposite conduct of several physicians, by preventing the above precautions, increased the mortality of the disease, and, in some instances, contributed to the extinction of whole families.

I proceed now to make a few remarks upon the remedies recommended by Doctors Kuhn and Stevens, and by the French physicians. The former were bark, wine, laudanum, spices, the elixir of vitriol, and the cold bath.

In every case in which I prescribed bark, it was offensive to the stomach. In several tertians which attended the convalescence from a common attack of the fever, I found it always unsuccessful, and once hurtful. Mr. Willing took it for several weeks without effect. About half a pint of a weak decoction of the bark produced, in Mr. Samuel Meredith, a paroxysm of the fever, so violent as to require the loss of ten ounces of blood to moderate it. Dr. Annan informed me that he was forced to bleed one of his patients twice, after having given him a small quantity of bark, to hasten his convalescence.

It was not in this epidemic only that the bark was hurtful. Baron Humboldt informed me, that Dr. Comoto had assured him, it hastened death in every case in which it was given in the yellow fever of Vera Cruz. If, in any instance, it was inoffensive, or did service, in our fever, I suspect it must have acted upon the bowels as a purge. Dr. Sydenham says the bark cured intermittents by this evacuation[90]; and Mr. Bruce says it operated in the same way, when it cured the bilious fevers at Massuah.

Wine was nearly as disagreeable as the bark to the stomach, and equally hurtful. I tried it in every form, and of every quality, but without success. It was either rejected by the stomach, or produced in it a burning sensation. I should suspect that I had been mistaken in my complaints against wine, had I not since met with an account in Skenkius of its having destroyed all who took it in the famous Hungarian fever, which prevailed, with great mortality, over nearly every country in Europe, about the middle of the 16th century[91]. Dr. Wade declares wine to be “ill adapted to the fevers of Bengal, where the treatment has been proper in other respects.”

Laudanum has been called by Dr. Mosely “a fatal medicine” in the yellow fever. In one of my patients, who took only fifteen drops of it, without my advice, to ease a pain in his bowels, it produced a delirium, and death in a few hours. I was much gratified in discovering that my practice, with respect to the use of opium in this fever, accorded with Dr. Wade's in the fever of Bengal. He tells us, “that it was mischievous in almost every instance, even in combination with antimonials.”

The spices were hurtful in the first stage of the fever, and, when sufficient evacuations had been used, they were seldom necessary in its second.

The elixir of vitriol was, in general, offensive to the stomach.

The cold bath was useful in those cases where its sedative prevailed over its stimulating effects. But this could not often happen, from the suddenness and force, with which the water was thrown upon the body. In two cases in which I prescribed it, it produced a gentle sweat, but it did not save life. In a third it removed a delirium, and reduced the pulse for a few minutes, in frequency and force, but this patient died. The recommendation of it indiscriminately, in all cases, was extremely improper. In that chilliness and tendency to fainting upon the least motion, which attended the disease in some patients, it was an unsafe remedy. I heard of a woman who was seized with delirium immediately after using it, from which she never recovered; and of a man who died a few minutes after he came out of a bathing tub. Had this remedy been the exclusive antidote to the yellow fever, the mortality of the disease would have been but little checked by it. Thousands must have perished from the want of means to procure tubs, and of a suitable number of attendants to apply the water, and to lift the patient in and out of bed. The reason of our citizens ran before the learning of the friends of this remedy, and long before it was abandoned by the physicians, it was rejected as useless, or not attempted, because impracticable, by the good sense of the city. It is to be lamented that the remedy of cold water has suffered in its character by the manner in which it was advised. In fevers of too much action, it reduces the morbid excitement of the blood-vessels, provided it be applied without force, and for a considerable time, to the body. It is in the jail fever, and in the second stage of the yellow fever only, in which its stimulant and tonic powers are proper. Dr. Jackson establishes this mode of using it, by informing us, that when it did service, it “gave vigour and tone” to the system[92].

A mode of practice which I formerly mentioned in this fever, consisted of a union of the evacuating and tonic remedies. The physicians who adopted this mode gave calomel by itself, in small doses, on the first or second day of the fever, bled once or twice, in a sparing manner, and gave the bark, wine, and laudanum, in large quantities, upon the first appearance of a remission. After they began the use of these remedies purging was omitted, or, if the bowels were moved, it was only by means of gentle glysters. This practice, I shall say hereafter, was not much more successful than that which was recommended by Dr. Kuhn and Dr. Stevens. It resembled throwing water and oil at the same time upon a fire, in order to extinguish it.

The French remedies were nitre and cremor tartar, in small doses, centaury tea, camphor, and several other warm medicines; subacid drinks, taken in large quantities, the warm bath, and moderate bleeding.

After what has been said it must be obvious to the reader, that the nitre and cremor tartar, in small doses, could do no good, and that camphor and all cordial medicines must have done harm. The diluting subacid drinks, which the French physicians gave in large quantities, were useful in diluting and blunting the acrimony of the bile, and to this remedy, assisted by occasional bleeding, I ascribe most of the cures which were performed by those physicians.

Those few persons in whom the warm bath produced copious and universal sweats recovered, but, in nearly all the cases which came under my notice, it did harm.

I come now to inquire into the comparative success of all the different modes of practice which have been mentioned.

I have already said that ten out of thirteen patients whom I treated with bark, wine, and laudanum, and that three out of four, in whom I added the cold bath to those remedies, died. Dr. Pennington informed me, that he had lost all the patients (six in number) to whom he had given the above medicines. Dr. Johnson assured me, with great concern, about two weeks before he died, that he had not recovered a single patient by them. Whole families were swept off where these medicines were used. But further, most of those persons who received the seeds of the fever in the city, and sickened in the country, or in the neighbouring towns, and who were treated with tonic remedies, died. There was not a single cure performed by them in New-York, where they were used in several sporadic cases with every possible advantage. But why do I multiply proofs of their deadly effects? The clamours of hundreds whose relations had perished by them, and the fears of others, compelled those physicians who had been most attached to them to lay them aside, or to prepare the way for them (as it was called) by purging and bleeding. The bathing tub soon shared a worse fate than bark, wine, and laudanum, and, long before the disease disappeared, it was discarded by all the physicians in the city.

In answer to these facts we are told, that Mr. Hamilton and his family were cured by Dr. Stevens's remedies, and that Dr. Kuhn had administered them with success in several instances.

Upon these cures I shall insert the following judicious remarks from Dr. Sydenham. “Success (says the doctor) is not a sufficient proof of the excellency of a method of cure in acute diseases, since some are recovered by the imprudent procedure of old women; but it is further required, that the distemper should be easily cured, and yield conformably to its own nature[93].” And again, speaking of the cure of the new fever of 1685, this incomparable physician observes, “If it be objected that this fever frequently yields to a quite contrary method to that which I have laid down, I answer, that the cure of a disease by a method which is attended with success only now and then, in a few instances, differs extremely from that practical method, the efficacy whereof appears both from its recovering greater numbers, and all the practical phenomena happening in the cure[94].”

Far be it from me to deny that the depression of the system may not be overcome by such stimuli as are more powerful than those which occasion it. This has sometimes been demonstrated by the efficacy of bark, wine, and laudanum, in the confluent and petechial small-pox; but even this state of that disease yields more easily to blood-letting, or to plentiful evacuations from the stomach and bowels, on the first or second day of the eruptive fever. This I have often proved, by giving a large dose of tartar emetic and calomel, as soon as I was satisfied from circumstances, that my patient was infected with the small-pox. But the depression produced by the yellow fever appears to be much greater than that which occurs in the small-pox, and hence it more uniformly resisted the most powerful tonic remedies.

In one of my publications during the prevalence of the fever I asserted, that the remedies of which I have given a history cured a greater proportion than ninety-nine out of a hundred, of all who applied to me on the first day of the disease, before the 15th day of September. I regret that it is not in my power to furnish a list of them, for a majority of them were poor people, whose names are still unknown to me. I was not singular in this successful practice in the first appearance of the disease. Dr. Pennington assured me on his death bed, that he had not lost one, out of forty-eight patients whom he had treated agreeably to the principles and practice I had recommended. Dr. Griffitts triumphed over the disease in every part of the city, by the use of what were called the new remedies. My former pupils spread, by their success, the reputation of purging and bleeding, wherever they were called. Unhappily the pleasure we derived from this success in the treatment of the disease, was of short duration. Many circumstances contributed to lessen it, and to revive the mortality of the fever. I shall briefly enumerate them.

1. The distraction produced in the public mind, by the recommendation of remedies, the opposites in every respect of purging and bleeding.

2. The opinion which had been published by several physicians, and inculcated by others, that we had other fevers in the city besides the yellow fever. This produced a delay in many people in sending for a physician, or in taking medicines, for two or three days, from a belief that they had nothing but a cold, or a common fever. Some people were so much deceived by this opinion, that they refused to send for physicians, lest they should be infected by them with the yellow fever. In most of the cases in which these delays took place, the disease proved mortal.

To obviate a suspicion that I have laid more stress upon the fatal influence of this error than is just, I shall here insert an extract of a letter I received from Mr. John Connelly, one of the city committee, who frequently left his brethren in the city hall, and spent many hours in visiting and prescribing for the sick. “The publications (says he) of some physicians, that there were but few persons infected with the yellow fever, and that many were ill with colds and common remitting and fall fevers, proved fatal to almost every family which was credulous enough to believe them. That opinion slew its hundreds, if not its thousands, many of whom did not send for a physician until they were in the last stage of the disorder, and beyond the power of medicine.”

3. The interference of the friends of the stimulating system, in dissuading patients from submitting to sufficient evacuations.

4. The deceptions which were practised by some patients upon their physicians, in their reports of the quantity of blood they had lost, or of the quality and number of their evacuations by stool.

5. The impracticability of procuring bleeders as soon as bleeding was prescribed. Life in this disease, as in the apoplexy, frequently turned upon that operation being performed within an hour. It was often delayed, from the want of a bleeder, one or two days.

6. The inability of physicians, from the number of their patients, and from frequent indisposition, to visit the sick, at such times as was necessary to watch the changes in their disease.

7. The great accumulation and concentration of the miasmata in sick rooms, from the continuance of the disease in the city, whereby the system was exposed to a constant stimulus, and the effect of the evacuations was thus defeated.

8. The want of skill or fidelity in nurses to administer the medicines properly; to persuade patients to drink frequently; also to supply them with food or cordial drinks when required in the night.

9. The great degrees of debility induced in the systems of many of the people who were affected by the disease, from fatigue in attending their relations or friends.

10. The universal depression of mind, amounting in some instances to despair, which affected many people. What medicine could act upon a patient who awoke in the night, and saw through the broken and faint light of a candle, no human creature, but a black nurse, perhaps asleep in a distant corner of the room; and who heard no noise, but that of a hearse conveying, perhaps, a neighbour or a friend to the grave? The state of mind under which many were affected by the disease, is so well described by the Rev. Dr. Smith, in the case of his wife, in a letter I received from him in my sick room, two days after her death, that I hope I shall be excused for inserting an extract from it. It forms a part of the history of the disease. The letter was written in answer to a short note of condolence which I sent to the doctor immediately after hearing of Mrs. Smith's death. After some pathetic expressions of grief, he adds, “The scene of her funeral, and some preceding circumstances, can never depart from my mind. On our return from a visit to our daughter, whom we had been striving to console on the death of Mrs. Keppele, who was long familiar and dear to both, my dear wife, passing the burying-ground gate, led me into the ground, viewed the graves of her two children, called the old grave-digger, marked a spot for herself as close as possible to them and the grave of Dr. Phineas Bond, whose memory she adored. Then, by the side of the spot she had chosen, we found room and chose mine, pledging ourselves to each other, and directing the grave-digger that this should be the order of our interment. We returned to our house. Night approached. I hoped my dear wife had gone to rest, as she had chosen, since her return from nursing her daughter, to sleep in a chamber by herself, through fear of infecting her grandchild and me. But it seems she closed not her eyes; sitting with them fixed through her chamber window on Mrs. Keppele's house, till about midnight she saw her hearse, and followed it with her eyes as far as it could be seen. Two days afterwards Mrs. Rodgers, her next only surviving intimate friend, was carried past her window, and by no persuasion could I draw her from thence, nor stop her sympathetic foreboding tears, so long as her eyes could follow the funeral, which was through two squares, from Fourth to Second-street, where the hearse disappeared.” The doctor proceeds in describing the distress of his wife. But pointed as his expressions are, they do not convey the gloomy state of her mind with so much force as she has done it herself in two letters to her niece, Mrs. Cadwallader, who was then in the country. The one was dated the 9th, the other the 11th of October. I shall insert a few extracts from each of them.

October 9th. “It is not possible for me to pass the streets without walking in a line with the dead, passing infected houses, and looking into open graves. This has been the case for many weeks.” “I don't know what to write; my head is gone, and my heart is torn to pieces.” “I intreat you to have no fears on my account. I am in the hands of a just and merciful God, and his will be done.”

