XIII.—TRADE.

The part of the collection now to be described deals generally with commerce and the industrial arts. We have already seen the bird-catcher (p. [115]), the baker (p. [117]), and the shoemaker at work (p. [130]).

In the corners of Cases 41 and 48 are casts of reliefs from the gravestone of L. Cornelius Atimetus, a Roman cutler of the first century A.D. One relief (No. 457; fig. 192) shows the cutler's workshop, with two men working at some object placed on an anvil in front of a furnace. One man holds the object with the tongs, the other hammers it into shape. Above them hang a knife, sickle, tongs, etc. Behind on the left is the bellows. The other relief (No. 458; fig. 193) represents the cutler's shop, with numerous knives and sickles hanging in an open cupboard. The cutler on the right, who wears the tunic only, is showing a knife to a customer on the left, who wears the toga, as a mark of dignity.

In Case 41 is a cast of a relief of a pork-butcher's shop, in the Dresden Museum (No. 459). On the left, the butcher's wife, seated in a high chair, is busy with a set of tablets, for the accounts. The butcher is jointing a side of bacon on a massive block. Portions of bacon hang on hooks. Behind the butcher is a spare chopper and a steelyard, at present hung out of the way. The details of the steelyard such as the weight, the alternative hook for suspension, and the scalepan are shown (see below p. [161]).

XIV.—WEIGHTS AND SCALES.
(Wall-Cases 41-44.)

Greek Weights.—In Case B of the First Vase Room will be seen the plaster model of a large stone object of triangular form, pierced towards the apex with a hole.[⁵²] It has the design of an octopus on either side, and may with some probability be regarded as a standard hanging weight (64 pounds). This object was found by Sir A. Evans at Knossos in Crete, in the "Palace of Minos," and may be dated roughly at 2000 B.C. A set of very early weights of the Mycenaean period from Cyprus is in Case 41, consisting of haematite objects in the form of sling bolts (No. 460), passing in a series of gradations from large to small. No definite system can, however, be deduced from these weights.

Fig. 194.—Lead and Bronze Weights. 2:3.

The Greek weights of the historic period here shown are mainly of two leading standards, known as the Aeginetan and the Solonian or Attic. The standard weight of the Aeginetan system was the heavy mina of 9,722 grains (about 1²⁄5 lb. avoirdupois). The Solonian (Euboic) mina weighed normally 6,737 grains (nearly 1 lb. avoirdupois), but there was a special heavy mina in use which weighed exactly double the normal. This last was the original mina introduced by Solon, which gradually gave way to the light mina of half its weight. Weights of the Aeginetan and Solonian systems are here exhibited. Through incompleteness or inaccuracy they often show considerable variation from the norm. The mina was subdivided into 100 drachmae, and the drachma into 6 obols. Certain stamped devices distinguish these Attic weights, viz., the astragalos or knuckle-bone, the amphora, the tortoise, the dolphin, and the crescent. Fig. 194 shows three weights of the later Solonian standard: (a) a mina in lead stamped with a dolphin and inscribed ΜΝΑ (7,010 grs.) (No. 461); (b) a half mina in lead (3,399 grs.) with the device of a tortoise and the inscription ΔΗΜΟ (= δήμου), "of the people," (No. 462); and (c) a bronze weight of 4 drachmae (283 grs.) stamped with an amphora and the word ΤΕΣΣΑΡΕΣ (No. 463). Sometimes a half tortoise occurs, as in No. 464, a quarter mina, or a half amphora, as on No. 465, a one-third mina. Various other standards are represented in this Case, e.g. that of Kyzikos in Asia Minor, but these need not be particularly described. A noteworthy weight is the bronze one (No. 466), in the form of a series of rising steps, inscribed on the top ΔΙΟΣ. This probably is a temple-weight, very likely used to weigh votive objects. Weights of a similar type have been found at Olympia. The peculiar series of stone weights (No. 467) decorated with female breasts was found in the precincts of the temple of Demeter at Knidos, and may be regarded as temple-weights, probably made as a votive offering. They do not seem to correspond to any known standard.

Some weights are marked as standards. A lead weight of 10,863 grains, with a design of two cornucopias (No. 468) is inscribed Ἔτους δλςʹ δημοσία μνᾶ, i.e., "In the year 234 a public (or standard) mina." The date is probably by the Seleucid era, and equivalent to 78 B.C. Another example is the large square weight from Herakleia in Bithynia, with a head of Herakles in relief (No. 469; fig. 195). It is inscribed "To the divine Augusti and the people" (θεοῖς Σεβαστοῖς καὶ τῷ δάμῳ) on the rim in front, and on the sides with the names of the aediles P. Clodius Rufus and Tertius Vacilius (weight 41,494 grs., nearly 6 lb. avoirdupois).

We have instances of weights of artistic form in these Cases. The hanging weights from steelyards in particular (No. 470; fig. 195) are often in the form of a head or bust.

Roman Weights.—The standard was here the libra or pound, which weighed 5,050 grains (being ·721 of the pound avoirdupois, which is equal to 7,000 grains), and was subdivided into 12 unciae or ounces, the ounce again being divided into 24 scripula or scruples. The Roman weights are here grouped according to multiples or divisions of the pound, and generally have their values marked upon them in dotted characters. Thus the pound is marked I, the half pound S(emis), and so on. The series, beginning at the bottom of Case 51, runs 10, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1½, and 1 pounds. Fractions of the pound are ½ lb. (semis) = 6 oz; ⅓ lb. (triens) = 4 oz.; ¼ lb. (quadrans) = 3 oz.; ¹⁄6 lb. (sextans) = 2 oz.; and one ounce. Fractions of the ounce are ½ oz. = 12 scruples; ⅓ oz. = 8 scruples; ¼ oz. = 6 scruples; ⅛ oz. = 3 scruples; ¹⁄12 oz. = 2 scruples; and one scruple. Some of the numerous dark stone weights have inscriptions, showing that they had been certified by proper authority. Thus one libra (No. 472) is inscribed: "On the authority of Q. Junius Rusticus, city-prefect" [167 A.D.]. In Sicily and Magna Graecia a weight called a litra was used instead of the Roman pound, weighing rather less than the libra. A set of litra weights in bronze, of late Imperial date, is shown in Case 41 (No. 473). An ounce weight (marked

in silver, and weighing 389 grains), belonging to this series, is seen in fig. 194 above.

Fig. 195.—Bronze Weights of Artistic Form (No. 400, etc.). 4:7.

Fig. 196.—Roman Bronze Steelyard (No. 475). L. 12¾ in.

Weighing Instruments.—Of these there are two chief varieties, the simple balance (libra), and the steelyard (statera). In the former weight is set against, weight, at equal distances from the point of suspension. In the latter the object to be weighed, suspended from the short arm of the lever, is set against a small weight in an appropriate position on the long arm. The Greeks seem to have used the former only; the Romans used both. The use of the balance is illustrated by the Greek vase with the design of Hermes weighing the souls of Achilles and Memnon, and by the Roman lamp showing a stork weighing an elephant and a mouse (No. 474). The steelyard was widely used in the Roman world. Owing to its portability, it was doubtless much employed by hawkers and street-sellers, as at the present day. We have also seen it above (p. [158]) in the pork-butcher's shop (No. 459). Out of the several steelyards exhibited here, one example, from Catania in Sicily (No. 475; fig. 196), may be described in detail. It consists of a bronze rod of square section, divided into two unequal portions. The shorter portion has (a) two hooks suspended from chains attached to the end of the rod by a movable collar working in a groove (the object to be weighed was of course attached to these hooks); (b) three hooks, placed at intervals of about ¾, 1½, and 3 in. respectively from the collar, and suspended from small movable rings. These hooks are in different planes, corresponding to three of the four edges in the longer portion of the bar. The bar is graduated on three of its four faces, viz., on the first with nine divisions, each subdivided into twelfths. This scale was used when the steelyard was suspended by the hook nearest the graduated bar (as in the fig.). Objects weighing up to nine Roman pounds could thus be weighed by moving a sliding weight along the bar. The figure V will be seen at the fifth pound, the half pounds are marked by three dots, and the twelfths correspond to the unciae. The second face begins with VI and goes up to twenty-three pounds. It was used when the steelyard was suspended by the middle hook. The third face starts with XXII pounds, and goes up to fifty-nine pounds. In the second and third scales, multiples of five and ten pounds are marked by the figures V and X. Fifty pounds is indicated by the letter Ν, which has that numerical value in the Greek notation. This third scale was used in conjunction with the hook nearest the collar. The sliding weight (now lost) must have weighed about 17,000 grs. (2³⁄7 lb. avoirdupois). All the other steelyards here shown work on this principle, though many have only two graduated scales and two suspending hooks.

Fig. 197.—Steelyard from Smyrna (No. 476).

Fig. 197 shows a highly ornate example of a steelyard (No. 476), lately acquired from the neighbourhood of Smyrna. The weight is in the form of a bust of Silenus. The larger hooks are designed as heads of serpents, and the smaller hooks as heads of eagles.

Fig. 198.—Roman Bronze Balances (Nos. 477, 480). Ca. 1:4.

The steelyard principle was also applied by the Romans to balances, with a view to avoiding the use of numerous small weights. An example is No. 477 (fig. 198), where one half of the bronze arm is graduated with twelve divisions corresponding to scruples (¹⁄24 of an ounce). The sliding weight would thus be used to determine weights of less than half an ounce. The bar of another balance (No. 478) had 24 such divisions for determining any weight below the ounce. A saucepan from Pompeii (No. 479) in the Naples Museum has the same principle applied to its handle, for weighing the liquid contents. An interesting little balance (No. 480; fig. 198) may be mentioned here. At one end is a fixed weight in the form of a head (of the Sun-god?). This balance was adapted to test the weight of an object weighing about 69 grains, perhaps a Roman coin such as the denarius or solidus.

In the lower part of Cases 43, 44 it will be noted that the arm of a steelyard and one of the arms of a balance are shown, with a bronze fitting (No. 481; fig. 199) designed to check the amplitude of the oscillations. A corresponding piece may be seen on a railway platform weighing machine. This piece was long misinterpreted as a standard, etc., but its real intention is made certain by reliefs at Treves (fig. 200) and Capua.

Fig. 199.—Check for Steelyard (No. 481).

Fig. 200.—A Steelyard in use.

(457, 458) Amelung, Sculpt. d. Vat., pl. 30, p. 275 ff.; (459) Arch. Anzeiger, IV., p. 102; (460) Excavations in Cyprus, pl. xi., 368, etc. On Greek and Roman weights see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Pondus; Cambridge Companion to Greek and to Latin Studies; (466) Cf. Olympia, V. (Inschriften), p. 801 ff.; (467) Newton, Disc. at Halicarnassus, II., pp. 387 and 804; (469) Mon. dell' Inst., 1855, pl. 1; (472) C.I.L., XIII., 10030 (10); (474) Cat. of Lamps, 595; (481) Cat. of Bronzes, 2909. For Treves relief (fig. 200) cf. Hettner, Illustr. Führer, p. 6; for Capua relief, cf. Jahreshefte d. Oesterr. Arch. Inst., XVI., Beibl., p. 10; for the standing balance, see also Stuart and Revett, IV., p. 15.

[52:] See Ann. of Brit. School at Athens, VII., p. 42, fig. 7.

XV.—TOOLS, BUILDING, AND SCULPTURE.
(Wall-Cases 45-48.)

Tools.—These are exhibited in Cases 45-46. The objects for the most part speak for themselves, but attention may be called to one or two of the most interesting. Such is the Roman bronze set-square (No. 482; fig. 201), furnished with a base to enable it to stand. Its outer edges would be used by masons or carpenters to determine angles of 90° and 45° respectively. The inner angle of 90° would be useful for testing the true position of objects set at right angles to one another, such as the sides of a box, etc. The simplest type of set-square, that formed by two edges at right angles to one another, is seen in No. 483. Notice the set of bronze plummets (No. 484), which were suspended from strings. The one illustrated (fig. 201) has Bassi, "belonging to Bassus," inscribed on it in punctured letters. Two other inscribed tools are of interest. The one is the sickle-like iron blade from, perhaps, a gardener's knife, with the inscription, "Durra made me" (No. 485), the other a finely made Greek bronze chisel, bearing the name of Apollodoros (No. 486).

