Case of James T. Lynch.
The latest instance of this policy of the capitalist politicians occurred only a short time ago. When Governor Sulzer, of New York, was finally prevented by the Court of Appeals from rewarding his pet John Mitchell with that fat job of State Commissioner of Labor, what did he do? He looked around in the market for other available “labor lieutenants,” and found a whole raft of them standing in line waiting for their political rewards and ready to be “seduced” without much coaxing. His attention was attracted to the big, towering, Taft-like figure of James T. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y. Governor Sulzer began to do some figuring:
“First—Has Lynch enough of a following and influence in the Labor Movement to be able to ‘deliver the goods,’ to influence his followers in favor of myself and my Democratic party?”
Why yes, Jim Lynch is the International President of the International Typographical Union, one of the pillars and most influential leaders of the American Federation of Labor.
“Good! Next. How about his politics? Is he a good enough Democrat? Won’t I have the trouble with him I had about Mitchell’s appointment?”
Don’t worry! Lynch is a solid “a number one” Democrat.
“Fine! Now, what is his position in the Labor Movement? Is he safe and sane? May be he is one of those radical, Socialistic Labor Leaders?”
Who? Jim Lynch?! Isn’t he one of the most bitter, rabid enemies of Socialism? Isn’t he a member of the National Executive Committees of both the National Civic Federation and of the Ultramontane Roman-Catholic “Militia of Christ”?
“Beautiful! Now to his record in the struggles between Capital and Labor, what is it?”
Why, it can’t be beat! Lynch is the most prominent apostle of sanctity of contracts between employers and employees, the most faithful watch-dog of the employers’ interests and upholder of the employers’ claim to the lion’s share of the wealth produced. He not only preaches it, but practices it with an iron hand. When the Newspaper Solicitors’ Union in San Francisco, in 1910, was compelled to declare a boycott against the publishers of a local capitalist daily, and the boycott was endorsed and taken up by the entire force of organized labor in that city, it was Lynch who telegraphed to them to stop that boycott, got the International Presidents of Union Pressmen, Stereotypers, etc., to send similar telegrams, and finally succeeded in breaking that boycott with the aid of President Gompers himself.
Again, when the union pressmen were locked out by the newspaper publishers in Chicago in 1912 and the union stereotypers joined their fight to help them in the trouble and union compositors of the I. T. U. intended to do likewise, it was Jim Lynch who rushed to Chicago and by threats of withdrawing their charter compelled the union compositors to stay in and scab it on union pressmen. The International President of the union stereotypers followed a similar policy, actually taking away the charter of the union stereotypers who were struggling together with the pressmen, and thus both he and Lynch broke the fight of the union men against the daily papers in Chicago. Don’t worry. Jim Lynch never hesitates to break a strike of union men when his and his friends’, the employers’, interests are crossed.
“That’s bully! Why, Lynch is even better than Mitchell. Now, one more thing. Would he be willing ‘to be insulted’ by the offer to him of a nice, juicy political job?”
Would he? Just try him! Wasn’t he only a few weeks ago fishing in Washington, D. C., for the appointment to the federal job of Public Printer? He came very near landing that job, only it slipped off the hook as Mitchell’s job in New York State slipped off.
“It’s O. K.” concluded the Governor, approached Jim Lynch,—and discovered, or at least surmised, that he was the very man who was pulling the wires through his friends, the politicians, to prevent the State Senate from ratifying Mitchell’s appointment so that the job should go to him, Jim Lynch. The friendship between dogs ceases when a bone is thrown to them. The friendship and “solidarity” between “labor lieutenants” of the capitalist class ceases, and they are ready to stab each other in the back, when a good job is at stake. As to the Governor, it made no difference to him who got the job, Mitchell, Lynch or anybody else, so long as his political fences were thereby mended. So the upshot of it was that Jim Lynch who was drawing $3,500 yearly salary as President of the International Typographical Union was named for New York State Commissioner of Labor with an $8,000 yearly salary. May God have mercy on the souls of the working people of New York State when James T. Lynch is in charge of the Labor Bureau!
While handing out this political plum to Lynch, Governor Sulzer, to make assurance doubly sure, gave to another “labor lieutenant,” Charles J. Chase, leader of union locomotive engineers, another good political job. He made him member of an up-state Public Service Commission.
Many more such cases of “labor politics” could be cited, but the above will suffice to show the character of the political fruits of the American Federation of Labor. And the Sun of Labor Day helps to ripen them!