October 11th. “Don't wonder that I am so low to-day. My heart is sunk down within me.”

The next day this excellent woman sickened, and died on the 19th of the same month.

If in a person possessed naturally of uncommon equanimity and fortitude, the distresses of our city produced such dejection of spirits, what must have been their effect upon hundreds, who were not endowed with those rare and extraordinary qualities of mind! Death in this, as well as in many other cases in which medicine had done its duty, appeared to be the inevitable consequence of the total abstraction of the energy of the mind in restoring the natural motions of life.

Under all the circumstances which have been mentioned, which opposed the system of depletion in the cure of this fever, it was still far more successful than any other mode of cure that had been pursued before in the United States, or in the West-Indies.

Three out of four died of the disease in Jamaica, under the care of Dr. Hume.

Dr. Blane considers it as one of the “most mortal” of diseases, and Dr. Jackson places a more successful mode of treating it among the subjects which will admit of “innovation” in medicine.

After the 15th of September, my success was much limited, compared with what it had been before that time. But at no period of the disease did I lose more than one in twenty of those whom I saw on the first day, and attended regularly through every stage of the fever, provided they had not been previously worn down by attending the sick.

The following statement, which will admit of being corrected, if it be inaccurate, will, I hope, establish the truth of the above assertions.

About one half of the families whom I have attended for many years, left the city. Of those who remained, many were affected by the disease. Out of the whole of them, after I had adopted my second mode of practice, I lost but five heads of families, and about a dozen servants and children. In no instance did I lose both heads of the same family. My success in these cases was owing to two causes: 1st, To the credit my former patients gave to my public declaration, that we had only one fever in the city: hence they applied on the first day, and sometimes on the first hour of their indisposition; and 2dly, To the numerous pledges many of them had seen of the safety and efficacy of copious blood-letting, by my advice, in other diseases: hence my prescription of that necessary remedy was always obeyed in its utmost extent. Of the few adults whom I lost, among my former patients, two of them were old people, two took laudanum, without my knowledge, and one refused to take medicine of any kind; all the rest had been worn down by previous fatigue.

I have before said that a great number of the blacks were my patients. Of these not one died under my care. This uniform success, among those people, was not owing altogether to the mildness of the disease, for I shall say presently, that a great proportion of a given number died, under other modes of practice.

In speaking of the comparative effects of purging and bleeding, it may not be amiss to repeat, that not one pregnant woman, to whom I prescribed them, died, or suffered abortion. Where the tonic remedies were used, abortion or death, and, in many instances, both, were nearly universal.

Many whole families, consisting of five, six, and, in three instances, of nine members, were recovered by plentiful purging and bleeding. I could swell this work by publishing a list of those families; but I take more pleasure in adding, that I was not singular in my success in the use of the above remedies. They were prescribed with great advantage by many of the physicians of the city, who had for a while given tonic medicines without effect. I shall not mention the names of any of the physicians who totally renounced those medicines, lest I should give offence by not mentioning them all. Many large families were cured by some of them, after they adopted and prescribed copious purging and blood-letting. One of them cured ten in the family of Mr. Robert Haydock, by means of those remedies. In one of that family, the disease came on with a vomiting of black bile.

But the use of the new remedies was not directed finally by the physicians alone. The clergy, the apothecaries, many private citizens, several intelligent women, and two black men, prescribed them with great success. Nay more, many persons prescribed them to themselves, and, as I shall say hereafter, with a success that was unequalled by any of the regular or irregular practitioners in the city.

It was owing to the almost universal use of purging and bleeding, that the mortality of the disease diminished, in proportion as the number of persons who were affected by it increased, about the middle of October. It was scarcely double of what it was in the middle of September, and yet six times the number of persons were probably at that time confined by it.

The success of copious purging and bleeding was not confined to the city of Philadelphia. Several persons, who were infected in town, and sickened in the country, were cured by them.

Could a comparison be made of the number of patients who died of the yellow fever in 1793, after having been plentifully bled and purged, with those who died of the same disease in the years 1699, 1741, 1747, and 1762, I am persuaded that the proportion would be very small in the year 1793, compared with the former years[95]. Including all who died under every mode of treatment, I suspect the mortality to be less, in proportion to the population of the city, and the number of persons who were affected, than it was in any of the other years that have been mentioned.

Not less than 6000 of the inhabitants of Philadelphia probably owe their lives to purging and bleeding, during the autumn.

I proceed with reluctance to inquire into the comparative success of the French practice. It would not be difficult to decide upon it from many facts that came under my notice in the city; but I shall rest its merit wholly upon the returns of the number of deaths at Bush-hill. This hospital, after the 22d of September, was put under the care of a French physician, who was assisted by one of the physicians of the city. The hospital was in a pleasant and airy situation; it was provided with all the necessaries and comforts for sick people that humanity could invent, or liberality supply. The attendants were devoted to their duty; and cleanliness and order pervaded every room in the house. The reputation of this hospital, and of the French physician, drew patients to it in the early stage of the disease. Of this I have been assured in a letter from Dr. Annan, who was appointed to examine and give orders of admission into the hospital, to such of the poor of the district of Southwark, as could not be taken care of in their own houses. Mr. Olden has likewise informed me, that most of the patients who were sent to the hospital by the city committee (of which he was a member) were in the first stage of the fever. With all these advantages, the deaths between the 22d of September and the 6th of November, amounted to 448 out of 807 patients who were admitted into the hospital within that time. Three fourths of all the blacks (nearly 20) who were patients in this hospital died. A list of the medicines prescribed there may be seen in the minutes of the proceedings of the city committee. Calomel and jalap are not among them. Moderate bleeding and purging with glauber's salts, I have been informed, were used in some cases by the physicians of this hospital. The proportion of deaths to the recoveries, as it appears in the minutes of the committee from whence the above report is taken, is truly melancholy! I hasten from it therefore to a part of this work, to which I have looked with pleasure, ever since I sat down to compose it.

I have said that the clergy, the apothecaries, and many other persons who were uninstructed in the principles of medicine, prescribed purging and bleeding with great success in this disease. Necessity gave rise to this undisciplined sect of practitioners, for they came forward to supply the places of the regular bred physicians who were sick or dead. I shall mention the names of a few of those persons who distinguished themselves as volunteers in this new work of humanity. The late Rev. Mr. Fleming, one of the ministers of the catholic church, carried the purging powders in his pocket, and gave them to his poor parishioners with great success. He even became the advocate of the new remedies. In a conversation I had with him, on the 22d of September, he informed me, that he had advised four of our physicians, whom he met a day or two before, “to renounce the pride of science, and to adopt the new mode of practice, for that he had witnessed its good effects in many cases.” Mr. John Keihmle, a German apothecary, has assured me, that out of 314 patients whom he visited, and 187 for whom he prescribed from the reports of their friends, he lost but 47 (which is nearly but one in eleven), and that he treated them all agreeably to the method which I had recommended. The Rev. Mr. Schmidt, one of the ministers of the Lutheran church, was cured by him. I have before mentioned an instance of the judgment of Mr. Connelly, and of his zeal in visiting and prescribing for the sick. His remedies were bleeding and purging. He, moreover, bore a constant and useful testimony against bark, wine, laudanum, and the warm bath[96]. Mrs. Paxton, in Carter's-alley, and Mrs. Evans, the wife of Mr. John Evans, in Second-street, were indefatigable; the one in distributing mercurial purges composed by herself, and the other in urging the necessity of copious bleeding and purging among her friends and neighbours, as the only safe remedies for the fever. These worthy women were the means of saving many lives[97]. Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, two black men, spent all the intervals of time, in which they were not employed in burying the dead, in visiting the poor who were sick, and in bleeding and purging them, agreeably to the directions which had been printed in all the newspapers. Their success was unparalleled by what is called regular practice. This encomium upon the practice of the blacks will not surprise the reader, when I add that they had no fear of putrefaction in the fluids, nor of the calumnies of a body of fellow-citizens in the republic of medicine to deter them from plentiful purging and bleeding. They had, besides, no more patients than they were able to visit two or three times a day. But great as their success was, it was exceeded by those persons who, in despair of procuring medical aid of any kind, purged and bled themselves. This palm of superior success will not be withheld from those people when I explain the causes of it. It was owing to their early use of the proper remedies, and to their being guided in the repetition of them, by the continuance of a tense pulse, or of pain and fever. A day, an afternoon, and even an hour, were not lost by these people in waiting for the visit of a physician, who was often detained from them by sickness, or by new and unexpected engagements, by which means the precious moment for using the remedies with effect passed irrevocably away. I have stated these facts from faithful inquiries, and numerous observations. I could mention the names and families of many persons who thus cured themselves. One person only shall be mentioned, who has shown by her conduct what reason is capable of doing when it is forced to act for itself. Mrs. Long, a widow, after having been twice unsuccessful in her attempts to procure a physician, undertook at last to cure herself. She took several of the mercurial purges, agreeably to the printed directions, and had herself bled seven times in the course of five or six days. The indication for repeating the bleeding was the continuance of the pain in her head. Her recovery was rapid and complete. The history of it was communicated to me by herself, with great gratitude, in my own house, during my second confinement with the fever. To these accounts of persons who cured themselves in the city, I could add many others, of citizens who sickened in the country, and who cured themselves by plentiful bleeding and purging, without the attendance of a physician.

From a short review of these facts, reason and humanity awake from their long repose in medicine, and unite in proclaiming, that it is time to take the cure of pestilential epidemics out of the hands of physicians, and to place it in the hands of the people. Let not the reader startle at this proposition. I shall give the following reasons for it.

1. In consequence of these diseases affecting a great number of people at one time, it has always been, and always will be impossible, for them all to have the benefit of medical aid, more especially as the proportion of physicians to the number of sick, is generally diminished upon these occasions, by desertion, sickness, and death.

2. The safety of committing to the people the cure of pestilential fevers, particularly the yellow fever and the plague, is established by the simplicity and uniformity of their causes, and of their remedies. However diversified they may be in their symptoms, the system, in both diseases, is generally under a state of undue excitement or great depression, and in most cases requires the abstraction of stimulus in a greater or less degree, or in a sudden or gradual manner. There can never be any danger of the people injuring themselves by mistaking any other disease for an epidemic yellow fever or plague, for no other febrile disease can prevail with them. It was probably to prevent this mistake, that the Benevolent Father of mankind, who has permitted no evil to exist which does not carry its antidote along with it, originally imposed that law upon all great and mortal epidemics.

3. The history of the yellow fever in the West-Indies proves the advantage of trusting patients to their own judgment. Dr. Lind has remarked, that a greater proportion of sailors who had no physicians recovered from that fever, than of those who had the best medical assistance. The fresh air of the deck of a ship, a purge of salt water, and the free use of cold water, probably triumphed here over the cordial juleps of physicians.

4. By committing the cure of this and other pestilential epidemics to the people, all those circumstances which prevented the universal success of purging and bleeding, in this disease, will have no operation. The fever will be mild in most cases, for all will prepare themselves to receive it, by a vegetable diet, and by moderate evacuations. The remedies will be used the moment the disease is felt, or even seen, and its violence and danger will thereby be obviated. There will then be no disputes among physicians, about the nature of the disease, to distract the public mind, for they will seldom be consulted in it. None will suffer from chronic debility induced by previous fatigue in attending the sick, nor from the want of nurses, for few will be so ill as to require them, and there will be no “foreboding” fears of death, or despair of recovery, to invite an attack of the disease, or to ensure its mortality.

The small-pox was once as fatal as the yellow fever and the plague. It has since yielded as universally to a vegetable diet and evacuations, in the hands of apothecaries, the clergy, and even of the good women, as it did in the hands of doctors of physic.

They have narrow conceptions, not only of the Divine goodness, but of the gradual progress of human knowledge, who suppose that all pestilential diseases shall not, like the small-pox, sooner or later cease to be the scourge and terror of mankind.

For a long while, air, water, and even the light of the sun, were dealt out by physicians to their patients with a sparing hand. They possessed, for several centuries, the same monopoly of many artificial remedies. But a new order of things is rising in medicine. Air, water, and light are taken without the advice of a physician, and bark and laudanum are now prescribed every where by nurses and mistresses of families, with safety and advantage. Human reason cannot be stationary upon these subjects. The time must and will come, when, in addition to the above remedies, the general use of calomel, jalap, and the lancet, shall be considered among the most essential articles of the knowledge and rights of man.

It is no more necessary that a patient should be ignorant of the medicine he takes, to be cured by it, than that the business of government should be conducted with secrecy, in order to insure obedience to just laws. Much less is it necessary that the means of life should be prescribed in a dead language, or dictated with the solemn pomp of a necromancer. The effects of imposture, in every thing, are like the artificial health produced by the use of ardent spirits. Its vigour is temporary, and is always followed by misery and death.