Fig. 201.—Roman Set-square and Plummet (Nos. 482, 484). 1:4.

Building materials and Sculptures.—Cases 45-48 contain objects illustrating the materials and methods of Greek and Roman builders and sculptors. There are several Greek tiles dated by the impression of a magistrate's name, e.g., "Under Aeschyliskos," "Under Apollodoros," the latter (No. 487) bearing traces of the feet of a dog which has run across the tile before it was dry.

Fig. 202.—Roman Stamped Tile (No. 488). Ca. 1:3.

The characteristic stamps on the Roman bricks of the Empire were impressed by wooden blocks in which the legend was engraved direct with a broad lettering, tending to exaggeration in the 3rd century and later. The beginning of the inscription is marked by a small raised circle, and the information given includes the name of the estate (often imperial) from which the clay comes, the name of the potter and his kiln, and sometimes the date by the consulship, though all these pieces of information do not necessarily occur on the same tile. As typical examples may be given: No. 488, here illustrated (fig. 202), bearing the device of a pine-cone between two branches, and the inscription ex fig(linis) M. Herenni Pollionis dol(iare) L. Sessi Successi, "From the pottery of M. Herennius Pollio; baked by L. Sessus Successus"; and No. 489, with the device of Victory, and the inscription: "Brick from the Publinian pottery (made with clay from) the estate of Aemilia Severa." A large number of the estates from which the clay came were, it should be noted, owned by women.

No. 490 is an example of a dated brick—Imp. Antonino II (= iterum) et Br(u)ttio Co(n)s(ulibus) i.e., 139 A.D. The stamp was first engraved by error with the name of Balbinus, consul of 137 A.D., and afterwards corrected by re-engraving RTTIO on ALBIN. No. 491 refers to the portus, i.e., the depot of Licinius.

Many of the bronze accessories of building are shown here, such as two pairs of bronze door-knockers from Syria (No. 492).

The bronze dowels (No. 493) were employed for fastening together stone sections, such as the drums of columns. They are often in the form of truncated cones placed base to base, the thickest part being thus in the position where the strain was greatest (fig. 203a). Other dowels from the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos are in the form of bronze cylinders in collars of bronze, rigidly fixed by three key-pieces. The cylinders were set in the great stone which closed the entrance of the Mausoleum, and were intended to drop half their length into the corresponding sockets in the lower sill of the entrance (Nos. 494-495).

Fig. 203.—Bronze Dowel and Door-Pivot (Nos. 493, 496). 1:2.

A series of bronze coverings (No. 496) for the pivots of doors reminds us of the fact that in ancient times most of the doors worked on a different principle from our own. The bronze-covered pivots (fig. 203b), rigidly fixed to the door by a key-piece, turned in bronze sockets(c) fitted into the lintel or threshold. This arrangement explains the allusions to the grating of doors met with in ancient writers.[⁵³] Hinges of the modern type were, however, well known. Examples are to be seen in Cases 47, 48, among them a hinge with the fragments of the wood, to which it was originally attached, still adhering (No. 497).

Towards the end of the Republic and under the Empire the Romans devoted much attention to the adornment of their buildings, public and private. For this purpose marbles of every variety were imported from all parts of the world, while an elaborate system of wall-painting was also developed. Mamurra, an officer of Julius Caesar, is said to have been the first to veneer the walls of his house with marble. A few selected examples from the Tolley collection of polished specimens of the materials used in ancient Rome are here exhibited (No. 498). The whole collection comprises some 700 specimens, so that we cannot be surprised that Pliny declines to enumerate the varieties known in his day, on account of the vastness of their number.[⁵⁴] The simpler building materials used at Rome were, besides the tiles or bricks already mentioned, the hard limestone rock known as travertine and the volcanic tufa and peperino. A specimen of the last is shown here.

The place of hanging pictures in ancient houses was largely taken by fresco wall-paintings, several fragments of which are here shown. The floors of the houses were not covered with carpets, but were frequently decorated with mosaics, which might range from simple geometric patterns in black and white (as in many of the specimens here seen) to elaborate pictorial designs. The construction of these pavements, out of small stone cubes (tesserae) set in cement, is clearly seen in the examples exhibited. Genuine mosaic was sometimes imitated in painted plaster. One or two such fragments can be seen in the Case.

As examples of the processes of sculpture, note a half-finished figure of a seated Sphinx (No. 499); and a cast (No. 500) of a half-finished figure of Hermes, from a private collection. The sculptor has made free use of the drill for the roughing out of the figure, and at the same time has brought the exposed parts to a high degree of finish. A piece of bead and reel moulding (No. 501) is also unfinished.

(484) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v., Perpendiculum.

(488) For the stamped Roman bricks see, Cat. of Terracottas, E 148-153. For C.I.L. reff., see ibid. (but E 151 = C.I.L. xv. 214).

(494, 495) Newton, Disc. at Halicarnassus, II (1) p. 97; Cat. of Sculpture, II, 990, 991.

(498) Cf. Pullen, Handbook of Ancient Roman Marbles.

[53:] Virgil, Ciris, 222:

Marmoreo aeratus stridens in limine cardo.

[54:] H.N. xxxvi. 54.

XVI.—HORSES AND CHARIOTS.
(Wall-Cases 49-51.)

Chariots and Carts.—The war-chariot plays a conspicuous part in the Homeric poems, and the horse and chariot are there so closely identified that we find the phrase "he leapt from his horses" used as equivalent to "he leapt from his chariot." After the Homeric age, however, the use of the chariot in war died out in Greece and it thenceforward appears most conspicuously in the great Greek games, where it was used for racing purposes. A very early example of this racing chariot may be seen on a Boeotian bowl of the eighth century (on the top of Case D, First Vase Room).[⁵⁵] Here are depicted two chariots with a high open framework at front and back, each drawn (apparently) by a single horse, and driven by a man clothed in a long robe distinctive of the Greek charioteer. There is little doubt that in reality the chariots are meant to be drawn by two horses, and that the deceptive appearance is due to the limitations of the artist. On Greek monuments of a later date than this vase, the light racing chariot is constantly represented. Some primitive chariots in terracotta and stone from Cyprus are also shown in Case 50.

Fig. 204.—Roman Racing Chariot (No. 502). L. 10½ in.

Roman chariots are represented by a good bronze model (No. 502; fig. 204) found in the Tiber. This is a racing car, drawn at full speed by two horses, one of which is now lost. It corresponds closely to the cars used for racing in the circus, such as may be seen in Case 110. At the end of the pole (appearing just behind the horse's mane) is a decoration in the form of a ram's head, an ornament of the same character as the four bronze objects placed with the horse-muzzles in the upper part of Case 51 (No. 503). These have decorations in the form of the bust of a Satyr blowing a horn, and busts of a boy, an Amazon, and a Cupid respectively. In the lowest parts of Cases 50 and 51 are various bronze decorations, which have no doubt belonged to axle-boxes and other parts of a chariot, but their exact arrangement is not clear.

Fig. 205.—Roman Car for Carrying Images to the Circus (No. 506). L. 2 ft. 10½ in.

Another form of Roman car is illustrated by the fine hanging bronze lamp representing the Moon-goddess (Luna), drawn in her chariot by a pair of bulls (No. 504). The lamp was for three wicks, two on the outer sides of the bulls, and one at the back of Luna's head. The goddess is represented on coins of the second and third century after Christ in a similar bull-car.[⁵⁶] A terracotta (No. 505) is in the form of a four-wheeled hooded waggon, probably a travelling car of the type called ἀπήνη by the Greeks and raeda by the Romans. In the top of Case 49 is a marble relief (No. 506; fig. 205) representing a covered two-wheeled cart drawn by four horses. The sides of the cart are decorated with reliefs, depicting Jupiter and the two Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux. Probably the car is a tensa, used to convey images of the gods to and from the circus on the occasion of the games, and for other religious purposes. The relief formed part of a sarcophagus of about the third century after Christ.

Horse-trappings.—Case 50 contains two interesting sets of bronze harness of an early date from Italy, probably of the eighth century B.C. (No. 507). They are mounted upon leather, and placed on models of horses' heads; the sidepieces of the bits are themselves in the form of horses. Of much later date, perhaps of the fifth or fourth century B.C., is the Greek bit from Achaea (No. 508; fig. 206). It is remarkable for its severe character, but was certainly not out of the ordinary, for a bit of precisely similar character is described by Xenophon in his treatise on horsemanship (early fourth century B.C.).[⁵⁷] He says there were two varieties of this type of bit, the mild and the severe. In the present example we may probably recognise the severe variety, which had "the 'wheels' heavy and small and the 'hedgehogs' sharp, in order that the horse when he got it into his mouth might be distressed by its roughness and give up resisting." The "wheels" are clearly the central discs for pressing on the tongue, while the prickly cylinders at the sides were aptly termed "hedgehogs" by the Greeks. In this same Case there are also examples of the milder Roman bit, one in iron and another in lead, perhaps intended for votive use.

Fig. 206.—Greek Bit (No. 508). Width, ca. 9 in.

Case 51 contains three examples of muzzles for horses (No. 509), nearly complete, with a fragment of a fourth. These muzzles are in bronze, but we can hardly expect that this was the usual material. Probably the bronze examples were reserved for state occasions or else only used by the very wealthy. The muzzles depicted on vases seem rather to be of some pliant material—leather, for example. It is probable that all the bronze examples in this Case belong to the Greek period, though the one here illustrated (fig. 207) has been assigned to as late a date as the fourth century after Christ. The muzzle was only used when the horse was being rubbed down or led, not when he was ridden or driven. Xenophon [⁵⁸] observes that "the groom must understand how to put the muzzle on the horse, when he takes him out to rub him or to roll him. And, indeed, wherever he takes him without a bridle, he ought to muzzle him." The muzzles must have been fastened to the horse's head by straps attached to the rings seen on each side of them.

Fig. 207.—Bronze Horse-Muzzle (No. 509). Ht. ca. 9 in.

It has been a subject of controversy whether Greek and Roman horses were shod. There is no mention of horse-shoes in Greek literature, and it seems improbable that they were used by the Greeks. Xenophon advises the use of a specially constructed stone floor for hardening the horse's hoofs,[⁵⁹] but in spite of such precautions, it is not surprising to hear that the Athenian cavalry horses sometimes went lame as a result of continuous work on hard ground.[⁶⁰] Horse-shoes are occasionally (though rarely) spoken of in Roman literature. Their use seems to have been quite exceptional as when Nero, for instance, had his mules shod with silver.[⁶¹] In the lower part of Case 51 will be seen a series of iron shoes of the Roman period (No. 510; fig. 208), for the most part found in the south of France. It is impossible to believe that these were ever used as ordinary horse-shoes. The most plausible theory is that they were "hobbles," put on the feet of horses and other quadrupeds to prevent them straying. The upper part of this same Case contains sets of spurs (No. 511), most of them probably Roman. The arrangement for attaching the spurs to the heel varies. Two have loops formed by the head and neck of swans, three have discs or knobs, while another has holes for laces.

Fig. 208.—Iron Hobble (No. 510). 1:4.

(502) Cat. of Bronzes, 2695; (503) ibid., 2696 ff.; (504) ibid., 2520; (505) Cat. of Terracottas, C 612; (506) Cat. of Sculpt., III., 2310; (507) Cat. of Bronzes, 357; (508) Cf. Pernice, Griech. Pferdegeschirr, pll. ii. and iii. (56th Winckelmannsfestprogramm); (509) ibid., pl. i. and pp. 6-16; (510) Cf. Rev. Arch., 1900 (36), p. 296 ff; Smith, Dict. of Ant.³, s.v. Solea.

[55:] See Journal of Hell. Stud., xix., pl. 8.

[56:] E.g., on B.M. Coins of Ionia, pl. xx. 7 (Coin of Magnesia: Gordianus Pius).

