FROM A YOUNG AUSTRALIAN POINT OF VIEW.
Within the last few years there has been a strong feeling of democracy growing in Australia. It can be traced to two great sources. Firstly, to the fact that the young Australians have grown tired of the continual display of so-called loyalty, and secondly, to the great struggles that have taken place between capital and labour; and although neither party recognises each other's policy these are so similar in the main points that they will be taken collectively, including that of a third and weaker party, who, although also of the same mind, do not recognise either of the former.
Scores of societies and parties are to be found scattered over the length and breadth of the Colonies. They are to be found in the handsome chambers of the City Clubs, presided over by some of the leading men of the day, and they are to be found in the white-washed parlour of the bush public-house, with a rough labouring, yet perhaps a deep-thinking, man at their head, coupled with occasional assistance perhaps of a delegate from some Union or the Labour representative in Parliament for that district. At the present time they are disunited for reasons of their own, and in many cases they would feel insulted at the very idea of their names being coupled together: consequently, each works on what it considers its own lines, which it naturally believes to be the correct ones; but one day Great Britain will make another blunder—which judging from past events cannot be considered altogether an impossibility—and the Young Australians, feeling themselves strong enough in numbers, will rise and assert their opinion or in other words will take objection; the result will be that publicity will be given to their opinions and arguments, and then for the first time the other societies and parties will recognise how closely their policies agree, and they will naturally extend their sympathy towards them; this will give the Young Australians confidence and they will take a more determined stand, with the result that the outside bodies will proffer their assistance and will act as tributaries feeding a running stream; with others joining in from other quarters this small insignificant stream will gradually swell, and the result will be a vast river of party feeling with so strong a current and such immense volume that to try and divert its course would be useless. Considering that the present labour parties, who are democrats almost to a man, hold the balance of power in all the principal Parliaments some idea might be formed of the power that Young Australians would hold when they had asserted themselves.
Now, supposing such a body had been formed, what would their policy be?
The first on the list would be the appointment of their leaders by ballot, this over, the more important step would be taken on true democratic lines to secure their permanency; consequently the first item of importance would be the guarding against social distinctions in the shape of knighthoods emanating from Great Britain. This might seem of trivial importance to such a body, as it might be argued that men of their opinions would not be the ones to have the refusal of such distinctions, and yet it would be so, for one has only to look at every-day life in Australia and to watch what is going on, to be convinced of the importance of the precautions.
Knighthoods and social distinctions may well be looked on as a curse in Australia, and it's only the Crown's advisers that really know what a trump card they hold in having an abundant supply always on hand ready to be distributed at the slightest notice. Should it enter the minds of any reader that this casts a reflection on the holders of such distinctions let it be instantly dismissed, for there are gentlemen of the first water holding titles, to whom every right thinking person will admit their claim to the highest distinction the Crown could bestow on them, for they have helped to build up the Empire and make it what it now is, and are men whose consciences would allow them to assert that in accepting the same they only did their duty; but it's not of this class that anything need be said, it is those who are daily practising hypocrisy and appearing as philanthropists by bestowing munificent gifts on institutions, or are agreeable to sell their opinions with the hope of securing the coveted honours. Take away the titles granted to politicians, and very few will remain, and as politics has long since been acknowledged the cheapest way to become knighted, the competition has become very keen, with the result that influential men with strong Republican opinions, are offered and accept a title, thereby selling themselves. There are men who once were acknowledged to be as firm as a rock in their sentiments, wavering as the coveted curse is dangled in front of their nose. Intrigues and conspiracies are carried on between themselves, and the whole political career of many an honest man has been blasted by his ambition to have a handle to his name.
There is another class who try to work the oracle through the Governors, but that has not proved a success.
Then come the philanthropists, one of whom barely escaped taking his title into penal servitude lately, and another of whom, on securing the title, at once came to England and settled down as an English nobleman, giving strict orders for his estates to be managed in the most economical way, in order that he might be able to live as a gentleman in England; he has been successful and is now related to titled families of the class with which England abounds, for ever on the alert to make the acquaintance of millionaires' daughters. That this class of people should be titled is what disgusts the Young Australians, especially when they have so many good citizens, men who have introduced capital, started industries and manufactories and have assisted to build up the commercial trade with the world; these are passed over and not noticed, for the simple reason that their names do not appear in print twice a day, but they are true men and are thought none the less of. Much as the many worthy recipients are admired, there is yet a class that are held to be far superior, and they are those who, on being pressed to accept the honours, refused, preferring to keep their opinions unfettered; they are the men Young Australians admire, and are prepared to follow.