The belief that the yellow fever and the plague are necessarily mortal, is as much the effect of a superstitious torpor in the understanding, as the ancient belief that the epilepsy was a supernatural disease, and that it was an offence against Heaven to attempt to cure it. It is partly from the influence of this torpor in the minds of some people, that the numerous cures of the yellow fever, performed by a few simple remedies, were said to be of other diseases. It is necessary, for the conviction of such persons, that patients should always die of that, and other dangerous diseases, to prove that they have been affected by them.

The repairs which our world is destined to undergo will be incomplete, until pestilential fevers cease to be numbered among the widest outlets of human life.

There are many things which are now familiar to women and children, which were known a century ago only to a few men who lived in closets, and were distinguished by the name of philosophers.

We teach a hundred things in our schools less useful, and many things more difficult, than the knowledge that would be necessary to cure a yellow fever or the plague.

In my attempts to teach the citizens of Philadelphia, by my different publications, the method of curing themselves of yellow fever, I observed no difficulty in their apprehending every thing that was addressed to them, except what related to the different states of the pulse. All the knowledge that is necessary to discover when blood-letting is proper, might be taught to a boy or girl of twelve years old in a few hours. I taught it in less time to several persons, during the prevalence of the epidemic.

I would as soon believe that ratafia was intended by the Author of Nature to be the only drink of man, instead of water, as believe that the knowledge of what relates to the health and lives of a whole city, or nation, should be confined to one, and that a small or a privileged order of men. But what have physicians, what have universities or medical societies done, after the labours and studies of many centuries, towards lessening the mortality of pestilential fevers? They have either copied or contradicted each other, in all their publications. Plagues and malignant fevers are still leagued with war and famine, in their ravages upon human life.

To prevent the formation and mortality of this fever, it will be necessary, when it makes its appearance in a city or country, to publish an account of those symptoms which I have called the precursors of the disease, and to exhort the people, as soon as they feel those symptoms, to have immediate recourse to the remedies of purging or bleeding. The danger of delay in using one, or both these remedies, should be inculcated in the strongest terms, for the disease, like Time, has a lock on its forehead, but is bald behind. The bite of a rattle-snake is seldom fatal, because the medicines which cure it are applied or taken as soon as the poison comes in contact with the blood. There is less danger to be apprehended from the yellow fever than from the poison of the snake, provided the remedies for it are administered within a few hours after it is excited into action.

Let persons who are subject to chronic pains, or diseases of any kind, be advised not to be deceived by them. Every pain, at such a time, is the beginning of the disease; for it always acts first on debilitated parts of the body. From an ignorance of this law of epidemics many persons, by delaying their applications for help, perished with our fever.

Let nature be trusted into no case whatever, to cure this disease; and let no attack of it, however light, be treated with neglect. Death as certainly performs his work, when he steals on the system in the form of a mild intermittent, as he does, when he comes on with the symptoms of apoplexy, or a black vomiting.

Cleanliness, in houses and dress, cannot be too often inculcated during the prevalence of a yellow fever.

Let it not be supposed, that I mean that the history which I have given of the method of cure of this epidemic, should be applied, in all its parts, to the yellow fevers which may appear hereafter in the United States, or which exist at all times in the West-India islands. Season and climate vary this, as well as all other diseases. Bark and wine, so fatal in this, may be proper in a future yellow fever. But in the climate of the United States, I believe it will seldom appear with such symptoms of prostration and weakness, as not to require, in its first stage, evacuations of some kind.

The only inquiry, when the disease makes its appearance, should be, from what part of the body these evacuations should be procured; the order which should be pursued in obtaining them; and the quantity of each of the matters to be discharged, which should be withdrawn at a time.

Thus far did I venture, from my theory of the disease, and from the authorities of Dr. Hillary and Dr. Mosely, to decide in favour of evacuations in the yellow fever; but Dr. Wade, and Mr. Chisholm again support me by their practice in the fevers of the East and West-Indies. They both gave strong mercurial purges, and bled in some cases. Dr. Wade confirmed, by his practice, the advantage of gradually abstracting stimulus from the system. He never drew blood, even in the most inflammatory cases, until he had first discharged the contents of the bowels. The doctor has further established the efficacy of a vegetable diet and of water as a drink, as the best means of preventing the disease in a hot climate.

The manner in which the miasmata that produce the plague act upon the system is so much like that which has been described in the yellow fever, and the accounts of the efficacy of low diet, in preparing the body for its reception, and of copious bleeding, cold air, and cold water, in curing it, are so similar, that all the directions which relate to preventing, mitigating, or curing the yellow fever may be applied to it. The fluids in the plague show a greater tendency to the skin, than they do in the yellow fever. Perhaps, upon this account, the early use of powerful sudorifics may be more proper in the former than in the latter disease. From the influence of early purging and bleeding in promoting sweats in the yellow fever, there can be little doubt but the efforts of nature to unload the system in the plague, through the channel of the pores, might be accelerated by the early use of the same remedies. One thing, with respect to the plague, is certain, that its cure depends upon the abstraction of stimulus, either by means of plentiful sweats, or of purulent matter from external sores. Perhaps the efficacy of these remedies depends wholly upon their elevating the system from its prostrated state in a gradual manner. If this be the case, those natural discharges might be easily and effectually imitated by small and repeated bleedings.

To correspond in quantity with the discharge from the skin, blood-letting in the plague, when indicated, should be copious. A profuse sweat, continued for twenty-four hours, cannot fail of wasting many pounds of the fluids of the body. This was the duration of the critical sweats in the famous plague which was known by the name of the English sweating sickness, and which made its appearance in the army of Henry VII. in Milford-Haven in Wales, and spread from thence through every part of the kingdom.

The principles which lead to the prevention and cure of the yellow fever and the plague, apply with equal force to the mitigation of the measles, and to the prevention or mitigation of the scarlatina anginosa, the dysentery, and the inflammatory jail fever. I have remarked elsewhere[98], that a previous vegetable diet lessened the violence and danger of the measles. Dr. Sims taught me, many years ago, to prevent or mitigate the scarlatina anginosa, by means of gentle purges, after children are infected by it[99]. Purges of salts have in many instances preserved whole families and neighbourhoods from the dysentery, where they have been exposed to its remote cause. During the late American war, an emetic seldom failed of preventing an attack of the hospital fever, when given in its forming state[100]. I have had no experience of the effects of previous evacuations in abating the violence, or preventing the mortality of the malignant sore throat, but I can have no doubt of their efficacy, from the sameness of the state of the system in that disease, as in other malignant fevers. The debility induced in it is from depression, and the supposed symptoms of putrefaction are nothing but the disguised effects of a sudden and violent pressure of an inflammatory stimulus upon the arterial system.

With these observations I close the history of the rise, progress, symptoms, and treatment of the bilious remitting yellow fever, which appeared in Philadelphia in the year 1793. My principal aim has been to revive and apply to it the principles and practice of Dr. Sydenham, and, however coldly those principles and that practice may be received by some physicians of the present day, I am convinced that experience, in all ages and in all countries, will vouch for their truth and utility.

A NARRATIVE
OF THE
STATE OF THE BODY AND MIND
OF THE AUTHOR,
DURING THE PREVALENCE OF THE FEVER.

Narratives of escapes from great dangers of shipwreck, war, captivity, and famine have always formed an interesting part of the history of the body and mind of man. But there are deliverances from equal dangers which have hitherto passed unnoticed; I mean from pestilential fevers. I shall briefly describe the state of my body and mind during my intercourse with the sick in the epidemic of 1793. The account will throw additional light upon the disease, and probably illustrate some of the laws of the animal economy. It will, moreover, serve to furnish a lesson to all who may be placed in similar circumstances to commit their lives, without fear, to the protection of that Being, who is able to save to the uttermost, not only from future, but from present evil.

Some time before the fever made its appearance, my wife and children went into the state of New-Jersey, where they had long been in the habit of spending the summer months. My family, about the 25th of August, consisted of my mother, a sister, who was on a visit to me, a black servant man, and a mulatto boy. I had five pupils, viz. Warner Washington and Edward Fisher, of Virginia, John Alston, of South-Carolina, and John Redman Coxe (grandson to Dr. Redman) and John Stall, both of this city. They all crowded around me upon the sudden increase of business, and with one heart devoted themselves to my service, and to the cause of humanity.

The credit which the new mode of treating the disease acquired, in all parts of the city, produced an immense influx of patients to me from all quarters. My pupils were constantly employed; at first in putting up purging powders, but, after a while, only in bleeding and visiting the sick.

Between the 8th and the 15th of September I visited and prescribed for between a hundred and a hundred and twenty patients a day. Several of my pupils visited a fourth or fifth part of that number. For a while we refused no calls. In the short intervals of business, which I spent at my meals, my house was filled with patients, chiefly the poor, waiting for advice. For many weeks I seldom ate without prescribing for numbers as I sat at my table. To assist me at these hours, as well as in the night, Mr. Stall, Mr. Fisher, and Mr. Coxe accepted of rooms in my house, and became members of my family. Their labours now had no remission.

Immediately after I adopted the antiphlogistic mode of treating the disease, I altered my manner of living. I left off drinking wine and malt liquors. The good effects of the disuse of these liquors helped to confirm me in the theory I had adopted of the disease. A troublesome head-ach, which I had occasionally felt, and which excited a constant apprehension that I was taking the fever, now suddenly left me. I likewise, at this time, left off eating solid animal food, and lived wholly, but sparingly, upon weak broth, potatoes, raisins, coffee, and bread and butter.

From my constant exposure to the sources of the disease, my body became highly impregnated with miasmata. My eyes were yellow, and sometimes a yellowness was perceptible in my face. My pulse was preternaturally quick, and I had profuse sweats every night. These sweats were so offensive, as to oblige me to draw the bed-clothes close to my neck, to defend myself from their smell. They lost their fœtor entirely, upon my leaving off the use of broth, and living entirely upon milk and vegetables. But my nights were rendered disagreeable, not only by these sweats, but by the want of my usual sleep, produced in part by the frequent knocking at my door, and in part by anxiety of mind, and the stimulus of the miasmata upon my system. I went to bed in conformity to habit only, for it ceased to afford me rest or refreshment. When it was evening I wished for morning; and when it was morning, the prospect of the labours of the day, at which I often shuddered, caused me to wish for the return of evening. The degrees of my anxiety may be easily conceived when I add, that I had at one time upwards of thirty heads of families under my care; among these were Mr. Josiah Coates, the father of eight, and Mr. Benjamin Scull and Mr. John Morell, both fathers of ten children. They were all in imminent danger; but it pleased God to make me the instrument of saving each of their lives. I rose at six o'clock, and generally found a number of persons waiting for advice in my shop or parlour. Hitherto the success of my practice gave a tone to my mind, which imparted preternatural vigour to my body. It was meat and drink to me to fulfil the duties I owed to my fellow-citizens, in this time of great and universal distress. From a hope that I might escape the disease, by avoiding every thing that could excite it into action, I carefully avoided the heat of the sun, and the coldness of the evening air. I likewise avoided yielding to every thing that should raise or depress my passions. But, at such a time, the events which influence the state of the body and mind are no more under our command than the winds or weather. On the evening of the 14th of September, after eight o'clock, I visited the son of Mrs. Berriman, near the Swedes's church, who had sent for me early in the morning. I found him very ill. He had been bled in the forenoon, by my advice, but his pulse indicated a second bleeding. It would have been difficult to procure a bleeder at that late hour. I therefore bled him myself. Heated by this act, and debilitated by the labours of the day, I rode home in the evening air. During the ensuing night I was much indisposed. I rose, notwithstanding, at my usual hour. At eight o'clock I lost ten ounces of blood, and immediately afterwards got into my chair, and visited between forty and fifty patients before dinner. At the house of one of them I was forced to lie down a few minutes. In the course of this morning's labours my mind was suddenly thrown off its pivots, by the last look, and the pathetic cries, of a friend for help, who was dying under the care of a French physician. I came home about two o'clock, and was seized, immediately afterwards, with a chilly fit and a high fever. I took a dose of the mercurial medicine, and went to bed. In the evening I took a second purging powder, and lost ten ounces more of blood. The next morning I bathed my face, hands, and feet in cold water for some time. I drank plentifully, during the day and night, of weak hyson tea, and of water, in which currant jelly had been dissolved. At eight o'clock I was so well as to admit persons who came for advice into my room, and to receive reports from my pupils of the state of as many of my patients as they were able to visit; for, unfortunately, they were not able to visit them all (with their own) in due time; by which means several died. The next day I came down stairs, and prescribed in my parlour for not less than a hundred people. On the 19th of the same month, I resumed my labours, but in great weakness. It was with difficulty that I ascended a pair of stairs, by the help of a banister. A slow fever, attended with irregular chills, and a troublesome cough, hung constantly upon me. The fever discovered itself in the heat of my hands, which my patients often told me were warmer than their own. The breath and exhalations from the sick now began to affect me, in small and infected rooms, in the most sensible manner. On the morning of the 4th of October I suddenly sunk down, in a sick room, upon a bed, with a giddiness in my head. It continued for a few minutes, and was succeeded by a fever, which confined me to my house the remaining part of the day.