[57:] Xen., De re eq. x. 6: πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν χρὴ οὐ μεῖον δυοῖν χαλινοῖν
κεκτῆσθαι; τούτων δὲ ἔστω ὁ μὲν λεῖος, τοὺς τροχοὺς εὐμεγέθεις ἔχων, ὁ δὲ
ἕτερος τοὺς μὲν τροχοὺς καὶ βαρεῖς καὶ ταπεινούς, τοὺς δ' ἐχίνους ὀξεῖς, ἵνα
ὅποταν μὲν τοῦτον λάβῃ, ἀσχάλλων τῇ τραχύτητι διὰ τοῦτο ἀφίῃ.

[58:] De re eq. v. 3.

[59:] Xen., op. cit., iv. 3.

[60:] Thuc., vii. 27, 5.

[61:] Suet., Ner. 30.

XVII.—AGRICULTURE.
(Wall-Case 52.)

Farming, the rearing of live stock, the cultivation of corn, vines and olives were practised by the earliest civilisations of the Aegean, and of Greece.

The use of the plough was also known at that distant period. In this Case are shown three bronze ploughshares (No. 512), which belong to the Mycenaean Age, and were found in Cyprus. A plough in its most primitive form was merely the trunk of a tree which served as the pole, with two branches on opposite sides, one forming the share, the other the handle. This was the plough in one piece spoken of by Hesiod. The Mycenaean ploughshare belongs to a later development, when the plough is made up of several parts, the "joined plough" of Homer and Hesiod. Such is the plough seen in the very primitive bronze group (No. 513), where it is in the act of being turned at the end of the furrow. To effect the turning the two oxen are pulling the yoke in opposite directions. A black-figured vase of the sixth century, here exhibited (No. 514), shows the later plough in a simple form, which has changed but little for many centuries, as may still be observed in the East. The different parts can be seen more clearly from a bronze votive plough of the third century B.C. at Florence (fig. 209). It is made up of (1) a horizontal share-beam, to which is fastened the iron share, (2) a pole, at the end of which is the yoke, (3) the vertical handle. This type of plough is exactly described by Virgil in the Georgics.[⁶²]

Fig. 209.—Bronze Votive Plough.

Fig. 210.—Wine being Decocted (No. 518). L. 1 ft. 9 in.

Fig. 211.—Men Gathering Olives (No. 521). Ca. 1:2.

The ploughman was followed by the sower, who is represented on the vase mentioned above (No. 514) with a basket from which he scatters the seed in the furrow. At harvest-time a sickle was used to cut the grain, of which instrument two iron specimens are shown in the Case, from Lycia in Asia Minor (No. 515). Winnowing the grain was accomplished either by means of a shovel or a basket of peculiar shape (λίκνον, vannus); on a terracotta relief in the Museum (D 525, Case 75, Terracotta Room Annexe) the infant Dionysos is being rocked in one of these objects instead of a cradle, by a Satyr and a Nymph.

Of fruit crops the vine and the olive were by far the most important in the Greek and Roman world, and great attention was paid to their cultivation. The operations involved in the manufacture of both wine and oil find many illustrations among ancient works of art. The gathering of grapes is illustrated by a Roman terracotta relief (No. 516) exhibited in the Case, where a Satyr is picking grapes from a vine. Another relief of the same class (No. 517) depicts the treading out of the grapes in the wine-press, also by Satyrs, two of whom are balancing themselves by holding a ring between them while they tread the grapes in an oblong trough to the tune of flutes. An elderly Satyr brings up fresh supplies in a basket. The massive bronze rings commonly known as "athletes' rings" may have been used at the wine-press (No. 517*).

The must or new wine was partly used for drinking as soon as ready, partly decocted into a sort of jelly (defrutum), and partly stowed in cellars in large casks or jars (dolia); in the latter case after being fermented for nine days it was covered up and sealed. The commoner kinds were drunk direct from the dolia, the finer sorts drawn off into amphorae and stored up. On the marble reliefs here given (No. 518; fig. 210) we have a representation of the conversion of the must into defrutum: two men are attending to a caldron placed over a fire, while a third is pouring wine from an amphora into another caldron, and a fourth is waiting to fill a jug from the same. In the lowest part of the Case is exhibited the upper part of an amphora with long neck and two handles (whence the frequent term diota), as an example of those used for the storage of wine. The terracotta figure of a man carrying a wineskin and one of these diotae (No. 519), and a Roman lamp depicting slaves carrying casks of wine, should also be noted (No. 520).

The cultivation of the olive is well illustrated by a black-figured vase of the sixth century B.C. (No. 521; fig. 211), showing a primitive method of gathering the fruit: a youth has climbed to the top of the tree, and he and two men are beating the branches with sticks to bring the fruit down, while another youth collects it in a vessel. This method is expressly condemned by Varro, an early Roman writer on agriculture.[⁶³]

In order to extract the oil from the pulp of the fruit, it was necessary to use a press of some kind, such as we see on the terracotta relief here exhibited (No. 522; fig. 212), of the first century B.C. Here the press consists of flat stones between which layers of olives are placed; to the uppermost stone is fastened a long pole, which serves as a lever, and is being worked by two Satyrs; round the press a rope is wound many times. Compare the large vase in the Hall of Inscriptions (Cat. of Sculpture, 2502).

Fig. 212.—Satyrs at Oil-Press (No. 522). Ht. 7 in.

The remaining objects in this Case are mostly illustrative of men or beasts of burden engaged in agricultural and kindred occupations, such as the goat-herd depicted on a Roman lamp, to whom the name of Titurus is applied, with reference to Virgil's first Eclogue (No. 523; fig. 213). The bronze figure of a donkey (No. 524) with panniers recalls the ornament of Trimalchio's dinner-table described by Petronius, and may have served a similar purpose. Model panniers, and terracottas of a donkey and a camel with the panniers laden with rural produce, should also be noted. Several model carts from Amathus, in terracotta, are either flat-bottomed, for general use, or in vase-shape, for the transport of wine or other liquids (No. 525).

Fig. 213.—Goatherd with Flock (No. 523). Diam. 3¾ in.

(512) Excavations in Cyprus, p. 15, 1477; (516, 517) Cat. of Terracottas, D 542, D 544; (518) Cat. of Sculpture, III., 2212; (520) Cat. of Lamps, 1142; (521) Cat. of Vases, II., B 226; (522) Cat. of Terracottas, D 550. Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Torcular; (523) Cat. of Lamps, 661; (524) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Clitellae; (525) Excavations in Cyprus, p. 112.

[62:] i. 169 ff.; Cf. Gow, Journ. of Hellenic Studies, xxxiv., p. 249.

[63:] Varro, Res Rust. i. 55: de oliveto oleam ... legere oportet potius quam quatere.

XVIII.—INDUSTRIAL ARTS.
(Table-Case H.)

In Table Case H we have objects illustrating the craft of the metal worker, the potter, the turner, and the woodworker.

Fig. 214.—Limestone Half-Mould, with Cast from Same (No. 531). Ht. 4½ in.

Towards one end of the case are objects illustrating the processes of metal work. A Greek vase of the sixth century B.C. depicts a man in the act of thrusting a mass of metal into a blazing furnace. Anvil, tongs, and hammers are visible (No. 526). Beside it is a reproduction of a Vase in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, showing an armourer at work on a helmet (No. 527). Two limestone moulds of a very early period are for casting primitive implements (No. 528). Note also a mould (No. 529) for a metal weight of a type similar to that with the head of Herakles in Case 41. The mould shows a female head with a cornucopia before it, apparently a personification of Profit (Κέρδος), whose name appears above the head. Another mould (No. 530) is intended for a series of lead weights of values αʹ to ηʹ, that is, 1 to 8. (Compare a similar set in Case 42.) It should be observed that the moulds seen here are, for the most part, only half-moulds, or in some cases even less. A corresponding half-mould had to be placed in position before casting could be effected. This is well shown by a limestone half-mould from Rome (No. 531; fig. 214) for casting lead counters, with designs representing Victory, Fortune, and Athena. Here can be seen the channels by which the molten metal was introduced, and the holes for the studs joining the two half-moulds together. In one of these a lead stud still remains.

Fig. 215.—Part of Mould for a Ring of the shape indicated (No. 532).

The steatite mould for a ring of the Mycenaean period (No. 532; Fig. 215) required a counterpart piece, and a third piece at the bottom to complete it. Some of the steatite moulds which have no channels for the molten metal, were probably used for the production of ornaments by pressing and rubbing thin foil into the forms.

Fig. 216.—Greek Potter at Work (No. 533). Ht. 4½ in.

Fig. 217.—Potter's Wheel in Terracotta (No. 534). Diam. 9¾ in.

Fig. 218.—Greek Potter attaching Handle to Vase (No. 535).

Fig. 219.—Potter's Kiln (No. 536).

Fig. 220.—Clay Lamps Spoiled in Baking (No. 538). Ca. 1:2.

Fig. 221.—Stamps for Making Moulds for Vases in Relief (No. 545).

The Potter.—At the end of the case are exhibits connected with potters and pottery. Here is seen the limestone figure of a Greek potter from Cyprus (No. 533; fig. 216), seated and modelling clay on the wheel. He reminds us of Homer's description of the potter's action when he compares the whirling motion of dancers to the revolving of a potter's wheel—"a motion exceeding light, as when a potter sits and makes trial of a wheel fitted to his hands, to see whether it will run."[⁶⁴] Immediately behind is a potter's wheel in terracotta (No. 534; fig. 217), which has in the centre a depression for the insertion of the pivot on which it turned. It was found on a primitive site at Gournià in Crete. As the clay spun round on the wheel the potter moulded it into shape inside and outside with his hands. The foot, the handles, and the neck of the vase were moulded separately as a rule and attached afterwards to the body. A design on a sixth century Greek vase here exhibited (No. 535; fig. 218), depicts a Greek potter in the act of attaching a handle to a cup which rests upon a wheel. When the vase or other object had been modelled in clay, it then had to be fired. For this purpose a kiln was required, such as one (probably Roman) excavated at Shoeburyness, a model of which is here exhibited (No. 536). It consists of a barrel-shaped chamber, at about half the height of which is a horizontal table on a conical support, with eight round openings pierced in its circumference to allow the heat to penetrate above. Fuel was introduced below through a small fire-chamber constructed at the side (fig. 219). The packing of the objects to be fired required considerable care. For this purpose the so-called "cockspurs" (No. 537) were used for the larger pieces. But sometimes there were failures, such as the two batches of Roman lamps seen in this Case, which have become fused together in the baking (No. 538; fig. 220). If it survived the risks of manufacture, the pot often needed repair when in use, and several examples are shown of rivets, large and small, employed for this purpose (No. 539). The cover of a toilet-box (No. 540) shows the method of painting employed in the Greek red-figured vases; here the grotesque head has been outlined in black, but the background has not been filled in with black in the usual way. Two terracotta heads with projecting stumps (No. 541) show the manner in which the terracotta figurines were built up of several parts. The heads were inserted into holes in the trunks, and were then fastened in position with clay. An unfinished clay relief (No. 542) of a man with his dog, shows the first process in the production of modelled relief, such as those in the Room of Terracottas, Case 8.

A mould (No. 543) for making a bowl of the ware called Arretine from its place of manufacture, Arretium in Central Italy, is shown, with a cast from the mould beside it. An impression is also shown of the mark of M. Perennius, the most noted of the Arretine potters, in combination with his slave Bargates (No. 544). Near the mould are stamps, one with a design of a slave heating some fluid in a caldron, and others of a bear and lion (No. 545; fig. 221). These stamps were used for producing the designs in the moulds, being impressed in the clay while it was soft. Several specimens of these moulds and bowls, which are of about the first century B.C., will be seen in Cases 39-40 of the Fourth Vase Room.

The moulds for parts of Roman lamps, show the way in which these objects were produced. The clay was pressed into the lower mould (such as No. 546; fig. 222) and also into a corresponding upper mould (compare No. 547), and then the two halves were joined together and ready for baking.

Fig. 222.—Mould for Lower Part of Clay Lamp (No. 546). L. 4¼ in.

(526) Cat. of Vases, II., B 507; (528) Excavations in Cyprus, p. 26, fig. 50; (531) Cf. Bull. della Comm. Arch. xxxiii. (1905), p. 146 ff; (532) Cat. of Jewellery, No. 609; (533) Excavations in Cyprus, p. 93, fig. 145; (535) Cat. of Vases II., B 432; (536) Proc. of Soc. of Ant., Ser. II., xvi., p. 40; (542) Cat. of Terracottas, B 376. pl. 20; (545) Cat. of Roman Pottery, M 82, 83; (546) Cat. of Lamps, 1401.