"Cut the painter" might be suggested by some weak and injudicious member of about the calibre of that novelist who made use of the same expression in his report of his reception in the Colonies. This, however, would be negatived immediately, as it would be entirely in opposition to what their policy would be.
The next question, undoubtedly, would be the appointment of Governors, and a motion proposing the abolition of English Governors would be brought forward and received with such enthusiasm that it would quickly be recognised as a point of vital importance and interest.
On looking at the definition of a Governor it is seen that his position is an anomaly and he himself a figure-head, his duty being to strengthen the link that connects the Colony to Great Britain, This definition as before mentioned, may be allowable from a general point of view, but never from the Young Australians' point of view, for they recognise that these gentlemen of pleasure cost the Colonies £39,500 a year in salaries, and another £20,000 may be added for incidental expenses, interest, etc., making, roughly speaking £60,000 a year, or nearly sufficient to pay the interest on a three per cent. loan of two millions. It would be argued in the first place that the sixty thousand was simply thrown away, and in the second that the time had arrived when men of ability took the places of the figure-heads.
The English Governor is sent out to strengthen the existing bond, or in other words to preach loyalty. "God save the Queen" is his text, his motto and his password. If he attends a public function, "God save the Queen" is conspicuous on the walls; if he replies to a toast he will make frequent reference to the estimable qualities of Her Majesty. If he walks or drives down the street, the street bands and barrel-organs play "God save the Queen"; if he attends or promises to attend a theatrical performance, nothing is done until his arrival, even if it be an hour late, then everybody in the house is expected to rise, and take off their hats, when the orchestra greets him with "God save the Queen." If he attends a dinner, "God save the Queen" is inscribed on the menu between each of the courses, and is supposed to be partaken of; if he visits a school the children will have been practising for months, at home, in the street, in school and everywhere, "God save the Queen"; if he attends a football match or any athletic sports, he is the centre of attraction, all in the grand stands rise while the band plays "God save the Queen." These are a few instances that have become law in Australia, and the song or tune has just about the same effect on the Young Australians as a worn-out, threadbare music-hall song would have on a first-night audience; and yet there are plenty of people to be found who will acknowledge that it's the prettiest tune they ever heard, and with a "God bless the dear old lady," they are arguing the next instant with themselves that it must come, it's only a matter of waiting, another thousand or two judiciously expended will do it. To keep the tune of "God save the Queen" fresh in the Australian's ears costs sixty thousand a year.
One of the greatest surprises an Australian has on his arrival in England is the comparative lack, of loyal display. There, the Queen's birthday is taken no more notice of than if it were a commoner's, the Prince of Wales's less, even the papers make very slight mention of the fact. Britons dearly love their ruler and are always ready to obey when called on, but, they do not make any attempt to impress it upon every one that visits their shores, and by so doing command respect. As for Earls and Lords they are spoken of as my milkman, Lord So-and-So, or my fruiterer or butcher, the Earl of So-and-So, or my dressmaker the Countess of So-and-So, as they are rapidly becoming mixed up in trade.
To return to the loyal subjects of Australia, what does loyalty mean? Ask for a truthful statement and nine out of ten will reply, "self-interest." This is why Young Australians object, for, taken as a whole they do not trouble about Society and its ways; they are open, candid and, above all, they despise hypocrisy. So, instead of the Governor strengthening the existing bond, he is weakening it, looking at it from a general point of view, and this fact is regretted by the Young Australians, for, although they will always be ready and willing to show their highest respect and admiration for both Her Majesty and her dominions, and wish, if anything, to strengthen the bond, yet they will not recognise figure-heads when they have men of ability among themselves, willing and capable to govern the Colony at a third of the expense. Young Australians are loyal, although they may have their own peculiar way of showing their loyalty.
Supposing the English Governors were to be withdrawn, it might be asked what would the connecting link be which would still bind the Colonies to Great Britain. That might be answered in a very practical way. If Great Britain wishes to be represented in the Colonies, let her send out men of commercial and business ability as Ambassadors, paying them sufficient to be able to entertain right royally; that would have the desired effect. But why should it be necessary for Great Britain to be represented at all, for there is not the slightest fear of Australia attempting to cut the leading strings, but, on the other hand, it would be so beneficial to the Colonies and all concerned, that the act would be so appreciated as to make the bond stronger than ever. Such arrangements as the Australian Squadron now in force might be improved upon and continued, and many more that would undoubtedly suggest themselves to the interests of both parties.
There can be no doubt that at its first intimation the candidature for a Local Governorship would bring forth many aspirants for the honour, but, fortunately for Australia, every Colony has men who stand head and shoulders above their fellows, that when a minute examination of the necessary qualifications was held there would be no difficulty in selecting the proper man for the position.