Every moment in the intervals of my visits to the sick was employed in prescribing, in my own house, for the poor, or in sending answers to messages from my patients; time was now too precious to be spent in counting the number of persons who called upon me for advice. From circumstances I believe it was frequently 150, and seldom less than 50 in a day, for five or six weeks. The evening did not bring with it the least relaxation from my labours. I received letters every day from the country, and from distant parts of the union, containing inquiries into the mode of treating the disease, and after the health and lives of persons who had remained in the city. The business of every evening was to answer these letters, also to write to my family. These employments, by affording a fresh current to my thoughts, kept me from dwelling on the gloomy scenes of the day. After these duties were performed, I copied into my note book all the observations I had collected during the day, and which I had marked with a pencil in my pocket-book in sick rooms, or in my carriage. To these constant labours of body and mind were added distresses from a variety of causes. Having found myself unable to comply with the numerous applications that were made to me, I was obliged to refuse many every day. My sister counted forty-seven in one forenoon before eleven o'clock. Many of them left my door with tears, but they did not feel more distress than I did from refusing to follow them. Sympathy, when it vents itself in acts of humanity, affords pleasure, and contributes to health; but the reflux of pity, like anger, gives pain, and disorders the body. In riding through the streets, I was often forced to resist the entreaties of parents imploring a visit to their children, or of children to their parents. I recollect, and even yet with pain, that I tore myself at one time from five persons in Moravian-alley, who attempted to stop me, by suddenly whipping my horse, and driving my chair as speedily as possible beyond the reach of their cries.

The solicitude of the friends of the sick for help may further be conceived of, when I add, that the most extravagant compensations were sometimes offered for medical services, and, in one instance, for only a single visit. I had no merit in refusing these offers, and I have introduced an account of them only to inform such physicians as may hereafter be thrown into a similar situation, that I was favoured with an exemption from the fear of death, in proportion as I subdued every selfish feeling, and laboured exclusively for the benefit of others. In every instance in which I was forced to refuse these pathetic and earnest applications, my distress was heightened by the fear that the persons, whom I was unable to visit, would fall into improper hands, and perish by the use of bark, wine, and laudanum.

But I had other afflictions besides the distress which arose from the abortive sympathy which I have described. On the 11th of September, my ingenious pupil, Mr. Washington, fell a victim to his humanity. He had taken lodgings in the country, where he sickened with the disease. Having been almost uniformly successful in curing others, he made light of his fever, and concealed the knowledge of his danger from me, until the day before he died. On the 18th of September Mr. Stall sickened in my house. A delirium attended his fever from the first hour it affected him. He refused, and even resisted force when used to compel him to take medicine. He died on the 23d of September[101]. Scarcely had I recovered from the shock of the death of this amiable youth, when I was called to weep for a third pupil, Mr. Alston, who died in my neighbourhood the next day. He had worn himself down, before his sickness, by uncommon exertions in visiting, bleeding, and even sitting up with sick people. At this time Mr. Fisher was ill in my house. On the 26th of the month, at 12 o'clock, Mr. Coxe, my only assistant, was seized with the fever, and went to his grandfather's. I followed him with a look, which I feared would be the last in my house. At two o'clock my sister, who had complained for several days, yielded to the disease, and retired to her bed. My mother followed her, much indisposed, early in the evening. My black servant man had been confined with the fever for several days, and had on that day, for the first time, quitted his bed. My little mulatto boy, of eleven years old, was the only person in my family who was able to afford me the least assistance. At eight o'clock in the evening I finished the business of the day. A solemn stillness at that time pervaded the streets. In vain did I strive to forget my melancholy situation by answering letters, and by putting up medicines, to be distributed next day among my patients. My faithful black man crept to my door, and at my request sat down by the fire, but he added, by his silence and dullness, to the gloom which suddenly overpowered every faculty of my mind.

On the first day of October, at two o'clock in the afternoon, my sister died. I got into my carriage within an hour after she expired, and spent the afternoon in visiting patients. According as a sense of duty, or as grief has predominated in my mind, I have approved, and disapproved of this act, ever since. She had borne a share in my labours. She had been my nurse in sickness, and my casuist in my choice of duties. My whole heart reposed itself in her friendship. Upon being invited to a friend's house in the country, when the disease made its appearance in the city, she declined accepting the invitation, and gave as a reason for so doing, that I might probably require her services in case of my taking the disease, and that, if she were sure of dying, she would remain with me, provided that, by her death, she could save my life. From this time I declined in health and strength. All motion became painful to me. My appetite began to fail. My night sweats continued. My short and imperfect sleep was disturbed by distressing or frightful dreams. The scenes of them were derived altogether from sick rooms and grave-yards. I concealed my sorrows as much as possible from my patients; but when alone, the retrospect of what was past, and the prospect of what was before me, the termination of which was invisible, often filled my soul with the most poignant anguish. I wept frequently when retired from the public eye, but I did not weep over the lost members of my family alone. I beheld or heard every day of the deaths of citizens, useful in public, or amiable in private life. It was my misfortune to lose as patients the Rev. Mr. Fleming and Mr. Graesel, both exhausted by their labours of piety and love among the poor, before they sickened with the disease. I saw the last struggles of departing life in Mr. Powel, and deplored, in his death, an upright and faithful servant of the public, as well as a sincere and affectionate friend. Often did I mourn over persons who had, by the most unparalleled exertions, saved their friends and families from the grave, at the expence of their own lives. Many of these martyrs to humanity were in humble stations. Among the members of my profession, with whom I had been most intimately connected, I had daily cause of grief and distress. I saw the great and expanded mind of Dr. Pennington, shattered by delirium, just before he died. He was to me dear and beloved, like a younger brother. He was, moreover, a Joab in the contest with the disease. Philadelphia must long deplore the premature death of this excellent physician. Had he lived a few years longer, he would have filled an immense space in the republic of medicine[102]. It was my affliction to see my friend Dr. John Morris breathe his last, and to hear the first effusions of the most pathetic grief from his mother, as she bursted from the room in which he died. But I had distress from the sickness, as well as the deaths of my brethren in physic. My worthy friends, Dr. Griffitts, Dr. Say, and Dr. Mease, were suspended by a thread over the grave, nearly at the same time. Heaven, in mercy to me, as well as in kindness to the public and their friends, preserved their lives. Had they died, the measure of my sorrows would have been complete.

I have said before, that I early left off drinking wine; but I used it in another way. I carried a little of it in a vial in my pocket, and when I felt myself fainty, after coming out of a sick room, or after a long ride, I kept about a table spoonful of it in my mouth for half a minute, or longer, without swallowing it. So weak and excitable was my system, that this small quantity of wine refreshed and invigorated me as much as half a pint would have done at any other time. The only difference was, that the vigour I derived from the wine in the former, was of shorter duration than when taken in the latter way.

For the first two weeks after I visited patients in the yellow fever, I carried a rag wetted with vinegar, and smelled it occasionally in sick rooms: but after I saw and felt the signs of the universal presence of miasmata in my system, I laid aside this and all other precautions. I rested myself on the bed-side of my patients, and I drank milk or ate fruit in their sick rooms. Besides being saturated with miasmata, I had another security against being infected in sick rooms, and that was, I went into scarcely a house which was more infected than my own. Many of the poor people, who called upon me for advice, were bled by my pupils in my shop, and in the yard, which was between it and the street. From the want of a sufficient number of bowls to receive their blood, it was sometimes suffered to flow and putrify upon the ground. From this source, streams of miasmata were constantly poured into my house, and conveyed into my body by the air, during every hour of the day and night.

The deaths of my pupils and sister have often been urged as objections to my mode of treating the fever. Had the same degrees of labour and fatigue, which preceded the attack of the yellow fever in each of them, preceded an attack of a common pleurisy, I think it probable that some, or perhaps all of them, would have died with it. But when the influence of the concentrated miasmata which filled my house was added to that of constant fatigue upon their bodies, what remedies could be expected to save their lives? Under the above circumstances, I consider the recovery of the other branches of my family from the fever (and none of them escaped it) with emotions, such as I should feel had we all been revived from apparent death by the exertions of a humane society.

For upwards of six weeks I did not taste animal food, nor fermented liquors of any kind. The quantity of aliment which I took, inclusive of drinks, during this time, was frequently not more than one or two pounds in a day. Yet upon this diet I possessed, for a while, uncommon activity of body. This influence of abstinence upon bodily exertion has been happily illustrated by Dr. Jackson, in his directions for preserving the health of soldiers in hot climates. He tells us, that he walked a hundred miles in three days, in Jamaica, during which time he breakfasted on tea, supped on bread and salad, and drank nothing but lemonade or water. He adds further, that he walked from Edinburgh to London in eleven days and a half, and that he travelled with the most ease when he only breakfasted and supped, and drank nothing but water. The fatigue of riding on horseback is prevented or lessened by abstinence from solid food. Even the horse suffers least from a quick and long journey when he is fed sparingly with hay. These facts add weight to the arguments formerly adduced, in favour of a vegetable diet, in preventing or mitigating the action of the miasmata of malignant fevers upon the system. In both cases the abstraction of stimulus removes the body further from the reach of undue excitement and morbid depression.

Food supports life as much by its stimulus, as by affording nourishment to the body. Where an artificial stimulus acts upon the system the natural stimulus of food ceases to be necessary. Under the influence of this principle, I increased or diminished my food with the signs I discovered of the increase or diminution of the seeds of the disease in my body. Until the 15th of September I drank weak coffee, but after that time I drank nothing but milk, or milk and water, in the intervals of my meals. I was so satisfied of the efficacy of this mode of living, that I believed life might have been preserved, and a fever prevented, for many days, with a much greater accumulation of miasmata in my system, by means of a total abstinence from food. Poison is a relative term, and an excess in quantity, or a derangement in place, is necessary to its producing deleterious effects. The miasmata of the yellow fever produced sickness and death only from the excess of their quantity, or from their force being increased by the addition of those other stimuli which I have elsewhere called exciting causes.

In addition to low diet, as a preventive of the disease, I obviated costiveness by taking occasionally a calomel pill, or by chewing rhubarb.

I had read and taught, in my lectures, that fasting increases acuteness in the sense of touch. My low living had that effect, in a certain degree, upon my fingers. I had a quickness in my perception, of the state of the pulse in the yellow fever, that I had never experienced before in any other disease. My abstemious diet, assisted perhaps by the state of my feelings, had likewise an influence upon my mind. Its operations were performed with an ease and a celerity, which rendered my numerous and complicated duties much less burdensome than they would probably have been under other circumstances of diet, or a less agitated state of my passions.

My perception of the lapse of time was new to me. It was uncommonly slow. The ordinary business and pursuits of men appeared to me in a light that was equally new. The hearse and the grave mingled themselves with every view I took of human affairs. Under these impressions I recollect being as much struck with observing a number of men, employed in digging the cellar of a large house, as I should have been, at any other time, in seeing preparations for building a palace upon a cake of ice. I recollect, further, being struck with surprise, about the 1st of October, in seeing a man busily employed in laying in wood for the approaching winter. I should as soon have thought of making provision for a dinner on the first day of the year 1800.

In the account of my distresses, I have passed over the slanders which were propagated against me by some of my brethren. I have mentioned them only for the sake of declaring, in this public manner, that I most heartily forgive them; and that if I discovered, at any time, an undue sense of the unkindness and cruelty of those slanders, it was not because I felt myself injured by them, but because I was sure they would irreparably injure my fellow-citizens, by lessening their confidence in the only remedies that I believed to be effectual in the reigning epidemic. One thing in my conduct towards these gentlemen may require justification; and that is, my refusing to consult with them. A Mahometan and a Jew might as well attempt to worship the Supreme Being in the same temple, and through the medium of the same ceremonies, as two physicians of opposite principles and practice attempt to confer about the life of the same patient. What is done in consequence of such negotiations (for they are not consultations) is the ineffectual result of neutralized opinions; and wherever they take place, should be considered as the effect of a criminal compact between physicians, to assess the property of their patients, by a shameful prostitution of the dictates of their consciences. Besides, I early discovered that it was impossible for me, by any reasonings, to change the practice of some of my brethren. Humanity was, therefore, on the side of leaving them to themselves; for the extremity of wrong in medicine, as in morals and government, is often a less mischief than that mixture of right and wrong which serves, by palliating, to perpetuate evil.

After the loss of my health I received letters from my friends in the country, pressing me, in the strongest terms, to leave the city. Such a step had become impracticable. My aged mother was too infirm to be removed, and I could not leave her. I was, moreover, part of a little circle of physicians, who had associated themselves in support of the new remedies. This circle would have been broken by my quitting the city. The weather varied the disease, and, in the weakest state of my body, I expected to be able, from the reports of my pupils, to assist my associates in detecting its changes, and in accommodating our remedies to them. Under these circumstances it pleased God to enable me to reply to one of the letters that urged my retreat from the city, that “I had resolved to stick to my principles, my practice, and my patients, to the last extremity.”