Gems and Pastes.—In the next division of Case H are objects illustrating the processes of producing Gems and Pastes. These include a series of scarabs, scarabaeoids, and other beads at various stages of manufacture (No. 548); a series of clay moulds for Graeco-Egyptian porcelain scarabs from Naukratis (No. 549) and a fine specimen of a paste cameo head of Silenos (No. 550). Here also are examples of stone socket-handles for a bow-drill (No. 551). In this and the next compartment several pieces of work are incised with designs intended to be filled in with inlay (No. 552). See also a series of fragments of an acanthus pattern in ivory, evidently intended to be inlaid. A piece of rock crystal is carved with ears of corn in intaglio, gilded (No. 553). See also examples of enamel work, of the period of the Roman empire, on studs, seal boxes, etc. (cf. p. 135, 155).

Woodworking, etc.—An interesting wooden box of Roman date is derived from Panticapaeum, in the Crimea (No. 554). This has two sliding lids, above and below respectively, each furnished with two catches. The interior was divided by a horizontal partition, and was again subdivided into numerous small divisions. An inlaid pattern decorates the border of the box. Another box of simpler construction (No. 555) was found in a grave in Bulgaria. Various specimens of fretwork in jet and ivory are shown, and two pieces of an egg and tongue moulding, carved in wood, and coloured with scarlet and gilding, from a sarcophagus, also found at Panticapaeum (No. 555*).

The Lathe.—In the next division are examples of work finished on the lathe, in a variety of materials, as marble, alabaster, coloured stones, crystal, bronze, ivory, bone, and wood; also a rough piece of alabaster from Cyprus, derived from a lathe mandrel.

[64:] Il. xviii. 600 ff.

XIX.—MEDICINE AND SURGERY.
(Table-Case H.)

Greek Medicine.—From the earliest times, as indicated by passages in the Homeric poems, the Greeks practised simple forms of surgery in such matters as the treatment of the wounded.[⁶⁵] In the historic age of Greece we find temple or wonder-working medicine, practised in temples of Asklepios, especially at Epidaurus; and at the same time a school of medicine, of the Asklepiadae, seated in the island of Kos.

A lively account of temple-healing is given in the Plutus of Aristophanes, where the slave Karion relates the experiences of his master and himself when passing the night in the temple.[⁶⁶] Examples of the votive offerings deposited in the temples by those who had been made whole have been mentioned in the section on Religion and Superstition, p. [47] ff., and are to be seen in Cases 103-106.

Fig. 223.—Greek Surgeon at Work (No. 556).

The more serious side of Greek medicine is inseparably connected with the name of Hippokrates (born 460 B.C.), though the Koan school had existed some time before his birth. The Asklepiadae were originally members of a single clan, but the admission of persons from outside soon made the clan into a medical school. The famous Hippokratean oath, imposed upon members of the Koan school, shows the standard set up before the medical profession: "I will conduct the treatment of the sick for their advantage, to the best of my ability and judgment, and I will abstain from all evil and all injustice. I will administer poison to none, if asked to do so, nor will I ever make such a suggestion. I will pass my life and exercise my art in innocence and purity." In Greece there were both public and private physicians. There were further dispensaries, or perhaps more accurately surgeries, called ἰατρεῖα. These were furnished with the necessary surgical and medical appliances. The scene from a fifth century vase-painting (No. 556; fig. 223)[⁶⁷] depicts a young surgeon at work in an ἰατρεῖον. He is operating on a patient's arm (perhaps bleeding him), while another man, also wounded in the arm, sits before him. A dwarf slave is ushering other patients into the surgery, where bleeding-cups are seen hanging on the wall. Patients also went to the ἰατρεῖα to get draughts of medicine.[⁶⁸] Before the Alexandrian age it is probable that medicine was in advance of surgery, for up to that time no scientific study of anatomy had been attempted. Aristotle observes that the internal organs of the human body were in his time very little known,[⁶⁹] and what dissection there was must have been practised on animals. The terracotta model (No. 122; fig. 36, above) of the heart, liver, lungs and kidneys shows how vague the ancient idea as to the position of these organs sometimes was.

Roman Medicine.—Medical science for a long time made but little progress in Rome. The Greek physician Archagathos, who began to practise there in 219 B.C., became extremely unpopular owing to his bold methods of surgery.[⁷⁰] The Roman doctors were chiefly of Greek nationality, and not infrequently were slaves or freedmen. Julius Caesar encouraged foreign physicians to settle in Rome by granting them citizenship, and under the early Empire Rome was overcrowded with medical men, if we may believe Pliny and Martial.[⁷¹]

The objects illustrating Greek and Roman Medicine and Surgery are exhibited in part of Table-Case H. First in importance are the surgical instruments, a selection of which is shown in fig. 224. With rare exceptions these instruments are of bronze. The principal varieties are here represented. There are several knives or bistouries, an excellent example being the one from Myndos in Asia Minor, with the upper part of the handle inlaid with silver (No. 557; fig. 224g). The lower part of the handle was in iron, and has fallen away. The heavier bronze blades must have been used for various purposes in connection with dissecting. The forceps is fairly common. The interesting variety seen on the right of the illustration (k) with its fine toothed ends (No. 558) is probably an uvula forceps, used for crushing the part intended to be amputated. An instrument frequently found is the spatula or "spathomele" (No. 559; fig. 224 a-c, e, f), so called from its flat broad end. This was principally employed for mixing and spreading ointments, while the olive-shaped ends were used as probes. Other instruments which call for notice are the fine-toothed surgical saw (No. 560; fig. 224h), the sharp hook (No. 561; fig. 224d), used for "seizing and raising small pieces of tissue for excision, and for fixing and retracting the edges of wounds." The bifurcated probes (No. 562) were perhaps used for the extraction of arrows and other weapons. A curious instrument (No. 563), the use of which was for long a puzzle, appears to be a folding drill-bow and has been completed accordingly.

Fig. 224.—Bronze Surgical Instruments (No. 557, etc.). 1:2.

More elaborate than any of these are the examples of surgical appliances which have been found in the excavations at Pompeii, and are now at Naples. These are represented here by a group of electrotype reproductions, including anal and vaginal specula, and other objects (No. 564).

The bronze cupping-vessel (No. 565) should be noticed. Similar vessels are seen suspended on the walls of the surgery depicted in the vase-scene figured above (fig. 223). Burning lint or some other lighted substance was placed in the vessel to rarify the air, and its mouth was then applied to the part from which blood was to be extracted. One such cupping vessel appears on the marble relief in the Phigaleian Room, representing a physician named Jason treating a boy with a swollen stomach (Fig. 225). Compare a similar consultation on an engraved gem, under the immediate superintendence of Asklepios. The bronze box (No. 566), probably from the Cyrenaica, was almost certainly used by a Roman physician for his drugs. It is divided into several compartments, each furnished with a separate cover, and has a sliding lid. Boxes of a precisely similar character have been found with surgical instruments. Compare also the cast from Athens of a votive relief with a fitted case of instruments (No. 567).

Fig. 225.—Marble Relief. Physician Treating Patient. Ht. 2 ft. 7 in.

A very interesting class of antiquities is furnished by the stamps of oculists (No. 569). These take the form of square or oblong plates, generally of steatite or slate. On the edges are engraved inscriptions, giving the name of the oculist, the name of his specific, and its purpose. These salves were pounded on the stone into a paste. They generally bear a Greek name, such as Diasmyrnes, Crocodes, etc., indicating their composition. They appear to have been made up into the form of sticks impressed with the engraved edge of the stone, and put into cylindrical bronze boxes, which have from time to time been found with Roman surgical instruments. One or two examples of the stamps may be given: "Saffron ointment for scars and discharges prepared by Junius Taurus after the prescription of Paccius"[⁷²] (fig. 226, bottom). "The anodyne of Q. Junius Taurus for every kind of defective eyesight."[⁷³] Puff names for the drugs, such as "Invincible," "Inimitable," also occur. An engraved gem, from a drug compounder's ring has a seated Athena and the legend HEROPHILI OPOBALSAMUM—"Balsam of Herophilus" (No. 570). Whether the balsam was named in honour of the founder of scientific anatomy, or of a more obscure oculist of the first century B.C., or of an unknown drug-seller cannot be determined. A set of Roman lead weights, probably used for the weighing of drugs, is here exhibited. They are marked 1 to 10, the unit probably being the scripulum of 18 grains (No. 571). Two small lead pots placed near the weights were used for holding eye-salves. One from Corfu bears the letters A T; the other, from Athens, has the tripod of Apollo, the god of healing, and is inscribed "The Lykian salve from Musaeos" (No. 572). Near these pots are spoons with channels for melting and pouring the salves into wounds (No. 573). A piece of stone with corrugated surfaces is thought to be for rolling pills (No. 574). The ivory figure of a dwarf afflicted with a peculiar form of spinal curvature causing pigeon-breastedness is a work of considerable spirit, probably of the third century A.D. (No. 574*).

Fig. 226.—Stamp of the Oculist Junius Taurus (No. 569). 4:5.

(563) Cat. of Bronzes, 2674; Journ. of Hellenic Stud. 34, p. 116; (567) Svoronos, Athen. Nationalmus. xlvii, 1378; (568) Cf. Espérandieu, Signacula Medicorum Oculariorum; (574*) Papers of the Brit. School at Rome, iv, pp. 279-282.

See on ancient medicine and surgery generally, Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Chirurgia, Medicus; Milne, Surgical Instruments in Greek and Roman Times; Deneffe, Étude sur la trousse d'un chirurgien gallo-romain du III^e siècle (found near Paris, 1880).

[65:] Cf. Il. iv. 218; xi. 844.

[66:] Ar. Plut. 653 ff.

[67:] See Mon. Piot, XIII. (1906), pl. xiii., p. 149 ff. From a vase in a private collection in Paris.

[68:] Plat., Leg. i. 646: τοὺς εἰς τὰ ἰατρεῖα αὐτοὺς βαδίζοντας ἐπὶ φαρμακοποσίαν.

[69:] Hist. An. i. 16.

[70:] Plin., H.N. xxix. 12 f.

[71:] Plin., H.N. xxix. 11: hinc illae circa aegros miserae sententiarum concertationes, hinc illa infelix monimenti inscriptio: turba se medicorum periisse.
Cf. Martial, v. 9.

[72:] Juni Tauri crocod(es) Paccian(um) ad cicat(rices) et reum(a).

[73:] Q. Jun(i) Tauri anodynum ad omn(em) lippit(udinem).

XX.—MEASURES AND INSTRUMENTS.

Fig. 227.—Roman Bronze Foot-Rule (No. 578). L. 292 mm.

Fig. 228.—Bronze Proportional Compasses (No. 579). L. 7½ in.

Measures.—In Case H are a few examples of ancient measures and geometrical instruments. A Greek clay cup (No. 575), inscribed ἡμικοτύλιον, contains exactly half a pint. The Greek kotyle, therefore, according to this standard, measured exactly a pint. A copy of a well-known Roman standard gallon, the so-called Farnese Congius, is in Case 44 (No. 576). Nos. 577 and 578 are two Roman bronze foot-rules, measuring respectively 294 mm. (11·6 in.) and 292 mm. (11·5 in.). The normal Roman foot measured 296 mm., and was adopted under Greek influence, whereas the early Italic foot had only measured 278 mm. (slightly under 11 in.). Fig. 227 (No. 578) shows the subdivisions of these foot rules. One side is marked by dots into sixteenths (digiti); another into twelfths (unciae); another into fourths (palmi). The foot-rule illustrated has the remains of a catch (indicated in the fig.) for keeping it rigid, when opened. There are several pairs of ordinary compasses and dividers, and also two pairs of proportional (2:1) compasses (No. 579). One of these is figured here (fig. 228). Notice the method of tightening by means of a wedge, with the object of keeping the compasses fixed in any particular position.