In order to point out the contrast between the Local and English Governors, let us consider the action of each at an imaginary meeting called to discuss the most important phase in Australian history, viz: Federation.
The present system will be dealt with first.
As the Governors of to-day are recognised only as figure-heads, they would not be invited to attend, consequently the whole onus of the undertaking would fall on the Premiers and their Parliamentary colleagues.
Every Parliament may be divided into three distinct classes, the Government, the Opposition, and the Labour Party, consequently the leaders of all three parties would be required to assist in the movement. They might fairly be said to represent the Colony, but would it be likely that the Opposition, who have perhaps lately been thrown out of power, would assist their opponents to complete what is to be the most important step in Australian history? No, most decidedly not, for they would recognise that the party in power would take the sole credit for having brought it about. Shewing how eager the Premiers of the Colonies are to personally bring about that most important step, it may be mentioned that the last three Premiers of New South Wales have each made overtures to the other Colonies, and yet were they to meet in convention their opinions would be divided, with the result that Federation would be just as far off as ever it was, and under the existing regime it will never be brought to a head.
Now, supposing that a Local Governor was at the head of the Colony how different things would be, for he would have no political or party feelings, he would be the friend of all, and were a convention to be called, he, a man of ability and integrity, with his whole interests in the Colony, would meet men of the same calibre from the other Colonies; he would be accompanied by his able ministers and leaders of the different parties; all party strife would be put aside, for on his shoulders would fall the credit of such an undertaking, and the parties, glad to choose a medium by which their opponents would not succeed over them, would gladly consent to the intervening party, consequently this policy would be unanimous, and the long-talked of Federation accomplished.
English Governors are a direct stumbling-block to Federation, and before any convention is held, steps should be taken for the removal of the obstacles.
Had Australia been self-governed, or even had the Governors been shrewd business men, there is a great possibility that that great financial crisis, which nearly crippled Australia and by which millions were lost, might have been avoided. This may seem a rash statement, and yet when the facts are considered there undoubtedly does seem to have been a possible probability.
It is well known that the crisis did not come suddenly, for never had there been so much warning and time given in which to prepare for an impending catastrophe. For months and months dark and heavy clouds were hanging over financial circles, threatening to burst at any moment. Depositors were in a fever of excitement, they held their deposit receipts in their hands ready to withdraw at the first alarm, their excitement stood on the balance, ready to burst forth or to be smoothed down into confidence by a judicious action of some responsible parties had it been forthcoming, but, alas, the Commercial Bank of Australia was allowed to suspend payment and the panic burst forth in every direction and no amount of work could cool the excited crowds.
The Commercial Bank, with its numerous branches, had been doing an extensive business, and was a prominent member of the Associated Banks, which was formed with the idea of assisting each other. When the Directors of the Bank saw how matters stood they approached the association in a half-hearted way and received a half-hearted answer, and the result was disaster.
Now, supposing that one of the Governors had been a keen, shrewd man of business, and a man who could look far ahead of him, and supposing that he could have forgotten that he was a mere figure-head, he would have stepped forward and said, "The Commercial Bank shall not close its doors." With such an affirmation, had he approached the Government of the Colony and, through them hastily summoned the leaders of the other Colonies, there is no doubt but that an arrangement would have been arrived at, by which the crisis could have at least been suspended for a sufficient time to either allow the bank to unload some of its more pressing liabilities or to realise on its assets, and thereby, sufficient time would have been gained for some arrangements to be entered into with the British depositors and investors, who no doubt would only have been too agreeable to assist.
Worse crises than the Australian have been avoided, to wit, Baring Brothers, but certainly this is only an individual opinion.
In conclusion, the Young Australian, trusting that he has not overstepped the boundary in the expressions of his opinions, and that no personalities will be taken, heartily wishes the Young Australians every success. It will be from Colonies such as Queensland and South Australia that steps will be first expected to be taken, for Queensland has already shown her cards and that clever South Australian Premier is going a step farther, and when South Australia has her Lieutenant-Governor in power she will show the other Colonies the immense advantages to be derived therefrom, and they will very soon follow in her footsteps, for men of his calibre are not to be had so readily in Great Britain.
END OF APPENDIX.
Transcriber's Note
Page 009 'badge was [to to] held.' changed to 'badge was to be held.'
Page 317 'back to [the the] "Grosvenor.' changed to 'back to the "Grosvenor."'
Page 346 'made so [thatit]' changed to 'made so that it'
Page 349 'Toowoomba up [Queeensland]' changed to "Toowoomba up Queensland'
All instances of 's. s.' standardised to the more frequently occurring 's.s.'