On the 9th of October, I visited a considerable number of patients, and, as the day was warm, I lessened the quantity of my clothing. Towards evening I was seized with a pain in the back, which obliged me to go to bed at eight o'clock. About twelve I awoke with a chilly fit. A violent fever, with acute pains in different parts of my body, followed it. At one o'clock I called for Mr. Fisher, who slept in the next room. He came instantly, with my affectionate black man, to my relief. I saw my danger painted in Mr. Fisher's countenance. He bled me plentifully, and gave me a dose of the mercurial medicine. This was immediately rejected. He gave me a second dose, which likewise acted as an emetic, and discharged a large quantity of bile from my stomach. The remaining part of the night was passed under an apprehension that my labours were near an end. I could hardly expect to survive so violent an attack of the fever, broken down, as I was, by labour, sickness, and grief. My wife and seven children, whom the great and distressing events that were passing in our city had jostled out of my mind for six or seven weeks, now resumed their former place in my affections. My wife had stipulated, in consenting to remain in the country, to come to my assistance in case of my sickness; but I took measures which, without alarming her, proved effectual in preventing it. My house was enveloped in foul air, and the probability of my death made her life doubly necessary to my family. In the morning the medicine operated kindly, and my fever abated. In the afternoon it returned, attended with a great inclination to sleep. Mr. Fisher bled me again, which removed the sleepiness. The next day the fever left me, but in so weak a state, that I awoke two successive nights with a faintness which threatened the extinction of my life. It was removed each time by taking a little aliment. My convalescence was extremely slow. I returned, in a very gradual manner, to my former habits of diet. The smell of animal food, the first time I saw it at my table, forced me to leave the room. During the month of November, and all the winter months, I was harassed with a cough, and a fever somewhat of the hectic kind. The early warmth of the spring removed those complaints, and restored me, through Divine goodness, to my usual state of health.

I should be deficient in gratitude, were I to conclude this narrative without acknowledging my obligations to my surviving pupils, Mr. Fisher and Mr. Coxe, for the great support and sympathy I derived from them in my labours and distresses.

I take great pleasure likewise in acknowledging my obligations to my former pupil, Dr. Woodhouse, who assisted me in the care of my patients, after I became so weak as not to be able to attend them with the punctuality their cases required. The disinterested exploits of these young gentlemen in the cause of humanity, and their success in the treatment of the disease, have endeared their names to hundreds, and, at the same time, afforded a prelude of their future eminence and usefulness in their profession.

But wherewith shall I come before the great FATHER and REDEEMER of men, and what shall I render unto him for the issue of my life from the grave?

———Here all language fails:———
Come then, expressive silence, muse his praise.

Footnotes:

[14] Outlines of a Theory of Fever.

[15] Treatise on the Fevers of Jamaica, p. 298.

[16] Outlines of a Theory of Fever.

[17] Vergasca, Sorbait, and Boate in Haller's Bibliotheca Medicinæ, vol. iii. also by Dr. Stubbs in the Philosophical Transactions, and Riverius in his treatise de febre pestilenti.

[18] Historia Anatomica Medica, vol ii. obs. 405, 418, 423, 510.

[19] Medical Histories and Reflections, p. 150.

[20] Vol. i. p. [167].

[21] Treatise on the Intestinal Remitting Fever, p. 125.

[22] Outlines of a theory of fever.

[23] Essay on the Epidemic Disease of Lying-in Women, of the years 1787 and 1788, p. 34.

[24] Wallis's edition, vol. i. p. 197.

[25] Rosier's Journal for January, 1790, vol. xxxvi. p. 380.

[26] Essay on the Bilious or Yellow Fever, p. 35.

[27] Outlines of a Theory of Fever.

[28] See Wallis's edition of Sydenham, vol. i. p. 165. vol. ii. p. 52, 94, 98, 350; De Haen's Ratio Medendi, vol. ii. p. 162. vol. iv. p. 172; Gaubii Pathologia, sect. 498; and Dr. Seybert's inaugural dissertation, entitled “An Attempt to Disprove the Doctrine of Putrefaction of the Blood in Living Animals,” published in Philadelphia in 1793.

[29] Wallis's edition, vol. i. p. 344.

[30] De Febre Pestilenti, vol. xi. p. 93.

[31] Diseases of Minorca, p. 185.

[32] Dr. Hodge's Account of the Plague in London, p. 26.

[33] Sed hoc observatu dignum fuit, omnes alios morbos acutos, durante peste siluisse, et omnes morbos acutos e pestis genere suisse. Nosologia Methodica, vol. i. p. 416.

[34] Vol. i. p. [340].

[35] Vol. i. p. [353].

[36] Vol. ii. p. [164]. See also p. [1], [109], [122], [204], [212], [233], [274], [355], [358–9], and [436].

[37] De Aere et Morb. Epidem. p. 33, 34.

[38] Page [285].

[39] De Febre Pestilenti, vol. ii. p. 95.

[40] Vol. [i].

[41] Page [28].

[42] Page [132].

[43] Observations on the Diseases in Long Voyages to the East-Indies, vol. i. p. 13, 14, 48, 151. vol. ii. p. 99, 318, and 320.

[44] Lib. ii. cap. v.

[45] Hunter on the Venereal Disease, introduction, p. 3.

[46] Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary, vol. xi. page 409.

[47] Diseases of Warm Climates, p. 169.

[48] “Pulsus sanorum pulsibus similes admodum, periculosi.”—De Febre Pestilenti, p. 114.

[49] “Sine aura, usque annus fuit.”—Epid. 3.

[50] Letter from Sir John Bernard to Dr. Floyer, p. 233.

[51] Vol. i. p. [5].

[52] Diseases of the Army, p. 5. of the 7th London edition.

[53] Experiments on Animal Electricity, p. 90.

[54] Diseases of Warm Climates, p. 125.

[55] In the Life of Thomas Story, a celebrated preacher among the friends, there is an account of the distress of the city, in its infant state, from the prevalence of the yellow fever, in the autumn of 1699, nearly like that which has been described. I shall insert the account in his own words. “Great was the fear that fell on all flesh. I saw no lofty or airy countenance, nor heard any vain jesting to move men to laughter. Every face gathered paleness, and many hearts were humbled, and countenances fallen and sunk, as such that waited every moment to be summoned to the bar, and numbered to the grave.” The same author adds, that six, seven, and sometimes eight, died of this fever in a day, for several weeks. His fellow-traveller, and companion in the ministry, Roger Gill, discovered upon this occasion an extraordinary degree of christian philanthropy. He publicly offered himself, in one of the meetings of the society, as a sacrifice for the people, and prayed that “God would please to accept of his life for them, that a stop might be put to the contagion.” He died of the fever a few days afterwards.

[56] In the above accounts there is a deficiency of returns from several grave-yards of 163.

[57] From a short note in the register of the interments in the friends' burying-ground, it appears that the fever this year made its first appearance in the month of June. The following is a copy of that note: “12th of the 6th month (O. S.), 1741, a malignant yellow fever now spreads much.” Besides that note, there is the following: “25th of the 7th month (O. S.), 1741, many who died of the above distemper were persons lively, and strong, and in the prime of their time.”

[58] Vol. [i].

[59] P. [5], [56], [180], and [323].

[60] Introduction to a Treatise on the Venereal Disease, p. 3. of the American edition.

[61] Page [273].

[62] Lind on the Diseases of Hot Climates, p. 36 and 124.

[63] Cleghorn, p. 176.

[64] Diseases of Hot Climates, p. 123.

[65] Page [223].

[66] In some short manuscript notes upon Dr. Mitchell's account of the yellow fever in Virginia, in the year 1741, made by the late Dr. Kearsley, sen. of this city, he remarks, that in the yellow fever which prevailed in the same year in Philadelphia, “some recovered by an early discharge of black matter by stool.” This gentleman, Dr. Redman informed me, introduced purging with glauber's salts in the yellow fever in our city. He was preceptor to Dr. Redman in medicine.

[67] Treatise on the Inflammatory Rheumatism, vol. i. p. 407.

[68] Dr. Redman was not the only instance furnished by the disease, in which reason got the better of the habits of old age, and of the formalities of medicine. About the time the fever declined, I received a letter from Dr. Shippen, sen. (then above 82 years of age), dated Oxford Furnace, New-Jersey, October 13th, 1793, in which, after approving in polite terms of my mode of practice, he adds, “Desperate diseases require desperate remedies. I would only propose some small addition to your present method. Suppose you should substitute, in the room of the jalap, six grains of gamboge, to be mixed with ten or fifteen grains of calomel; and after a dose or two, as occasion may require, you should bleed your patients almost to death, at least to fainting; and then direct a plentiful supply of mallows tea, with fresh lemon juice, and sugar and barley water, together with the most simple, mild, and nutricious food.” The doctor concludes his letter by recommending to my perusal Dr. Dover's account of nearly a whole ship's crew having been cured of a yellow fever, on the coast of South-America, by being bled until they fainted.

[69] Diseases of Barbadoes, p. 212.

[70] Diseases in Voyages to Hot Climates, vol. ii. p. 322.

[71] Vol. [i].

[72] Vol. ii. p. [342].

[73] Vol. i. p. [9].

[74] Diseases of Barbadoes, p. 16, 43, 46, 48, 52, 122.

[75] Page [147].

[76] Vol. ii. p. [351].

[77] Ratio Medendi, vol. ii. p. 162. vol. iv. p. 172.

[78] Vol. i. p. [210], and [264].

[79] Page [114].

[80] Skenkius, lib. vi. p. 881.

[81] Essay on the Bilious or Yellow Fever of Jamaica, p. 40.

[82] De Febre Pestilenti, vol. ii. p. 145, 146, and 147.

[83] Page [209].

[84] Bruce's Travels.

[85] Page [185].

[86] Bibliotheca Medicinæ Practicæ, vol. iii. p. 491.

[87] Diseases of Long Voyages to Hot Climates, vol. ii. p. 334.

[88] Medical Commentaries, vol. xviii. p. 209, 288.

[89] Bibliotheca Medicinæ Practicæ, vol. ii. p. 93. and 387.

[90] Vol. i. p. [440].

[91] Omnes qui vini potione non abstinuerunt, interiere, adeo ut summa spes salvationis in vini abstinentia collocata videreter. Lib. vi. p. 847.

[92] Fevers of Jamaica.

[93] Vol. ii. p. [254].

[94] Vol, ii. p. [354].

[95] It appears from one of Mr. Norris's letters, dated the 9th of November, O. S. that there died 220 persons, in the year 1699, with the yellow fever. Between 80 and 90 of them, he says, belonged to the society of friends. The city, at this time, probably, did not contain more than 2 or 3000 people, many of whom, it is probable, fled from the disease.

[96] In the letter before quoted, from Mr. Connelly, he expresses his opinion of those four medicines in the following words: “Laudanum, bark, and wine have put a period to the existence of some, where the fever has been apparently broken, and the patients in a fair way of recovery; a single dose of laudanum has hurried them suddenly into eternity. I have visited a few patients where the hot bath was used, and am convinced that it only tended to weaken and relax the system, without producing any good effect.”

[97] The yellow fever prevailed at the Caraccos, in South-America, in October, 1793, with great mortality, more especially among the Spanish troops. Nearly all died who were attended by physicians. Recourse was finally had to the old women, who were successful in almost every case to which they were called. Their remedies were a liquor called narencado (a species of lemonade) and a tea made of a root called fistula. With these drinks they drenched their patients for the first two or three days. They induced plentiful sweats, and, probably, after blunting, discharged the bile from the bowels. I received this information from an American gentleman, who had been cured, by one of those Amazons in medicine, in the above way.

[98] Vol. [ii].

[99] Medical Memoirs, vol. i.

[100] Vol. [i].

[101] This accomplished youth had made great attainments in his profession. He possessed, with an uncommon genius for science, talents for music, painting, and poetry. The following copy of an unfinished letter to his father (who had left the city) was found among his papers after his death. It shows that the qualities of his heart were equal to those of his head.

“Philadelphia, September 15, 1793.

“MY DEAR FATHER,

“I take every moment I have to spare to write to you, which is not many; but you must excuse me, as I am doing good to my fellow-creatures. At this time, every moment I spend in idleness might probably cost a life. The sickness increases every day, but most of those who die, die for want of good attendance. We cure all we are called to on the first day, who are well attended, but so many doctors are sick, the poor creatures are glad to get a doctor's servant.”

[102] Before he finished his studies in medicine, he published a volume of ingenious and patriotic “Chemical and Economical Essays, designed to illustrate the connection between the theory and practice of chemistry, and the application of that science to some of the arts and manufactures of the United States of America.”

---

AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
BILIOUS REMITTING AND INTERMITTING
Yellow Fever,
AS IT
APPEARED IN PHILADELPHIA,
IN THE YEAR 1794.