Measures.—(575) Cat. of Vases, IV, F 595; (577) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Pes; Hermes, XXII., p. 17 ff. and p. 79 ff.; Ath. Mitt., IX. (1884), p. 198 ff.

Bronze Stamps.—The large bronze stamps shown in Case H are somewhat akin to seals in their intention. But while the engraved ring was usually employed for purely personal purposes, such as the sealing of a letter or document, and the device of the seal was more or less ornamental, the bronze tablets were used for commercial or domestic purposes and seldom bear anything but the name of the person using them.

These tablets are of various forms, but the majority are rectangular, and bear the owner's name, like the one in this Case from Arles (No. 580), with the name of Q. Julius Renatus; others have merely initials. Some are made in the form of a shoe or the sole of a foot, and this is a shape frequently employed by the potters of the Roman period in Italy for stamping their names on vases. Other forms to be here observed are a leaf (No. 581), a ship (No. 582), and a fish (No. 583). The letters in most cases are in relief, producing an impression in intaglio on a soft substance such as unbaked clay. They were probably used for the most part for stamping the plaster stoppers of wine jars, loaves of bread and such like objects.

Fig. 229.—Rolling Stamp, with the name of Alexander (No. 584).

An example of a rare form is the rolling stamp with the name of Alexander (No. 584; fig. 229).

The remainder of the guide is devoted to the personal life of the individual from the cradle to the grave. Successive sections are devoted to Infancy and its Amusements; to Education and School Life—to which sections on Writing and Painting are annexed; to games, marriages, music, dancing, pet animals; and, finally, to objects bearing on death and burial.

XXI.—INFANCY. TOYS.

At the end of Case J are four terracotta models of cradles (No. 585) with young children in them. One is a winged Eros, and one is swaddled. Beside the cradles are three cups (No. 586), with spouts shaped as mouth-pieces, which may be supposed to be for milk or pap. Here also are two clay rattles (No. 587), and a child's wooden clapper (No. 588).

Fig. 230.—Child in High Chair (No. 590).

A set of small trefoil-lipped jugs (No. 589) is painted with designs closely connected with child life. Children are shown playing with jugs of this type, with animals and toy carts, or other objects. It is probable that these jugs were given to Athenian children on the festival day of the wine god Dionysos, which went by the name of Χόες ("Jugs"). Note No. 590 (fig. 230), with a child confined in a turret-shaped high chair, and No. 591 (fig. 231), with two children with draw-carts, each holding a jug.

Toys.—Children of all ages and nations bear a great resemblance to one another; consequently, it is not surprising, though it is always interesting, to find that Greek and Roman toys are often very similar to those of modern times. At the corner of Case J is a series of small reproductions of furniture, implements and the like in lead, bronze, pottery and terracotta (No. 592). Often no doubt, they are simply toys, like the furniture of a doll's house. Sometimes, however, they must be supposed to have had a more serious votive character in a temple. In some cases, perhaps, they were of both kinds. Among the treasures of Hera at Olympia, the traveller Pausanias saw a small couch said to have been a plaything of Hippodameia,[⁷⁴] and it was not uncommon for children on growing up to dedicate their toys in a temple.

Fig. 231.—Greek Toy Jug (No. 591). 1:1 and 1:2.

Fig. 232.—Greek Terracotta Doll (No. 593). Ht. 5⅛ in.

Fig. 233.—Old Woman on Mule (No. 596). 1:1.

Fig. 234.—Seated Doll, with Marriage-Bowl, Epinetron and Shoes (No. 599). Ca. 1:2.

Fig. 235.—Terracotta Model Tops and Design from Vase-Painting. (No. 600).
Ht. of Model on right, 4¼ in.

The dolls that survive from Greek times were chiefly of terracotta, and frequently furnished with movable arms and legs. It will be noticed that most of these dolls have holes pierced in the top of their heads for the passage of strings connected with the arms and sometimes with the legs. These would produce a movement of the arms and legs, and explain the term νευρόσπαστα ("drawn by strings") applied to these dolls. In Xenophon's Symposium a travelling showman speaks of being kept by the profits drawn from such puppets.[⁷⁵] One, holding castanets, is illustrated here (fig. 232; No. 593). We get allusions in literature to these dolls and other small terracotta figures, which show that one of their chief uses was the amusement of children. One writer [⁷⁶] speaks of "those who make little figures of clay in the form of all kinds of animals destined for the beguiling of little children." Such a figure is that of the donkey with a sea-perch tied on its back (No. 594) or the fascinating group of the little boy on the goose (No. 595), and the old woman on the mule (No. 596; fig. 233). Many of these toys bring vividly to mind country scenes in Greece at the present day. Though they were doubtless intended chiefly for little children, women did not altogether disdain these terracotta toys. A Greek tombstone of the fifth century B.C. has a relief showing a girl, quite grown up, standing with a terracotta doll, exactly like those in this Case, in her hands, while a young slave-girl holds the figure of a duck before her.[⁷⁷] Humbler but less breakable toys of Roman date are the wooden horse (No. 597) and rag doll (No. 598) from Egypt. For the most part these toys have been found in the tombs of children. The seated figure of a girl (No. 599; fig. 234), holding an ivory dove in her hand, and surrounded by her spinning instrument for the knee (see p. [145]), her shoes, and marriage-bowl, was found in a tomb near Athens, probably of the fourth century B.C. The bowl is almost certainly the λέβης γαμικός, used by the bridal pair immediately after marriage. It is therefore not unreasonable to conclude that the tomb was that of a newly wedded bride. Another plaything in vogue among the Greeks was the whipping top, an ancient model of which in terracotta (No. 600) is seen in the Case and is illustrated on the right of fig. 235. On the left of the figure is another form of Greek whipping top (of terracotta, found in the sanctuary of the Kabeiri at Thebes), and in the centre a design from a vase, in which a woman is represented whipping such a top. In a Greek epigram [⁷⁸] the top is mentioned as a boy's plaything, together with a ball, a rattle, and the favourite knucklebones, and an inscription from the sanctuary of the Kabeiri at Thebes speaks of four knucklebones, a top (στρόβιλος), a whip, and a torch dedicated by a woman named Okythoa.[⁷⁹]

(591) Cat. of Vases, III., E 533 ff.; Benndorf, Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenbilder, p 64; (599) For the λέβης γαμικός, see Ath. Mitt., XXXII. (1907), p. 111 f.; (600) See Ath. Mitt., XIII., p. 426 f., and Van Branteghem Coll., No. 167.

[74:] Paus. V. 20. 1.

[75:] Xen., Symp. 55.

[76:] Suidas, s.v. Κοροπλάθοι.

[77:] Conze, Att. Grabreliefs, No. 880, pl. clxx.

[78:] Anth. Pal. vi. 309.

εὔφημόν τοι σφαῖραν, ἐϋκρόταλόν τε Φιλοκλῆς

Ἑρμείῃ ταύτην πυξινέην πλατάγην,

ἀστραγάλας θ' αἷς πόλλ' ἐπεμήνατο, καὶ τὸν ἑλικτὸν

ῥόμβον, κουροσύνης παίγνι', ἀνεκρέμασεν.

[79:] Athen. Mitt., XIII., p. 427: Ὠκυθόα ἀστραγάλως πέτταρας, στρόβιλον, μάστιγα, δαίδα, . . . .

XXII.—EDUCATION, WITH WRITING AND PAINTING.
(Table-Case J.)

Education.—Case J contains several objects illustrating that part of the Greek child's education which was connected with the arts of reading, arithmetic and writing. A Greek terracotta of the fourth century B.C. with Silenus holding the child Dionysos by the hand (No. 601), may be supposed to represent the old pedagogue, the slave whose duty it was to take the child to school. (Scenes in a music school are shown on the vases E 171, E 172, in cases 55-56.)

Fig. 236.—Terracotta Groups. Reading and Writing Lessons (No. 602). Ht. 4¼ in. and 4¾ in.

Reading.—Another terracotta group of about the third century B.C. (No. 602, fig. 236, right) shows a kindly old schoolmaster seated and teaching a boy who stands by his side to read from a roll. The ancient book differed from our own in taking the form of a roll. The reader would first unroll the beginning, and then, as he went on, roll up the part he had finished, making thus a double roll, as it were, of the part read and the part unread. See the tablet in Case 56 of the child Avita, reading her scrolls, with her dog in attendance (No. 603).

Fig. 237.—Spelling Exercise (No. 605).

A simple Greek alphabet is inscribed on marble (No. 604) . . . δε . . θικλμνξοπρστυφχψ. A fragment of a syllabic reading or spelling exercise is shown on a piece of pottery (No. 605; fig. 237). Each letter of the alphabet is combined with each vowel in turn, as ρα ρε ρη ρ[ι ρο ρυ ρω] σα σε ση σι σ[ο συ σω] and so on. In the case of ρη the syllable was miswritten ρε and corrected. A school-boy's wax tablet (No. 606; fig. 238) shows on its right half how syllables constitute words as θε ων for θεῶν. A large wooden board with an iron handle (No. 607) is inscribed with lines of Homer (Iliad i., 468 ff.), no doubt for use in school. A fragment of an 'Iliac table,' (No. 608) with a scene from the Iliad (Achilles dragging the body of Hector round Troy, and Achilles conversing with Athena) was probably also intended for teaching purposes.

Arithmetic.—The left side of the tablet (No. 606; fig. 238) gives a multiplication table, from α´ α´ α´, once one is one, to γ´ ι´ λ´, thrice ten is thirty. The Greek numerals follow the alphabet to ι´ = 10, followed by κ´ = 20, λ´ = 30, and so on. Six is represented by the sign ϛ´ (Ϝ´), which occupies the place of F in the Latin alphabet, and stands for the old digamma or vau.

Writing.—The wax-coated tablet which contains the foregoing table was the usual appliance for writing. A writing lesson is shown in the terracotta group (No. 602, fig. 236, left). The instrument employed was a pointed implement, called by the Romans a stilus. An example in ivory, here figured (No. 609; fig. 239), was found in a tomb of the fifth century B.C. at Eretria in Euboea. The broad flat end was used for erasures, so that we find the Romans using the phrase vertere stilum, "to turn the pen" in the sense of "to erase." Numerous stili in bronze are shown in the Case, and some are illustrated in fig. 240. The fifth example from the top in the illustration is in silver bound with gold wire, probably from France and of late Roman date. These tablets were not as a rule used singly, but strung together, so that the waxen surface was protected when the two or more leaves were closed. The present tablet was composed of two leaves, one of which is in the Department of Manuscripts with a writing exercise upon it. The arrangement of several tablets in a fashion anticipating the form of the modern book is well shown in the relief of the pork butcher (Case 41).

Fig. 238.—Tablet with Multiplication Table and Reading Exercise (No. 606).

Fig. 239.—Ivory Stilus (No. 609). 2:3.

For documents of a more permanent character paper was made from the papyrus plant, whence it takes its name. It was manufactured chiefly at Alexandria from the time of the foundation of that town in the fourth century B.C., and pen and ink were used to write on it. A specimen of Greek writing on papyrus is seen in the Case (No. 610). It is a letter of the first century after Christ, asking that a supply of drugs of good quality—"none of your rotten stuff that won't pass muster in Alexandria"—should be sent to the writer, Prokleios. Later on, parchment, prepared from the skins of animals, and made principally at Pergamon, in Asia Minor, began to rival papyrus as writing-material. Specimens of ancient reed and bronze pens (No. 611) are given in the illustration above (fig. 240), and a series of ancient inkpots is here figured (No. 612; fig. 241). The pens, whose split nibs have a curiously modern appearance, are all of Roman date. The reed pens come from Behnesa, in Egypt, and one of the bronze pens was found in the Tiber at Rome. The inkpots are also of Roman date. The middle one of the lower row has its hinged cover still remaining, with the inlaid vine-spray in silver round the rim. The one to the right of it is in blue faïence, and was found in Egypt.

Fig. 240.—Roman Pens and Stili. 1:2.

Writing was sometimes put directly upon wood. Such is the case with the fragment of board from Egypt mentioned above. The lawyer's tablet (No. 612*), of about the fifth century A.D., which deals with loans, etc., has the surface specially whitened for the writing and a space for keeping the pen. Parts of the two outer leaves, which contained between them eight inner leaves, are shown in the Case.

