CHAPTER I.
The great crisis which we have dreaded and yet hoped for has at last arrived. We are again obliged to contend with our hectoring neighbor, whose lust of power goads him to trample on our rights. We must fight, if we wish to endure; and will all Germany be united? If in this juncture we are not as one, our ruin is assured, and will be richly deserved.
To know that the decisive moment is at hand, and that you cannot actively participate--that you are only a single wave in the current, is at once an oppressive and an exalting thought.
In my mind, I go over the list of my fellow-members in the Parliament. The decision seems to hang in doubt. Eccentricity is still rampant, and decks itself with all sorts of revolutionary ideas.
And how is the Prince inclined? Were it better if it rested with one man to decide whether we should have war or peace?
And there is another bitter experience that is forced upon us in periods of doubt and indecision; namely, that fixed principles begin to waver.
I found it a great comfort to have Ludwig with me. He was so thoroughly in sympathy with me, and yet, at the same time, a foreigner. He had become a citizen of the New World, in which he had lived over twenty years, and his views were freer from prejudice than ours could be.
In spite of the declaration of war on the part of the French government, the ravings in the French Legislative Chambers, and the outcry in the streets of Paris, I yet encouraged a hope that war might be averted. But Ludwig thought--and I was obliged to agree with him--that it were both treachery and folly now, when the right was on our side, not to accept the battle which would thus only be postponed. For this constant waiting and watching for what others may do, is a painful state of dependence.
Ludwig was younger; his pulse was steadier. He had already fought in this country with undisciplined crowds, and, in the United States, had taken part in the great war.
He said in confidence that if he had known that the decision was so near at hand, he would have kept on better terms with Funk; because, at that moment, the great object was to gain his allegiance and that of his party, in which there was no lack of noble enthusiasts. Ludwig held that, in politics, it was not alone permissible, but even necessary, to use strategy and double-dealing.
Martella so urgently entreated me to permit her to accompany us, that, for her sake, Ludwig's wife remained at home.
At the village down by the railway station, and at nearly every station on the road, I was asked whether I believed there would be war, and whether I would advise the people to drive their cattle into out-of-the-way ravines and valleys, and to hide their household goods, on account of the threatened invasion of the French hordes.
I took great pains to explain my views; but, at the second station, Ludwig said: "Father, you are giving yourself unnecessary trouble. The people do not wish to learn anything. They think that you cannot know any more about it than they do. They simply ask you idle and anxious questions, just as they would at other times, 'What kind of weather do you think we will have?' Father, do not pour out the deepest feelings of your heart."
After that, I replied that one could not say much upon the subject; and I observed that the people, were more respectful because I was so reserved. They assumed that, as I was a delegate, I was fully informed on all subjects, and neither dared nor desired to unbosom myself.
It was rather late, but not too late. From that day, I learned that it is not best to open one's soul to another and reveal all that is within it; and for that reason, it is said of me that, since the beginning of the war, I am a changed man. In those days, I learned things that never were suffered to pass my lips.
The first one whom we met at the capital was my son-in-law, the Major.
"What is the opinion in the army?" inquired Ludwig.
The Major looked at him steadily, and, after a pause, answered, "Opinion? In the army there is obedience." With forced composure, he added, "As far as I know, the army neither debates nor votes."
He turned to me and said that this time we were better prepared than four years ago.
I asked whether the army orders had already been promulgated.
He shrugged his shoulders, and evidently did not care to divulge anything. He told me, though, that since the evening previous, he had been advanced to the rank of colonel, and had been placed in command of a regiment. When I spoke of this, as indicating that the Prince had decided for war, he lapsed into silence.
We soon parted, regretting that we could not go to his house, for Annette had already prepared quarters for our reception.
I then went to our club-house and learned that our party was already broken up. The Funk faction--I must give it this name, although he was not its leader--held separate meetings.
Ludwig determined logo at once to the meeting of Funk's party, because it was important above all things to know what was being done there.
"I believe in Lincoln's maxim," said he, "that 'it will never do to swap horses while crossing streams.'"
In little more than an hour, he returned and told us that he had been coldly received, although the leadership was shared with Funk by two members who had once been among his most intimate friends. He was now, however, able to tell that their plan was to insist on neutrality. They did not dare to think, much less to speak, of an alliance with France. Their intention, however, was to call together a large meeting of the popular party, in order to exert a moral influence on Parliament, and perhaps to overawe it.
At our meeting, we were expecting the arrival of the prime minister; the right wing of our party sided with the ministry.
The minister did not come; but sent one of his councillors, who informed me that the session would not be opened unless a quorum of delegates was present.
He told us that there was great disorder among the telegraphs.
After the councillor had left, Loedinger, my old associate and prison-mate, told me in confidence, that he expected a coup d'etat. He felt that the Prince had no desire to take counsel with the country, and had determined that his glory as a warrior should be shared by no one.
Loedinger was one of those imaginative persons who, whenever they form suspicions against any one, carry them to their extremest consequences.
The President, who was a member of our party, told us under the seal of secrecy, that the reason for delaying the opening of our session was that they might first ascertain what action the delegates in the next state would decide upon.
We were thus held in anxious suspense.
During the night, I found it impossible to sleep; and Ludwig, who was in the next room, called out to me: "Father, you must sleep; to-morrow will be a trying day. Just think of it!--the Emperor of Germany--I should say, the King of Prussia--must also sleep to-night, and he is three years older than you are."
Yes, it was on that night, the 16th of July, that my son announced the German Emperor to me. I could not help smiling with joy, and at last fell asleep. And, strange to say, I dreamed that I was again at Jena, and that the fantastic mummery of those days was being renewed. Because I had a round head and a ruddy complexion, I was termed the "Imperial Globe," and they maintained that, with my large stature and broad shoulders, the imperial mantle would fit me best of all. They placed it on me, and I was obliged forthwith to distribute offices. And suddenly, I was no longer the Emperor, but Rothfuss, who laughed most terribly. I, too, was obliged to laugh--and, laughing, I awoke.