I concluded the history of the symptoms of the bilious remitting yellow fever, as it appeared in Philadelphia in the year 1793, by taking notice, that the diseases which succeeded that fatal epidemic were all of a highly inflammatory nature.

In that history I described the weather and diseases of the months of March and April, in the spring of 1794.

The weather, during the first three weeks of the month of May, was dry and temperate, with now and then a cold day and night. The strawberries were ripe on the 15th, and cherries on the 22d day of the month, in several of the city gardens. A shower of hail fell on the afternoon of the 22d, which broke the glass windows of many houses. A single stone of this hail was found to weigh two drachms. Several people collected a quantity of it, and preserved it till the next day in their cellars, when they used it for the purpose of cooling their wine. The weather, after this hail storm, was rainy during the remaining part of the month. The diseases were still inflammatory. Many persons were afflicted with a sore mouth in this month.

The weather in June was pleasant and temperate. Several intermittents, and two very acute pleurisies, occurred in my practice during this month. The intermittents were uncommonly obstinate, and would not yield to the largest doses of the bark.

In a son of Mr. Samuel Coates, of seven years old, the bark produced a sudden translation of this state of fever to the head, where it produced all the symptoms of the first stage of internal dropsy of the brain. This once formidable disease yielded, in this case, to three bleedings, and other depleting medicines. The blood drawn in every instance was sizy.

From the inflammatory complexion of the diseases of the spring, and of the beginning of June, I expected the fevers of the summer and autumn would be of a violent and malignant nature. I was the more disposed to entertain this opinion from observing the stagnating filth of the gutters of our city; for the citizens of Philadelphia, having an interest in rejecting the proofs of the generation of the epidemic of 1793 in their city, had neglected to introduce the regulations which were necessary to prevent the production of a similar fever from domestic putrefaction. They had, it is true, taken pains to remove the earth and offal matters which accumulated in the streets; but these, from their being always dry, were inoffensive as remote causes of disease. Perhaps the removal of the earth did harm, by preventing the absorption of the miasmata which were constantly exhaled from the gutters.

On the 6th of June, Dr. Physick called upon me, and informed me that he had a woman in the yellow fever under his care. The information did not surprise me, but it awakened suddenly in my mind the most distressing emotions. I advised him to inform the mayor of the city of the case, but by no means to make it more public, for I hoped that it might be a sporadic instance of the disease, and that it might not become general in the city.

On the 12th of the month, my fears of the return of the yellow fever were revived by visiting Mr. Isaac Morris, whom I found very ill with a violent puking, great pain in his head, a red eye, and a slow tense pulse. I ordered him to be bled, and purged him plentifully with jalap and calomel. His blood had that appearance which has been compared by authors to the washings of raw flesh in water. Upon his recovery, he told me that he “suspected he had had the yellow fever, for that his feelings were exactly such as they had been in the fall of 1793, at which time he had an attack of that disease.”

On the 14th of June, I was sent for, in the absence of Dr. Mease, to visit his sister in a fever. Her mother, who had become intimately acquainted with the yellow fever, by nursing her son and mother in it, the year before, at once decided upon the name of her daughter's disease. Her symptoms were violent, but they appeared in an intermitting form. Each paroxysm of her fever was like a hurricane to her whole system. It excited apprehensions of immediate dissolution in the minds of all her friends. The loss of sixty ounces of blood, by five bleedings, copious doses of calomel and jalap, and a large blister to her neck, soon vanquished this malignant intermittent, without the aid of a single dose of bark.

During the remaining part of the month, I was called to several cases of fever, which had symptoms of malignity of an alarming nature. The son of Mr. Andrew Brown had a hæmorrhage from his nose in a fever, and a case of menorrhagia occurred in a woman, who was affected with but a slight degree of fever.

In the course of this month, I met with several cases of swelled testicles, which had succeeded fevers so slight as to have required no medical aid. Dr. Desportes records similar instances of a swelling in the testicles, which appeared during the prevalence of the yellow fever in St. Domingo, in the year 1741[103].

In the month of July, I visited James Lefferty and William Adams, both of whom had, with the usual symptoms of yellow fever, a yellow colour on their skin. I likewise attended three women, in whom I discovered the disease under forms in which I had often seen it in the year 1793. In two of them it appeared with symptoms of a violent colic, which yielded only to frequent bleedings. In the third, it appeared with symptoms of pleurisy, which was attended with a constant hæmorrhage from the uterus, although blood was drawn almost daily from her arm, for six or seven days. About the middle of this month many people complained of nausea, which in some cases produced a puking, without any symptoms of fever.

During the month of August, I was called to Peter Denham, Mrs. Bruce, a son of Jacob Gribble, Mr. Cole, John Madge, Mrs. Gardiner, Miss Purdon, Mrs. Gavin, and Benjamin Cochran, each of whom had all the usual symptoms of the yellow fever. I found Mr. Cochran sitting on the side of his bed, with a pot in his hand, into which he was discharging black matter from his stomach, on the 6th day of the disease. He died on the next day. Mrs. Gavin died on the 6th day of her disease, from a want of sufficient bleeding, to which she objected from the influence of her friends. Besides the above persons, I visited Mr. George Eyre at Kensington, Mr. Thomas Fitzsimons, and Thomas M'Kean, jun. son of the chief justice of Pennsylvania, all of whom had the disease, but in a moderate degree. During this time I took no steps to alarm my fellow-citizens with the unwelcome news of its being in town. But my mind was not easy in this situation, for I daily heard of persons who died of the disease, who might probably have been saved had they applied early for relief, or had a suspicion become general among all our physicians of the existence of the yellow fever in the city. The cholera infantum was common during this, and part of the preceding month. It was more obstinate and more fatal than in common years.

On the 12th of this month, a letter from Baltimore announced the existence of the yellow fever in that city. One of the patients whom I visited in this month, in the fever, Mr. Cole, brought the seeds of it in his body from that place.

On the 25th of the month, two members of a committee, lately appointed by the government of the state, for taking care of the health of the city, called upon me to know whether the yellow fever was in town. I told them it was, and mentioned some of the cases that had come under my notice; but informed them, at the same time, that I had seen no case in which it had been contagious, and that, in every case where I had been called early, and where my prescriptions had been followed, the disease had yielded to medicine.

On the 29th of the month I received an invitation to attend a meeting of the committee of health, at their office at Walnut-street. They interrogated me respecting the intelligence I had given to two of their members on the 25th. I repeated it to them, and mentioned the names of all the persons I had attended in the yellow fever since the 9th of June.

Neither this, nor several subsequent communications to the committee of health produced the effect that was intended by them. Dr. Physick and Dr. Dewees supported me in my declaration, but their testimony did not protect me from the clamours of my fellow-citizens, nor from the calumnies of some of my brethren, who, while they daily attended or lost patients in the yellow fever, called it by the less unpopular names of

1. A common intermittent. 2. A bilious fever. 3. An inflammatory remitting fever. 4. A putrid fever. 5. A nervous fever. 6. A dropsy of the brain. 7. A lethargy. 8. Pleurisy. 9. Gout. 10. Rheumatism. 11. Colic. 12. Dysentery. And 13. Sore throat.

It was said further, by several of the physicians of the city, not to be the yellow fever, because some who had died of it had not a sighing in the beginning, and a black vomiting in the close of the disease. Even where the black vomiting and yellow skin occurred, they were said not to constitute a yellow fever, for that those symptoms occurred in other fevers.

Let not the reader complain of the citizens and physicians of Philadelphia alone. A similar conduct has existed in all cities upon the appearance of great and mortal epidemics.

Nor is it any thing new for mortal diseases to receive mild and harmless names from physicians. The plague was called a spotted fever, for several months, by some of the physicians of London, in the year 1665.

Notwithstanding the pains which were taken to discredit the report of the existence of the yellow fever in the city, it was finally believed by many citizens, and a number of families in consequence of it left the city. And in spite of the harmless names of intermitting and remitting fever, and the like, which were given to the disease, the bodies of persons who had died with it were conveyed to the grave, in several instances, upon a hearse, the way in which those who died of the yellow fever were buried the year before.

From the influence of occasional showers of rain, in the months of September and October, the disease was frequently checked, so as to disappear altogether for two or three days in my circle of practice. It was observed, that while showers of rain lessened, moist or damp weather, without rain, increased it.

The cold weather in October checked the fever, but it did not banish it from the city. It appeared in November, and in all the succeeding winter and spring months. The weather, during these months, being uncommonly moderate, will account for its not being destroyed at the time in which the disease usually disappeared in former years.

The causes which predisposed to this fever were the same as in the year 1793. Persons of full habits, strangers, and negroes, were most subject to it. It may seem strange to those persons who have read that the negroes are seldom affected with this fever in the West-Indies, that they were so much affected by it in Philadelphia. There were two reasons for it. Their manner of living was as plentiful as that of white people in the West-Indies, and they generally resided in alleys and on the skirts of the city, where they were more exposed to noxious exhalation, than in its more open and central parts.

The summer fruits, from being eaten before they were ripe, or in too large a quantity, became frequently exciting causes of this fever. It was awakened in one of my patients by a supper of peaches and milk. Cucumbers, in several instances, gave vigour to the miasmata which had been previously received into the system. Terror excited it in two of my patients. In one of them, a young woman, this terror was produced by hearing, while she sat at dinner, that a hearse had passed by her door with a person on it who had died of the yellow fever. Vexation excited it in a foreign master of a vessel, in consequence of a young woman suddenly breaking an engagement to marry him. The disease terminated fatally in this instance.

It was sometimes unfortunate for patients when the disease was excited by an article of diet, or by any other cause which acted suddenly upon the system; for it led both them, and in some instances their physicians, to confound those exciting causes with its remote cause, and to view the disease without the least relation to the prevailing epidemic. It was from this mistake that many persons were said to die of intemperance, of eating ice creams, and of trifling colds, who certainly died of the yellow fever. The rum, the ice creams, and the changes in the air, in all these cases, acted like sparks of fire which set in motion the quiescent particles of tinder or gunpowder.

I shall now proceed to describe the symptoms which this fever assumed during the periods which have been mentioned. This detail will be interesting to physicians who wish to see how little nature regards the nosological arrangement of authors, in the formation of the symptoms of diseases, and how much the seasons influence epidemics. A physician, who had practised medicine near sixty years in the city of Philadelphia, declared that he had never seen the dysentery assume the same symptoms in any two successive years. The same may be said probably of nearly all epidemic diseases.

In the arrangement of the symptoms of this fever, I shall follow the order I adopted in my Account of the Yellow Fever of 1793, and describe them as they appeared in the sanguiferous system, the liver, lungs, and brain, the alimentary canal, the secretions and excretions, the nervous system, the senses and appetites, upon the skin, and in the blood.

Two premonitory symptoms struck me this year, which I did not observe in 1793. One of them was a frequent discharge of pale urine for a day or two before the commencement of the fever; the other was sleep unusually sound, the night before the attack of the fever. The former symptom was a precursor of the plague of Bassora, in the year 1773.

I. I observed but few symptoms in the sanguiferous system different from what I have mentioned in the fever of the preceding year. The slow and intermitting pulse occurred in many, and a pulse nearly imperceptible, in three instances. It was seldom very frequent. In John Madge, an English farmer, who had just arrived in our city, it beat only 64 strokes in a minute, for several days, while he was so ill as to require three bleedings a day, and at no time of his fever did his pulse exceed 96 strokes in a minute. In Miss Sally Eyre, the pulse at one time was at 176, and at another time it was at 140; but this frequency of pulse was very rare. In a majority of the cases which came under my notice, where the danger was great, it seldom exceeded 80 strokes in a minute. I have been thus particular in describing the frequency of the pulse, because custom has created an expectation of that part of the history of fevers; but my attention was directed chiefly to the different degrees of force in the pulse, as manifested by its tension, fulness, intermissions, and inequality of action. The hobbling pulse was common. In John Geraud, I perceived a quick stroke to succeed every two strokes of an ordinary healthy pulse. The intermitting, chorded, and depressed pulse occurred in many cases. I called it the year before a sulky pulse. One of my pupils, Mr. Alexander, called it more properly a locked pulse. I think I observed this state of the pulse to occur chiefly in persons in whom the fever came on without a chilly fit.

Hæmorrhages occurred in all the grades of this fever, but less frequently in my practice this year than in the year before. It occurred, after a ninth bleeding, in Miss Sally Eyre, from the nose and bowels. It occurred from the nose, after a sixth bleeding, in Mrs. Gardiner, who was at that time in the sixth month of her pregnancy. This symptom, which was accompanied by a tense and quick pulse, induced me to repeat the bleeding a seventh time. The blood was very sizy. I mention this fact to establish the opinion that hæmorrhages depend upon too much action in the blood-vessels, and that they are not occasioned by a dissolved state of the blood.

There was a disposition at this time to hæmorrhage in persons who were in apparent good health. A private, in a company of volunteers commanded by Major M'Pherson, informed me that three of his messmates were affected by a bleeding at the nose, for several days after they left the city, on their way to quell the insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania.