(604) B.M. Inscr., 323; (605) Journ. Hell. Stud., XXVIII. (1908), p. 123; cf. Dumont, Inscriptions céramiques, p. 405 (5); (608) Cat. of Sculpt., III., 2192; (610) B.M. Papyri, ccclvi.

On Greek education generally, see Freeman, Schools of Hellas, and the select bibliography there given. For ancient books, cf. E. M. Thompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Palaeography. For relics of Graeco-Egyptian school-life, see Journ. Hell. Stud., loc. cit.

Fig. 241.—Roman Inkpots (No. 612). Ca. 1:2.

Painting.—Adjoining the objects connected with writing, are illustrations of the art of painting in Roman times. They include a series of ancient colours, pestles and mortars, some paintings on wood, one, painted by the encaustic process, enclosed in its ancient wooden frame. The colours, as may be seen, were kept in a dry condition, and had to be pounded with pestle and mortar before they were mixed for the use of the artist. A good number of ancient colours are shown here, the blue (silicate of copper) being particularly prominent. The six saucers (No. 613), found together in a tomb of the Roman period at Hawara, Egypt, contain water-colour paints. These are dark red (oxide of iron), yellow (ochre, oxide of iron), white (sulphate of lime), pink (organic colour, probably madder, in sulphate of lime), blue (glass coloured by copper), red (oxide of lead). The saucers were found piled by the side of the owner's body. Pestles and mortars for pounding the colours are shown in the Case. A favourite form of pestle is that which resembles a bent leg or thumb, such as the one from Rhodes (No. 614), inscribed with what is probably the owner's name. Near it is the terracotta figure of a dwarf (No. 615), seated (apparently in a violent passion) before a pestle and mortar. We may imagine that he is a slave set to mix his master's colours.

The methods of painting illustrated here are two, viz., painting on a dry ground in water-colours, and what is known as "encaustic" painting. For the first, water-colours were used, and the ground material was generally a thin piece of wood, whitened to receive the colours. Egypt has furnished many examples of this kind of painting. Among them is the portrait of a woman from the Fayum, wearing a fillet (No. 616). This no doubt comes from a mummy of the Roman period, such as the one exhibited in Case 72 next the entrance to the Gold Room Corridor, which has a similar painted portrait (in encaustic, however) placed over the face. Other water-colour paintings of Roman date from Egypt are shown in Case J, such as the figures of Fortune and Venus painted in several colours on a red ground (No. 617), and the fragmentary figure (No. 618), wearing a jewel of gold and pearls, and inscribed with the name of Sarapis (ϹΑΡΑΠΙ). The encaustic process was that employed in the case of the framed portrait (No. 619), found at Hawara in Egypt. The frame is carefully made, the sides being joined by tenons and mortises. There is a groove for a glass covering, and the cord by which it was suspended still remains. The portrait was painted in wax, by a process which can hardly have been other than that called "encaustic" by Pliny.[⁸⁰] The nature of this process has been much disputed, but probably the colours were ground in with the wax, which was fused by the heat of the sun or artificial means, and then laid on by the brush. A stump (cestrum) was also sometimes employed. Probably a box divided into compartments was used for holding these wax-colours in their fluid state. Such a receptacle may perhaps be recognised in the long terracotta vessel, which has a groove in the middle for a brush (No. 620).

(613) Petrie, Hawara, p. 11; (619) ibid., p. 10.

[80:] Plin. H.N. xxxv. 122, 149.

XXIII.—GAMES.
(Table-Case J.)

Fig. 242.—Two Women Playing at Knucklebones.

Herodotus has a curious story to the effect that the Lydians invented dice, knucklebones, balls, and other playthings to help them to pass a time of famine, by playing and eating on alternate days.[⁸¹] Draughts (πεσσοί) are expressly excepted from his list, and were ascribed to the fertile invention of Palamedes at the time of the Trojan war. Games played with knucklebones (small bones forming part of the ankle-joint in cloven-footed animals) may be described first, since they were, as may be judged from the number of ancient knucklebones found (No. 621 in this Case), extremely common. We are told in the Anthology of a boy who gained eighty knucklebones as a writing-prize.[⁸²] Among women too they were a favourite plaything. The illustration (fig. 242), from a painting on marble found at Resina (the ancient Herculaneum), shows two women engaged at knucklebones. (See also the terracotta group D 161 in the Room of Terracottas, Case 32). This game was called "five-stones" (πεντέλιθοι), a name still given by children to a very similar game. The lexicographer Pollux describes the game thus: "The knucklebones are thrown up into the air, and an attempt is made to catch them on the back of the hand. If you are only partially successful, you have to pick up the knucklebones which have fallen to the ground, without letting fall those already on the hand.... It is, above all, a woman's game."[⁸³] This description makes the illustration clear. Each woman has five knucklebones, and the one whose turn it is to play has caught three on the back of her hand; the two which are falling to the ground she would have to pick up without shaking off those already on the hand.

Fig. 243.—Knucklebones and Dice (Nos. 621-3). 1:1.

Fig. 244.—Bronze Dice-Box (No. 624). 4:5.

Besides being used in various kinds of games, knucklebones were also employed as dice. The four long faces of the knucklebone differed from one another in form, one being convex, another concave, another nearly flat, and the fourth sinuous and irregular. The values assigned to these sides were: (a) to the flat side (χῖον), 1; (b) the sinuous side (κῷον), 6; (c) the concave (ὕπτιον), 3; (d) the convex (πρηνές), 4. This is the order in which they are shown in fig. 243, from left to right. Astragali thus required no marks of value upon them, since their sides were naturally distinguished. The ordinary cube-shaped dice, marked 1-6 (No. 622) were also widely used by the Greeks and Romans (fig. 243). The usual arrangement of numbers was, as now, 1 opposite 6, 2 opposite 5, and 3 opposite 4,[⁸⁴] but other arrangements occur. Some dice are interesting on account of their peculiar form, e.g., the squatting silver figures (No. 623, fig. 204), which are marked with the values 1-6 on different parts of the body. A Roman bronze dice-box is shown in fig. 244 (No. 624). The ordinary materials of dice were ivory, bone, or wood. Of the multifarious ways of playing with dice known to the Greeks and Romans, the one most in vogue may be mentioned. In this three dice were used, and the object was to throw the highest number (πλειστοβολίνδα). The best throw, three sixes, became proverbial. In Aeschylos' Agamemnon the watchman, when he saw the beacon-fire blaze forth which told of Agamemnon's victorious return, exclaimed:——"I'll count my master's fortunes fallen fair, now that my beacon watch has thrown a triple six."[⁸⁵] With astragali, on the other hand, the best throw was 1, 3, 4, 6, and was called "the throw of Venus." For this each bone had to present a different face.[⁸⁶] The worst throw was the "Dogs," when four aces turned up.[⁸⁷]

Dice of exceptional form are the twenty-sided one, inscribed with the Greek letters Α to Υ (No. 625), a fourteen-sided one inscribed with Roman numerals (No. 626), and an uninscribed fourteen-sided crystal die from Naukratis. With these may be mentioned the triple teetotum (No. 627) and the four-sided triple die, one side of which has been left plain (No. 628).

Fig. 245.—Ivory Pieces from Games (Nos. 630-631). 2:3.

Of the rules governing other games, represented here by several pieces, we are entirely ignorant. The plaster pawns (No. 629) found at Panticapaeum (Kertch) in the Crimea, probably belonged to some game analogous to our draughts. An interesting set of pieces is that of the ivory discs (No. 630; fig. 245), which bear on their obverse a design in relief e.g. two Muses and the head of the Sun-god, and on their reverse a number, from 1 to 15, in both Greek and Latin figures, as well as a word descriptive of the design on the obverse. Thus the two illustrated have on their reverse

ΜΟΥϹΑΙ

and

ΗΛΙΟϹ

(i.e., VI.—Nine (θ´) Muses—6, and II.—Helios—2) respectively. It seems pretty clearly established that these discs were used as pieces in a game, which probably resembled draughts or backgammon. Fifteen of these pieces have been found together in a child's tomb at Panticapaeum. The game appears to have been popular in the first and second centuries after Christ, and probably had its origin in Alexandria. It seems likely that it bore a resemblance to the Roman game called duodecim scripta ("twelve lines"), played with fifteen pieces on either side. The moves were determined by the throw of the dice, as in our backgammon. Another set of pieces belonging to a game are the label-shaped ivories (No. 631; fig. 245), inscribed on one side with words, often of an abusive character, such as male (e)st ("bad luck"), fur ("thief"), nugator ("trifler"), stumacose ("ill-tempered fellow"), etc., and on the other with numbers. The pieces mentioned have the numbers XXIII, A, II, I, and II A respectively on their reverse sides (see fig. 245). The whole series of numbers on these ivories runs from 1 to 25, and includes in addition 30 and 60; it is noteworthy that the highest numbers have inscriptions of a complimentary character, e.g., felix and benigne. The pieces may have been used in the Roman game called "the game of soldiers" (ludus latrunculorum).[⁸⁸]

At the top of Cases 57-58 is an oblong marble board (No. 632), inscribed with six words of six letters each. It was found in a tomb near the Porta Portese, Rome. The words are—

CIRCVS PLENVS

CLAMOR INGENS

IANVAE TE |̅ ̅ ̅ ̅ ̅ ̅? te(nsae)

"Circus full," "Great shouting," "Doors bursting (?)."

Each word is separated from that opposite it by a flower within a circle. Many such stones are known, always with six words of six letters, so that it seems clear that they were used as boards for a game, possibly the duodecim scripta already mentioned. The pieces used were probably the so-called "contorniates," bronze discs of coin form, with designs in relief on either side within a raised rim and a circular depression. Two examples of these contorniates (in electrotype) are exhibited below the stone board (No. 633). The pieces are of late Imperial date, of about the time of Constantine. Many have subjects closely connected with the circus, a fact which harmonizes well with the inscription on the board described. One of the two exhibited has a head of Alexander and a representation of a chariot race, the other a head of Nero and a water organ (see below, p. [216]).

(630) Cf. Röm. Mitt., 1896, p. 238 ff.; Rev. Arch., 4th Series V. (1905), p. 110 ff.; (631) Röm. Mitt., 1896, p. 227 ff.; (632) Cf. Num. Chron. (4th Series), VI., p. 232 ff.; Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 118.

On ancient toys and games generally, see Becq de Fouquières, Les jeux des anciens; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Ludus.

[81:] Herodot., i. 94.

[82:] Anth. Pal. vi. 308:

Νικήσας τοὺς παῖδας, ἐπεὶ καλὰ γράμματ' ἔγραψεν,

Κόνναρος ὀγδώκοντ' ἀστραγάλους ἔλαβεν.

[83:] Pollux, ix. 126 (reading ἐφίσταται and omitting ἤ).

[84:] Cf. Anth. Pal. xiv. 8:

ἕξ, ἕν, πέντε, δύο, τρία, τέσσαρα κῦβος ἐλαύνει.

[85:] Aesch., Agam. 32:

τὰ δεσποτῶν γὰρ εὖ πεσόντα θήσομαι,

τρὶς ἕξ βαλούσης τῆσδέ μοι φρυκτωρίας.

[86:] Mart., xiv. 14:

Cum steterit nullus vultu tibi talus eodem,

Munera me dices magna dedisse tibi.

[87:] Prop., iv. 8, 45 f.:

Me quoque per talos Venerem quaerente secundos,

Semper damnosi subsiluere canes.

[88:] Latro originally meant "a mercenary soldier."

XXIV.—MARRIAGE.
(Wall-Case 53.)

Greek Marriage.—Though neither Greek nor Roman marriage was definitely associated with the religion of the state, it was, however, among both peoples closely associated with religious rites of a domestic character. Plato in his Laws makes it the distinguishing mark of the legally wedded wife that "she had come into the house with gods and sacred marriage rites." These rites are sometimes represented upon Greek vases, as may be seen from the objects and illustrations placed in this Case. The ceremonies may be conveniently divided into those concerning (a) the preparation of the bride; (b) the removal of the bride from the house of her father to that of her husband; (c) the reception at that house; and (d) the presents given on the day following the marriage (ἐπαύλια).