II. The liver did not exhibit the usual marks of inflammation. Perhaps my mode of treating the fever prevented those symptoms of hepatic affection which belong to the yellow fever in tropical climates. The lungs were frequently affected; and hence the disease was in many instances called a pleurisy or a catarrh. This inflammation of the lungs occurred in a more especial manner in the winter season. It was distinguished from the pleurisies of common years by a red eye, by a vomiting of green or yellow bile, by black stools, and by requiring very copious blood-letting to cure it.

The head was affected, in this fever, not only with coma and delirium, but with mania. This symptom was so common as to give rise to an opinion that madness was epidemic in our city. I saw no case of it which was not connected with other symptoms of the bilious remitting fever. The Rev. Mr. Keating, one of the ministers of the Roman church, informed me that he had been called to visit seven deranged persons in his congregation, in the course of one week, in the month of March. Two of them had made attempts upon their lives. This mania was probably, in each of the above cases, a symptom only of general fever. The dilatation of the pupil was universal in this fever.

Sore eyes were common during the prevalence of this fever. In Mrs. Leaming, this affection of the eyes was attended with a fever of a tertian type.

III. The alimentary canal suffered as usual in this fever. A vomiting was common upon the first attack of the disease. I observed this symptom to be less common after the cold and rainy weather which took place about the first of October.

I have in another place mentioned the influence of the weather upon the symptoms of this disease. In addition to the facts which have been formerly recorded, I shall add one more from Dr. Desportes. He tells us, that in dry weather the disease affects the head, and that the bowels in this case are more obstinately costive than in moist weather. This influence of the atmosphere on the yellow fever will not surprise those physicians who recollect the remarkable passage in Hippocrates, in which he says, that in the violent heats of summer, fevers appeared, but without any sweat; but if a shower, though ever so slight, appeared, a sweat broke out in the beginning[104]. I observed further, that a vomiting rarely attended those cases in which there was an absence of a chilly fit in the beginning of the fever. The same observation is made by Dr. Desportes[105].

The matter discharged by vomiting was green or yellow bile in most cases. Mrs. Jones, the wife of Captain Lloyd Jones, and one other person, discharged black bile within one hour after they were attacked by the fever. I have taken notice, in the History of the Yellow Fever of 1793, that a discharge of bile in the beginning of this fever was always a favourable symptom. Dr. Davidson of St. Vincents, in a letter to me, dated the 22d July, 1794, makes the same remark. It shows that the biliary ducts are open, and that the bile is not in that viscid and impacted state which is described in the dissections of Dr. Mitchel[106]. A distressing pain in the stomach, called by Dr. Cullen gastrodynia, attended in two instances. A burning pain in the stomach, and a soreness to the touch of its whole external region, occurred in three or four cases. Two of them were in March, 1795. In Mrs. Vogles, who had the fever in September, 1794, the sensibility of the pit of the stomach was so exquisite, that she could not bear the weight of a sheet upon it.

Pains in the bowels were very common. They formed the true bilious colic, so often mentioned by West-India writers. In John Madge these pains produced a hardness and contraction of the whole external region of the bowels. They were periodical in Miss Nancy Eyre, and in Mrs. Gardiner, and in both cases were attended with diarrhœa.

Costiveness without pain was common, and, in some cases, so extremely obstinate as to resist, for several days, the successive and alternated use of all the usual purges of the shops.

Flatulency was less common in this fever than in the year 1793.

The disease appeared with symptoms of dysentery in several cases.

IV. The following is an account of the state of the secretions and excretions in this fever.

A puking of bile was more common this year than in the year 1793. It was generally of a green or yellow colour. I have remarked before, that two of my patients discharged black bile within an hour after they were affected by the fever, and many discharged that kind of matter which has been compared to coffee grounds, towards the close of the disease.

The fæces were black in most cases where the symptoms of the highest grade of the fever attended. In one very malignant case the most drastic purges brought away, by fifty evacuations, nothing but natural stools. The purges were continued, and finally black fæces were discharged, which produced immediate relief[107]. In one person the fæces were of a light colour. In this patient the yellowness in the face was of an orange colour, and continued so for several weeks after his recovery.

The urine was, in most cases, high coloured. It was scanty in quantity in Peter Brown, and totally suppressed in John Madge for two days. I ascribed this defect of natural action in the kidneys to an engorgement in their blood-vessels, similar to that which takes place in the lungs and brain in this fever. I had for some time entertained this idea of a morbid affection of the kidneys, but I have lately been confirmed in it by the account which Dr. Chisholm gives of the state of one of the kidneys, in a man whom he lost with the Beullam fever, at Grenada. “The right kidney (says the doctor) was mortified, although, during his illness, no symptom of inflammation of that organ was perceived[108].” It would seem as if the want of action in the kidneys, and a defect in their functions were not necessarily attended with pain. I recollect to have met with several cases in 1793, in which there was a total absence of pain in a suppression of urine of several days continuance. The same observation is made by Dr. Chisholm, in his account of the Beullam fever of Grenada[109]. From this fact it seems probable, that pain is not the effect of any determinate state of animal fibres, but requires the concurrence of morbid or preternatural excitement to produce it. I met with but one case of strangury in this fever. It terminated favourably in a few days. I have never seen death, in a single instance, in a fever from any cause, where a strangury attended, and I have seldom seen a fatal issue to a fever, where this symptom was accidentally produced by a blister. From this fact there would seem to be a connection between a morbid excitement in the neck of the bladder, and the safety of more vital parts of the body. The idea of this connection was first suggested to me, above thirty years ago, by the late Dr. James Leiper, of Maryland, who informed me that he had sometimes cured the most dangerous cases of pleurisy, after the usual remedies had failed, by exciting a strangury, by means of the tincture of Spanish flies mixed with camphorated spirit of wine.

The tongue was always moist in the beginning of the fever, but it was generally of a darker colour than last year. When the disease was left to itself, or treated with bark and wine, the tongue became of a fiery red colour, or dry and furrowed, as in the typhus fever.

Sweats were more common in the remissions of this fever, than they were in the year 1793, but they seldom terminated the disease. During the course of the sweats, I observed a deadly coldness over the whole body to continue in several instances, but without any danger or inconvenience to the patient. In two of the worst cases I attended, there were remissions, but no sweats until the day on which the fever terminated. In several of my patients, the fever wore away without the least moisture on the skin. The milk, in one case, was of a greenish colour, such as sometimes appears in the serum of the blood. In another female patient who gave suck, there was no diminution in the quantity of her milk during the whole time of her fever, nor did her infant suffer the least injury from sucking her breasts.

I observed tears to flow from the eye of a young woman in this fever, at a time when her mind seemed free from distress of every kind.

V. I proceed next to mention the symptoms of this fever in the nervous system.

Delirium was less common than last year. I was much struck in observing John Madge, who had retained his reason while he was so ill as to require three bleedings a day, to become delirious as soon as he began to recover, at which time his pulse rose from between 60 and 70, to 96 strokes in a minute. I saw one case of extreme danger, in which a hysterical laughing and weeping alternately attended.

I have before mentioned the frequency of mania as a symptom of this disease. An obstinate wakefulness attended the convalescence from this fever in Peter Brown, John Madge, and Mr. Cole.

Fainting was more common in this fever than in the fever of 1793. It ushered in the disease in one of my patients, and it occurred in several instances after bleeding, where the quantity of blood drawn was very moderate.

Several people complained of giddiness in the first attack of the fever, before they were confined to their beds. Sighing was less common, but a hiccup was more so, than in the year before.

John Madge had an immobility in his limbs bordering upon palsy. A weakness in the wrists in one case succeeded a violent attack of the fever.

Peter Brown complained of a most acute pain in the muscles of one of his legs. It afterwards became so much inflamed as to require external applications to prevent the inflammation terminating in an abscess. Mrs. Mitchell complained of severe cramps in her legs.

The sensations of pain in this fever were often expressed in extravagant language. The pain in the head, in a particular manner, was compared to repeated strokes of a hammer upon the brain, and in two cases, in which this pain was accompanied by great heat, it was compared to the boiling of a pot.

The more the pains were confined to the bones and back, the less danger was to be apprehended from the disease. I saw no case of death from the yellow fever in 1793, where the patient complained much of pain in the back. It is easy to conceive how this external determination of morbid action should preserve more vital parts. The bilious fever of 1780 was a harmless disease, only because it spent its whole force chiefly upon the limbs. This was so generally the case, that it acquired, from the pains in the bones which accompanied it, the name of the “break bone fever.” Hippocrates has remarked that pains which descend, in a fever, are more favourable than those which ascend[110]. This is probably true, but I did not observe any such peculiarity in the translation of pain in this fever. The following fact from Dr. Grainger will add weight to the above observations. He observed the pains in a malignant fever which were diffused through the whole head, though excruciating, were much less dangerous than when they were confined to the temples or forehead[111].

I saw two cases in which a locked jaw attended. In one of them it occurred only during one paroxysm of the fever. In both it yielded in half an hour to blood-letting. I met with one case in which there was universal tetanus. I should have suspected this to have been the primary disease, had not two persons been infected in the same house with the yellow fever.

The countenance sometimes put on a ghastly appearance in the height of a paroxysm of the fever. The face of a lady, admired when in health for uncommon beauty, was so much distorted by the commotions of her whole system, in a fit of the fever, as to be viewed with horror by all her friends.

VI. The senses and appetites were affected in this fever in the following manner.

A total blindness occurred in two persons during the exacerbation of the fever, and ceased during its remissions. A great intolerance of light occurred in several cases. It was most observable in John Madge during his convalescence.

A soreness in the sense of touch was so exquisite in Mrs. Kapper, about the crisis of her fever, that the pressure of a piece of fine muslin upon her skin gave her pain.

Peter Brown, with great heat in his skin, and a quick pulse, had no thirst, but a most intense degree of thirst was very common in this fever. It produced the same extravagance of expression that I formerly said was produced by pain. One of my patients, Mr. Cole, said he “could drink up the ocean.” I did not observe thirst to be connected with any peculiar state of the pulse.

George Eyre and Henry Clymer had an unusual degree of appetite, just before the usual time of the return of a paroxysm of fever.

A young man complained to me of being afflicted with nocturnal emissions of seed during his convalescence. This symptom is not a new one in malignant fevers. Hippocrates takes notice of it[112]. I met with one instance of it among the sporadic cases of yellow fever which occurred in 1795. It sometimes occurs, according to Lomius, in the commotions of the whole system which take place in epilepsy.

VII. The disease made an impression upon the lymphatic system. Four of my patients had glandular swellings: two of them were in the groin; a third was in the parotid; and the fourth was in the maxillary glands. Two of these swellings suppurated.

VIII. The yellowness of the skin, which sometimes attends this fever, was more universal, but more faint than in the year 1793. It was, in many cases, composed of such a mixture of colours, as to resemble polished mahogany. But, in a few cases, the yellowness was of a deep orange colour. The former went off with the fever, but the latter often continued for several weeks after the patients recovered. In some instances a red colour predominated to such a degree in the face, as to produce an appearance of inflammation.

In Mrs. Vogles a yellowness appeared in her eyes during the paroxysm of her fever, and went off in its remissions.

In James Lefferty the yellowness affected every part of his body, except his hands, which were as pale as in a common fever.

Peter Brown tinged his sheets of a yellow colour, by night sweats, many weeks after his recovery.

There was an exudation from the soles of the feet of Richard Wells's maid, which tinged a towel of a yellow colour.

In my Account of the Yellow Fever of 1793, I ascribed the yellow colour of the skin wholly to a mixture of bile with the blood. I believe that this is the cause of it, in those cases where the colour is deep, and endures for several weeks beyond the crisis of the fever; but where it is transitory, and, above all, where it is local, or appears only for a few hours, during the paroxysm of the fever, it appears probable that it is connected with the mode of aggregation of the blood, and that it is produced wholly by some peculiar action in the blood-vessels. A similar colour takes place from the bite of certain animals, and from contusions of the skin, in neither of which cases has a suspicion been entertained of an absorption or mixture of bile with the blood.

A troublesome itching, with an eruption of red blotches on the skin, attended on the first day of the attack of the fever, in Mrs. Gardiner.

A roughness of the skin, and a disposition in it to peel off, appeared about the crisis of the fever, in Miss Sally Eyre.

That species of eruption, which I have elsewhere compared to moscheto bites, appeared in Mrs. Sellers.

John Ray, a day labourer, to whom I was called in the last stage of the fever, had petechiæ on his breast the day before he died.

That burning heat on the skin, called by the ancients “calor mordens,” and from which this fever, in some countries, has derived the name of causus, was more common this year than last. It was sometimes local, and sometimes general. I perceived it in an exquisite degree in the cheeks only of Miss Sally Eyre, and over the whole body of John Ray. It had no connection with the rapidity or force of the circulation of the blood in the latter instance, for it was most intense at a time when he had no pulse.

It is remarkable that the heat of the skin has no connection with the state of the pulse. This fact did not escape Dr. Chisholm. He says he found the skin to be warm while the pulse was at 52, and that it was sometimes disagreeably cold when the pulse was as quick as in ordinary fever[113].

IX. I have in another place rejected putrefaction from the blood as the cause or effect of this fever. I shall mention the changes which were induced in its appearances when I come to treat of the method of cure.

Having described the symptoms of this fever as they appeared in different parts of the body, I shall now add a few observations upon its type or general character.

I shall begin this part of the history of the fever by remarking, that we had but one reigning disease in town during the autumn and winter; that this was a bilious remitting, or intermitting, and sometimes a yellow fever; and that all the fevers from other remote causes than putrid exhalation, partook more or less of the symptoms of the prevailing epidemic. As well might we distinguish the rain which falls in gentle showers in Great-Britain, from that which is poured in torrents from the clouds in the West-Indies, by different names and qualities, as impose specific names and characters upon the different states of bilious fever.

The forms in which this fever appeared were as follow.

1. A tertian fever. Several persons died of the third fit of tertians, who were so well as to go abroad on the intermediate day of the fever. It is no new thing for malignant fevers to put on the form of a tertian. Hippocrates long ago remarked, that intermittents sometimes degenerate into malignant acute diseases; and hence he advises physicians to be on their guard upon the 5th, 7th, 9th, and even on the 14th day of such fevers[114].

2. It appeared most frequently in the form of a remittent. The exacerbations occurred most commonly in the evening. In some there were exacerbations in the morning as well as in the evening. But I met with several patients who appeared to be better and worse half a dozen times in a day. In each of these cases, there were evident remissions and exacerbations of the fever.

It assumed, in several instances, the symptoms of a colic and cholera morbus. In one case the fever, after the colic was cured, ended in a regular intermittent. In another, the colic was accompanied by a hæmorrhage from the nose. I distinguished this bilious colic from that which is excited by lighter causes, by its always coming on with more or less of a chilliness[115]. The symptoms of colic and cholera morbus occurred most frequently in June and July.

4. It appeared in the form of a dysentery in a boy of William Corfield, and in a man whom my pupil, Mr. Alexander, visited in the neighbourhood of Harrowgate.

5. It appeared, in one case, in the form of an apoplexy.

6. It disguised itself in the form of madness.

7. During the month of November, and in all the winter months, it was accompanied with pains in the sides and breast, constituting what nosologists call the “pleuritis biliosa.”

8. The puerperile fever was accompanied, during the summer and autumn, with more violent symptoms than usual. Dr. Physick informed me, that two women, to whom he was called soon after their delivery, died of uterine hæmorrhages; and that he had with difficulty recovered two other lying-in women, who were afflicted with that symptom of a malignant diathesis in the blood-vessels.

9. Even dropsies partook more or less of the inflammatory and bilious character of this fever.

10. It blended itself with the scarlatina. The blood, in this disease, and in the puerperile fever, had exactly the same appearance that it had in the yellow fever. A yellowness in the eyes accompanied the latter disease in one case that came under my notice.

A slight shivering ushered in the fever in several instances. But the worst cases I saw came on without a chilly fit, or the least sense of coldness in any part of the body.

Such was the predominance of the intermitting, remitting, and bilious fever, that the measles, the small-pox, and even the gout itself, partook more or less of its character. There were several instances in which the measles, and one in which the gout appeared with quotidian exacerbations; and two in which madness appeared regularly in the form of a tertian.

I mentioned formerly that this fever sometimes went off with a sweat, when it appeared in a tertian form. This was always the case with the second grade of the fever, but never with the first degree of it, before the third or fourth paroxysm; nor did a sweat occur on the fifth or seventh day, except after the use of depleting remedies. This peculiarity in the fever of this year was so fixed, that it gave occasion for my comparing it, in my intercourse with my patients, to a lion on the first seven days, and to a lamb during the remaining part of its duration.

The fever differed from the fever of the preceding year in an important particular. I saw or heard of no case which terminated in death on the first or third day. In every case, the fever came on fraught with paroxysms. The moderate degrees of it were of so chronic a nature as to continue for several weeks, when left to themselves. I wish this peculiarity in the epidemic which I am now describing to be remembered; for it will serve hereafter to explain the reason why a treatment apparently different should be alike successful, in different seasons and in different countries.

The crisis of the fever occurred on uneven days more frequently than in the fever of the year 1793.

I remarked formerly[116] that remissions were more common in the yellow fever than in the common bilious fever. The same observation applies to critical days. They were observable in almost every case in which the disease was not strangled in its birth. Dr. Chisholm describes the same peculiarity in the Beullam fever. “I have not met with any disease (says the doctor) in which the periods were more accurately ascertained[117].”

In addition to the instances formerly enumerated[118], of the predominance of powerful epidemics over other diseases, I shall add two more, which I have lately met with in the course of my reading.

Dr. Chisholm, in describing the pestilential fever introduced into the West-Indies from Beullam, has the following remarks. “Most other diseases degenerated into, or partook very much of this. Dysenteries suddenly stopped, and were immediately succeeded by the symptoms of the pestilential fever. Catarrhal complaints, simple at first, soon changed their nature; convalescents from other diseases were very subject to this, but it generally proved mild. Those labouring at the same time under chronic complaints, particularly rheumatism and hepatitis, were very subject to it. The puerperile fever became malignant, and of course fatal; and even pregnant negro women, who otherwise might have had it in the usual mild degree peculiar to that description of people, were reduced to a very dangerous situation by it. In short, every disease in which the patient was liable to infection, sooner or later assumed the appearance, and acquired the danger of the pestilential fever[119].”

Dr. Desportes ascribes the same universal empire to the yellow fever which prevailed in St. Domingo, in the summer of 1733. “The fever of Siam (says the doctor) conveyed an infinite number of men to the grave, in a short time; but I saw but one woman who was attacked by it.” “The violence of this disease was such, that it subjected all other diseases, and reigned alone. This is the character of all contagious and pestilential diseases. Sydenham, and before him Diemerbroek, have remarked this of the plague[120].”

In Baltimore, the small-pox in the natural way was attended with unusual malignity and mortality, occasioned by its being combined with the reigning yellow fever.

It has been urged as an objection to the influence of powerful epidemics chasing away, or blending with fevers of inferior force, that the measles sometimes supplant the small-pox, and mild intermittents take the place of fevers of great malignity. This fact did not escape the microscopic eye of Dr. Sydenham, nor is it difficult to explain the cause of it. It is well known that epidemics, like simple fevers, are most violent at their first appearance, and that they gradually lose their force as they disappear; now it is in their evanescent and feeble state, that they are jostled out of their order of danger or force, and yield to the youthful strength of epidemics, more feeble under equal circumstances of age than themselves. It would seem, from this fact, that an inflammatory constitution of the air, and powerful epidemics, both in their aggregate and individual forms, possessed a common character. They all invade with the fury of a savage, and retire with the gentleness of a civilized foe.

It is agreeable to discover from these facts and observations, that epidemic diseases, however irregular they appear at first sight, are all subject to certain laws, and partake of the order and harmony of the universe.

The action of the miasmata upon the body, when, from the absence of an exciting cause, they did not produce fever, was the same as I have elsewhere described. The sensations which I experienced, in entering a small room where a person was confined with this fever, were so exactly the same with those I felt the year before, that I think I could have distinguished the presence of the disease without the assistance of my eyes, or without asking a single question. After sitting a few minutes in a sick room, I became languid and fainty. Weakness and chilliness followed every visit I paid to a gentleman at Mr. Oellers's hotel, which continued for half an hour. A burning in my stomach, great heaviness, and a slight inflammation in my eyes, with a constant discharge of a watery humour from them for two days, succeeded the first visit I paid to Mrs. Sellers. These symptoms came on in less than ten minutes after I left her room. They were probably excited thus early, and in the degree which I have mentioned, by my having received her breath in my face by inspecting her tonsils, which were ulcerated on the first attack of the fever. I formerly supposed these changes in my body were proofs of the contagious nature of the yellow fever, but I shall hereafter explain them upon other principles.

I recollect having more than once perceived a smell which had been familiar to me during the prevalence of the yellow fever in 1793. It resembled the smell of liver of sulphur. I suspected for a while that it arose from the exhalations of the gutters of the city. But an accident taught me that it was produced by the perspiration of my body. Upon rubbing my hands, this odour was increased so as to become not only more perceptible to myself, but in the most sensible degree to my pupil, Mr. Otto. From this fact, I was convinced that I was strongly impregnated with miasmata, and I was led by it to live chiefly upon vegetables, to drink no wine, and to avoid, with double care, all the usual exciting causes of fever.

There was another mark by which I distinguished the presence of the seeds of this fever in my system, and that was, wine imparted a burning sensation to my tongue and throat, such as is felt after it has been taken in excess, or in the beginning of a fever. Several persons, who were exposed to the miasmata, informed me that wine, even in the smallest quantity, affected them exactly in the same manner.

I attended four persons in this fever who had had it the year before.

It remains now that I mention the origin of this fever. This was very evident. It was produced by the exhalations from the gutters, and the stagnating ponds of water in the neighbourhood of the city. Where there was most exhalation, there were most persons affected by the fever. Hence the poor people, who generally live in the neighbourhood of the ponds in the suburbs, were the greatest sufferers by it. Four persons had the fever in Spruce, between Fourth and Fifth-streets, in which part of the city the smell from the gutters was extremely offensive every evening. In Water-street, between Market and Walnut-streets, many persons had the fever: now the filth of that confined part of the city is well known to every citizen.

I have before remarked, that one reason why most of our physicians refused to admit the presence of the yellow fever in the city, was because they could not fix upon a vestige of its being imported. On the 25th of August, the brig Commerce arrived in the river, from St. Mark, commanded by Captain Shirtliff. After lying five days at the fort, she came up to the city. A boy, who had been shut out from his lodgings, went, in a state of intoxication, and slept on her deck, exposed to the night air, in consequence of which the fever was excited in him. This event gave occasion, for a few days, to a report that the disease was imported, and several of the physicians, who had neglected to attend to all the circumstances that have been stated, admitted the yellow fever to be in town. An investigation of this supposed origin of the disease soon discovered that it had no foundation. At the time of the arrival of this ship, I had attended nearly thirty persons with the fever, and upwards of a hundred had had it, under the care of other physicians.

The generation of the yellow fever in our city was rendered more certain by the prevalence of bilious diseases in every part of the United States, and, in several of them, in the grade of yellow fever. It was common in Charleston, in South-Carolina, where it carried off many people, and where no suspicion was entertained of its being of West-India origin. It prevailed with great mortality at that part of the city of Baltimore, which is known by the name of Fell's Point, where, Dr. Drysdale assures me, it was evidently generated. A few sporadic cases of it occurred in New-York, which were produced by the morbid exhalation from the docks of that city. Sporadic cases of it occurred likewise in most of the states, in which the proofs of its being generated were obvious to common observation; and where the symptoms of depressed pulse, yellowness of the skin, and black discharges from the bowels and stomach (symptoms which mark the highest grade of bilious remitting fever) did not occur, the fevers in all their form of tertian, quotidian, colic, and dysentery, were uncommonly obstinate or fatal in every state in the union. In New-Haven only, where the yellow fever was epidemic, it was said to have been imported from Martinique, but this opinion was proved to be erroneous by unanswerable documents, published afterwards in the Medical Repository, by Dr. Elisha Smith, of New-York.

The year 1795 furnished several melancholy proofs of the American origin of the yellow fever. All the physicians and citizens of New-York and Norfolk agree in its having been generated in their respective cities that year. It prevailed with great mortality at the same time in the neighbourhood of the lakes, and on the waters of the Genesee river, in the state of New-York. From its situation it obtained the name of the lake and Genesee fever. It was so general, in some parts of that new country, as to affect horses.

Thus have I endeavoured to fix the predisposing and remote causes of the yellow fever in our country. The remote cause is sometimes so powerful as to become an exciting cause of the disease, but in general both the predisposing and remote causes are harmless in the system, until they are roused into action by some exciting cause.

I shall conclude this account of the symptoms and origin of the yellow fever by relating two facts, which serious and contemplating minds will apply to a more interesting subject.

1. Notwithstanding the numerous proofs of the prevalence of the yellow fever in Philadelphia in the year 1794, which have been mentioned, there are many thousands of our citizens, and a majority of our physicians, who do not believe that a case of it existed at that time in the city; nor is a single record of it to be met with in any of the newspapers, or other public documents of that year. Let us learn from this fact, that the denial of events, or a general silence upon the subject of them, is no refutation of their truth, where they oppose the pride or interests of the learned, or the great.

2. Notwithstanding the general denial of the existence of the yellow fever in Philadelphia, and the silence observed by our newspapers relative to it in 1794, there was scarcely a citizen or physician who, three years afterwards, did not admit of its having prevailed in that year. We learn from this fact another important truth, that departed vice and error have no friends nor advocates.