Fig. 246.—Decking of a Greek Bride (No. 635).

(a) On the day before her wedding the bride not infrequently made an offering of the playthings of her childhood to some deity, presenting her toys to Artemis in particular. On the day before marriage, too, water for the bridal bath was brought in procession in the special form of tall vase called a λουτροφόρος; a small model is seen in Case 59 (No. 634). The vase is also seen standing on the chest in the room of the bride here depicted (No. 635; fig. 246). The scene is taken from the design on a toilet box of the fifth century B.C. (E 774), which shows the bride being adorned for her marriage. Besides the tall amphora already mentioned, two vases called "marriage bowls" (λέβητες γαμικοί) are seen standing on tall stems before the door, on the further side of which one of the bride's friends is turning the magic wheel intended to inspire the bridegroom with a greater longing of love. So Theocritus sings:

"Draw to my home, O mystic wheel,

the man that I long for."[⁸⁹]

(b) The arrival of the husband, who comes to fetch the bride to his home, may probably be recognised in the design on the fifth-century vase No. 636. It is, however, a special and sacred occasion which is here represented. The bride, who is seated and holds a sceptre, is probably the Basilinna, wife of the Basileus, the magistrate at Athens who was charged with the supervision of the state-religion. She turns back to look at the bridegroom, who is none other than the wine-god Dionysos, holding his thyrsos or staff crowned with the pine-cone. Two love-gods fly towards the pair with wedding gifts, while on the right approaches a Victory holding lighted torches, which served to light the night-procession to the bridegroom's house. The subject is explained by a ceremony which took place at the Attic wine-festival of the Anthesteria, celebrated annually in February and March. On the second day of the festival there was a mystic marriage between the wine-god Dionysos and the wife of the Basileus,[⁹⁰] and it can hardly be doubted that the present design refers to this.

Fig. 247.—The Wedded Pair Driving to the Bridegroom's Home (No. 637).

(c) The actual progress of the bride to her husband's home is depicted on the black-figured vase No. 637, of sixth-century date (fig. 247). The departure took place at nightfall by torch-light, and the bride and bridegroom usually (as in the present instance) made the journey in a mule-car, attended by a friend called the parochos. On the vase (fig. 247) the bride and bridegroom are seen in front of the mule-car, and the parochos is seated behind. When the pair reached their home, they were welcomed by the father and mother of the bridegroom, and a procession was formed to the hearth-altar. This is a scene depicted on No. 638, a reproduction of a painting on a toilet-box in the Third Vase Room (D 11, on Case F). The bridegroom leads the bride by the hand towards the hearth-altar, by the side of which stands the hearth-goddess Hestia, holding a sceptre and what is probably a fig, an allusion to the figs, dates and other fruits showered over the wedded pair as they reached the hearth, and thence called καταχύσματα (down-pourings). Before the pair go a boy playing on the double-flutes and two women holding torches, who probably move round the altar, as well as another woman, who perhaps leads the way to the bridal chamber (figs. 248 and 249).

Fig. 248.—Toilet-Box with Wedding Procession.

Fig. 249.—Bridegroom Leading Bride to Hearth-Altar. Design on the toilet-box (No. 638).

(d) Upon the day following the marriage the relations and friends brought presents to the house (ἐπαύλια).[⁹¹] The presents consisted chiefly in objects likely to be useful to the bride, such as vases, articles of toilet, spinning implements, etc. The subject was a favourite one with the Greek vase-painters, probable examples being the designs on E 188 in Case 47 and the toilet-box E 773 in Case H in the Third Vase Room. A still better instance occurs on the restored "marriage vase" E 810 in Case H in the same room.

Roman Marriage.—Roman practice recognised various methods of lawful marriage. The illustrations and objects shown in this Case deal only with certain ceremonies which were common to all of them. They concern (a) the betrothal; (b) the actual wedding rites; and (c) the escorting (deductio) of the bride to the house of the bridegroom.

Fig. 250.—Roman Wedding Ceremony (No. 641).

(a) The betrothal took the form of a solemn contract between the fathers and guardians on either side. In all Roman contracts it was customary that a pledge should be given, and this pledge often consisted in a ring. It was fitting, therefore, that a ring given to the woman by her betrothed should come to be a sign of the betrothal contract. It is natural to identify these rings with a series of Roman rings which have for their design two clasped right hands. An example in gold of about the third century A.D. (No. 639) is shown in this Case.

(b) The actual ceremony of marriage consisted in the solemn clasping of hands (dextrarum iunctio), an action seen on the relief on the sepulchral chest (No. 640) placed in this Case. The inscription shows that the chest was dedicated by a freedman and imperial scribe named Vitalis to the memory of his wife Vernasia Cyclas. The ceremony is only shown in an abbreviated form on this chest, but it appears in more detail on a relief from a sarcophagus (No. 641; fig. 250). The husband and wife clasp hands, and between them stands the pronuba or matron-friend of the bride, placing a hand on the shoulder of each. On the left of the group stands a man, perhaps the bride's father. To left and right of this scene of everyday Roman life we have the mythological personages whose attendance at the wedding may be supposed to be of good augury—Mars, Victory and Fortune. The clasping of hands was followed by a sacrifice to Jupiter, and this closed the actual wedding ceremonies. The sacrifice is represented in the illustration (fig. 251) taken from a Roman sarcophagus.[⁹²] The bride, and bridegroom stand by the burning altar, upon which the latter pours a libation. Behind the pair stands Juno pronuba, the presiding goddess of the wedding rites. On the right a bull is being led up to sacrifice, and on the left stand Venus, Hymenaeus and the Graces.

Fig. 251.—Roman Wedding Sacrifice.

(c) When night had fallen there followed the procession, in which the bride was escorted from her father's house to that of the bridegroom, a procession described in one of the most splendid of the poems of Catullus.[⁹³] Torch-bearers and flute-players led the way, and the wedding train was accompanied by a crowd, the boys in which chanted rude jesting verses and petitioned the bridegroom for nuts.[⁹⁴] When the doorway of the house was reached, the bridegroom carefully lifted the bride over the threshold, that there might be no ill-omened stumbling. "Carry the gilded feet across the threshold," sings Catullus, "that the omen may be favourable." This moment is illustrated by a scene from a Roman comedy (No. 54), taken from a lamp exhibited on Table-Case K (see above, p. [28], fig. 17). The bride is being carried on the back of a man, while a Cupid waits at the door to receive her. Within the house she received a gift of fire and water, elements so necessary to the performance of the housewife's duties, and on the day following the wedding she did sacrifice at her husband's altar.

(635) Cat. of Vases, III., E 774; Furtwängler and Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmalerei, I., pl. 57 (3); (637) Cat. of Vases, II., B 485; (638) Cat. of Vases, III., D 11; Ath. Mitt., XXXII., 1907, p. 80 ff.; (639) Cat. of Rings, 276; (640) Cat. of Sculpt. 2379; (641) Journ. of Hellenic Studies, XXXVI., p. 85.

See also Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Matrimonium.

[89:] Theocr. ii. 17: ἴυγξ, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα.

[90:] Cf. Aristot. Ἀθ. Πολ. 3, 5; Dem. c. Neaer., c. 76; Mommsen, Feste d. Stadt Athen, p. 393 ff.

[91:] See Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., 1900, p. 144 ff.

[92:] Mon. dell' Inst. iv., pl. 9.

[93:] No. lxi.

[94:] Ibid., l. 131 f.

XXV.—MUSIC AND DANCING.
(Wall-Cases 54-56.)

Music.—The Greek term μουσική (music) included much more than we mean by music. It was applied to the education of the mind as opposed to γυμναστική (gymnastics), the education of the body. In the narrower sense, however, it corresponded to the modern term, and to this the Greeks from early times attached a high importance. It was the effect of music upon the character which appealed to them above all things, and it was this which caused Plato to banish from his ideal state certain modes of music which would, he thought, be injurious to its well-being. These modes or "harmonies" were named after race-divisions. We find the Dorian, the Aeolic, the Ionic, the Lydian, and the Phrygian. The Dorian was universally approved for its manly qualities, but Plato rejected the Lydian as useless and effeminate.[⁹⁵]

Fig. 252. Apollo playing on a Kithara.

Of the stringed instruments used among the Greeks, the lyre was the most prominent. There were two varieties of this, the kithara and the lyre proper. The kithara, an instrument with a large wooden sounding board and upright arms, was played chiefly by professional musicians, such as the kitharist represented on a fine vase in the Third Vase Room, who has won a victory at one of the great musical contests (E 460; Pedestal 7). The illustration (fig. 252), taken from an amphora of the fifth century (E 256, Case H, Third Vase Room), shows Apollo playing on the kithara, which is supported by a band passing round his left wrist, but leaving the fingers of the left hand free to play on the strings. In his right hand he holds the plectrum, which is attached by a cord to the instrument. The plectrum was of various forms, but its most essential part was the tooth for catching and sounding the wires. The lyre proper (fig. 253) is distinguished by its curving arms and sounding board of tortoiseshell (hence called chelys). The wooden framework and parts of the shell of a Greek lyre found in a tomb near Athens are shown in Case 56 (No. 642). As the popular instrument, the lyre was naturally taught in schools. Two interesting Greek vases (Nos. 643 and 644), exhibited in these Cases, give pictures of boys receiving music lessons at a school. In one instance a boy is learning the lyre, in another the boy is playing the flutes, while the master, who holds a plectrum, is playing on a lyre. Domestic animals are freely admitted, and the discipline seems far from severe.

Fig. 253. Lyre.

As the school scene shows, flute-playing, though condemned by Plato and Aristotle,[⁹⁶] was commonly taught at Athens. Ancient flutes are distinguished from the modern instruments by the vibrating reed which formed the mouthpiece, and by the fact that they were always played in pairs. Hence the frequency with which pairs of ancient flutes are found. Two of sycamore wood (No. 645; Case 56) were discovered in the same tomb (near Athens) as the lyre described above (No. 642). Another pair of flutes (in bronze) from Italy (No. 646; fig. 254) have their mouthpieces in the form of busts of Maenads. A terracotta shows a pair of female musicians (No. 647) playing with a drum and double flutes. To assist the playing of the two flutes together a mouth-band was often worn, as may be seen from designs on vases, e.g., on a cup of Epiktetos (E 38; Third Vase Room), and on some of the Cypriote sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage.

A framed impression from a Greek hymn to Apollo inscribed on stone is here exhibited (No. 648). Musical notes, indicated by letters of the Greek alphabet in various positions, are placed at intervals over the letters to guide the singer. The inscription was found at Delphi, where other inscriptions of a similar character have come to light.

Flute-playing was very popular with the Romans, among whom it was considered the proper accompaniment of every kind of ceremony.[⁹⁷] For military purposes they used several other wind instruments. Two bronze mouthpieces (No. 649) in Case 55 may perhaps come from long straight trumpets (tubae). The Roman curved horn (cornu) is represented by two large specimens in bronze (No. 650) placed at the top of Cases 55, 56. The terracotta bugle in Case 55 is probably a model of the Roman bucina (No. 651).

Fig. 254.—Bronze Flutes and Cymbals (Nos. 646, 654). 1:3.

The simplest of all ancient wind instruments is the rustic Pan's pipe (syrinx), usually formed of seven or eight hollow reeds fastened together with wax. The Greek Pan's pipe has the reeds of equal length, the different notes being produced by the different positions of the natural joints of the reed. An example may be seen among the Cypriote sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage. The Roman syrinx had its lower edge sloping, the result of cutting off the reeds immediately below the natural joints. A terracotta statuette in Case 55 (No. 652) represents a shepherd boy playing on a Pan's pipe of the Roman kind, and a marble relief from Ephesus at the top of Case 54 (No. 653) shows a beardless man seated with a large syrinx in his hands. The Greek inscription tells us that the relief was dedicated by Ebenos, a "first flute," to Hierokles his piper.

It was the Pan's pipe which gave Ktesibios of Alexandria (third century B.C.; cf. p. 120) the model on which he constructed his water-organ, an instrument which became popular with the Romans. A Roman "contorniate" shown in Case 58 has one of these water-organs represented upon it. The air was supplied by water pressure and the notes were played by means of a key-board.

Cymbals were largely used by the Greeks and Romans in religious ceremonies of an ecstatic character, such as the mysteries of Demeter and Kore and the worship of Kybele. Among the cymbals in Case 56 is an interesting pair (No. 654; fig. 254) inscribed in Greek with the name of Oata their owner (Ὠάτας εἰμί). They were originally joined together by a chain, part of which still remains. In the lower part of Cases 55-56 is a considerable variety of bells in bronze (No. 655).

(643) and (644) Cat. of Vases, III., E 171, 172; (645) For the structure of the ancient flute, cf. especially Baumeister, Denkmäler, s.v. Flöten; (648) Bull. de Corr. Hell., XVIII., pl. 21; (652) For the syrinx, cf. Tillyard in Journ. Hell. Stud., XXVII. (1907), p. 167 ff.; (653) Cat. of Sculpt., II., 1271.

See in general, Camb. Comp. to Gk. Stud., pp. 370-374; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Musica.

Dancing.—Dancing among the Greeks and Romans differed in many ways from our own. In the first place dances (which were generally accompanied by the flutes) were largely associated with religion. Plato in his Laws gave it as his opinion that, in imitation of the Egyptian example, all dancing should be made to take a religious character.[⁹⁸] This ceremonial side of Greek dancing is illustrated by a primitive stone vessel from Cyprus (No. 655), which represents three draped women dancing in a ring. Among the Romans the processions of the Salii or dancing priests of Mars are among the best-known examples of religious dancing.

In private life dancing was regarded by the Greeks rather as an entertainment to be provided by hired performers than as a recreation in which guests could take their part.[⁹⁹] Hence with them men and women did not dance together as in the modern fashion. The demand for dancing girls to entertain the guests at banquets led to the training of large numbers of this class. A vase (No. 656), placed in the lower part of Case 54, shows dancing girls being instructed in their art. They repeatedly appear on Greek vases dancing before the feasting guests (e.g. on E 68 in Case E in the Third Vase Room, the interior of a cup in the style of Brygos). These girls often carried castanets when dancing, as may be seen on the lekythos (No. 657) and in the relief from Melos (No. 658).

Fig. 255.—Greek Women Dancing. Ca. 2:7.

Greek women sometimes danced in private among themselves, especially on the occasion of some domestic festival.[¹⁰⁰] It is with this kind of dancing that we should probably associate the terracotta figurines (fig. 255). They illustrate the important part played by the arms and the drapery in ancient dancing, which was largely mimetic. Ovid notes that supple arms are one of the principal qualifications for a good dancer.[¹⁰¹] This tradition was undoubtedly inherited from Greek dancing, for (religious rites apart) the Romans regarded the art as an unseemly one, so much so that Cicero remarked "that practically no one except a madman danced when sober."[¹⁰²]

(656) Cat. of Vases, III., E 185; (657) Ibid., E 642: (658) Cat. of Terracottas, B 370. For Greek dancing in general, cf. Emmanuel, La danse grecque.

[95:] Plat., Rep. iii. 398-9.

[96:] Plato, Rep. iii. 399 D; Arist., Pol. viii. 6, 5 ff.

[97:] Ovid, Fasti, vi. 659 f.:

cantabat fanis, cantabat tibia ludis,

cantabat maestis tibia funeribus.

[98:] Plat., Leg. 799 A.

[99:] Cf. the famous story of Hippokleides (Herodot., vi. 129), whose dancing lost him a bride.

[100:] Aristoph., Lys. 408; Athen., xv. 668 D.

[101:] Ars. Amat. i. 595:

si vox est, canta; si mollia bracchia, salta.

[102:] Pro Mur. 6; cf. Nepos, Epam. 1.

XXVI.—DOMESTIC AND PET ANIMALS; FLOWERS.
(Wall-Cases 57-58.)

The upper part of Wall-Cases 57, 58 contains a number of representations of domesticated and pet animals. The series includes cattle, goats, pigs, dogs, cats, pigeons and poultry. Often, but not always, the animal is associated with some human actor, as when the child rides on a dog, pig, or goat, or when the large cock tries to peck at the bunch of grapes in a child's hand (No. 659).

More than one of the pigeons wears a bulla round its neck (No. 660) to avert the evil eye (see p. [136]), and a cock is decked with a wreath of ivy leaves (No. 661). On a vase (No. 662) a girl has tied a string to the hind leg of a tortoise, and dangles it before her dog; on another (No. 663) two children are making a dog jump through a hoop. In a relief already mentioned (p. [198], No. 603) the dog seeks the notice of its studious mistress, little Avita. In the scene of the music school (No. 643 in Case 55) the boy plays with the cat behind the master's chair. Another form of amusement is illustrated by the kylix, No. 664. A boy is seated, and holds on his knee a cage containing a bird, probably a quail. Quail-fighting was a very popular amusement at Athens, where odds were freely betted on the result of the encounter. The wooden instrument, seen above the boy, would be used to provoke the quails to fight with one another. The game of quail-striking (ὀρτυγοκοπία) was another variety of sport with quails. In this the object was to prove the endurance of the quail by striking it with the fingers or pulling out its feathers. A Roman lamp (No. 665; fig. 256) gives an interesting view of an itinerant with his troop of performing animals. On his right is an ape, on his left a cat climbing a ladder. Above are two hoops for the animals to jump through.

Fig. 256.—Itinerant with Performing Animals (No. 665). 2:3.

Flowers.—In Cases 57-58 will be seen a set of funeral wreaths (No. 666; cf. p. 226), found at Hawara, in Egypt. Among the flowers which can be identified in those wreaths are the rose, narcissus, sweet marjoram, and immortelle. We know, from an epigram of Martial,[¹⁰³] that Egypt cultivated roses with such success that she exported them from Alexandria to Rome during the winter, though at the time when the poet wrote (latter part of first century A.D.), Italy was, according to him, in a position to export roses to Egypt. In their gardens the Romans devoted most of their attention to their trees, which they cut into fantastic shapes by the agency of the landscape gardener (topiarius). The species of flowers known to them were decidedly limited in number, but we find gardens of singular beauty depicted on their wall-paintings, notably on one found at Prima Porta near Rome.[¹⁰⁴]

(659) Cat. of Terracottas, C 539; (662) Cat. of Vases, IV., F 101; (665) Cat. of Lamps, 679; (666) Petrie, Hawara, p. 47.

[103:] vi. 80.

[104:] Ant. Denkmäler, I., pl. 11.

XXVII.—METHODS OF BURIAL.
(Wall-Cases 58-64.)

Greece.—In the prehistoric period known as Mycenaean, the inhabitants of Greek lands probably buried their dead and did not cremate them. It is possible, however, that a partial burning was in vogue in this and the succeeding periods in Greece. In the case of the more wealthy Mycenaean dead, the bodies were elaborately decked with gold ornaments. Oval plates of gold were tied over the forehead and mouth of the corpse, in the latter case (where the impression of the lips can be seen) perhaps with the idea of keeping out evil spirits. The window-cases in the Gold Ornament Room contain many examples of these funeral diadems and mouthpieces from Cyprus. In the Homeric poems we find the bodies of the dead burnt upon a pyre and the ashes buried beneath a mound.

Fig. 257. Funeral Lekythos. Ht. 15¼ in.

Scenes representing the preparation of the body for cremation or burial are frequently depicted on Greek vases. They occur on the large "Dipylon" vases, made specially for standing outside the tomb (see examples in the First Vase Room), and on black-figure vases, where the body is seen lying on the bier surrounded by mourners. It is, however, upon the white lekythi of the fifth century (No. 668; fig. 257), one of which is here illustrated, that funeral scenes are most commonly found. We know from Greek literature that these vases were expressly made for putting in tombs. A speaker in the Ekklesiazusae of Aristophanes talks of "the man who paints the lekythi for the dead."[¹⁰⁵] On the vase here figured a woman is making offerings at the tombstone. These offerings were made by the relatives from time to time, and consisted mainly of sashes, wreaths, and vases, as may be seen from the vases placed in the Case. The Greek funeral monuments of the best period are characterised by their restrained beauty. Examples of the different types will be found in the Phigaleian Room downstairs and in the Gallery of Casts. In the Cases 59-60, the only tombstones are the archaic one of Idagygos of Halikarnassos (No. 669; fig. 258) found in Cyprus, inscribed with an elegiac couplet in which he is called "the squire of Ares,"[¹⁰⁶] and a round stone (No. 670) with a late inscription showing that the tomb was that of Menestratos, a Corinthian buried in Attic soil. The Greek tombs were generally ranged on either side of the main roads leading from the city gates.

Fig. 258.—Inscribed Tombstone of Idagygos (No. 669). Ht. 5 ft. 8 in.

A terracotta urn of about the third century B.C. (No. 671) in Case 60 serves as an example of the vases used to contain the calcined remains of the dead. It holds a number of burnt bones, among them part of a jaw-bone, with a silver obol adhering to it. The coin was placed in the mouth of the corpse as the fee of the ferryman Charon for piloting the dead across Acheron. The gilded figure of a Siren found in this vase is emblematic of the spirit world.

Two later monuments with Greek inscriptions are the marble chests in Cases 61-62. Each has a lock-plate (cf. those in Case G), carved in front in low relief. No. 672 is the cinerary chest of Metras Tryphon, who had been publicly crowned by the people of Ephesus, and has this crown represented on his urn. The second chest (No. 673), from the temple of Kybele at Sardes, is inscribed with the name of Metrodoros, who is called a "sprinkler" (περιράντης) no doubt with reference to an office held by him in the temple service. Below this chest is a marble cup from Rhodes (No. 674), bearing the inscription: "The burying-place of those who have lost their ancestral tomb." This cup, which is ornamented above with flying birds and has holes for a metal attachment, seems to have been set on a column as a boundary mark.

Fig. 259.—Italian Hut-Urn (No. 675). Ca. 1:4.

Italy.—In the earliest period inhumation was the custom in Italy, but cremation gradually became more and more common. The Twelve Tables (450 B.C.) show both practices prevailing side by side. The hut-urns (Nos. 675 and 676; fig. 259) found at Monte Albano, near Rome, are evidence of cremation having been practised at a very early date in Italy (eighth to seventh century B.C.). They served as receptacles for the ashes of the dead, and are an instance of the custom of making the last resting-place of the deceased as like as possible to his habitation during life. They represent rude wattled huts, in which the roof-beams of rough branches can be clearly distinguished. The Etruscan tomb-chambers, one of which is shown in a picture in Case 59, furnish a later instance (seventh to sixth century B.C.) of sepulchres built in imitation of living-rooms. A small model (in Case 59) of an Etruscan built tomb shows the skeleton in armour, with painted vases placed about it (No. 677). The Etruscan cinerary urns are distinguished by the frequent introduction of the portrait. The "Canopic" urns, which take the shape of jars roughly in the form of a human body and head, are especially noteworthy. The example illustrated (No. 678, fig. 260), probably of the seventh century B.C., has the face pierced with numerous holes, most likely for the attachment of a mask. Two Etruscan sepulchral masks (No. 679) in terracotta, of about the end of the sixth century B.C., are exhibited near the Canopic urn and are shown in fig. 261. These remarkable masks are covered with incised designs, most likely of magic significance, intended to avert evil from the dead. A separate half-mask (No. 680) of this type is exhibited here, and another will be found with the objects illustrating superstition in Case 106. In these masks we can see the innate Italian tendency to preserve the features of the dead, and we may perhaps recognise in them the origin of the waxen portrait masks of his ancestors which the Roman noble set up in his hall. The portrait is again found on the lid of the sixth-century Etruscan funeral urn (No. 681; fig. 262) in Case 59. Here a draped woman lies on a couch of elaborate form, decorated below with a relief of two lions devouring a bull. A kindred type of Etruscan funeral monument will be seen in the two large terracotta sarcophagi in the Terracotta Room.

Fig. 260.—Canopic Urn (No. 678). Ht. 1 ft. 11 in.

Fig. 261.—Etruscan Funeral Masks (No. 679). Ca. 1:6.

Fig. 262.—Etruscan Funeral Urn (No. 681). L. 1 ft. 11½ in.

Fig. 263.—Roman Funeral Urn (No. 682). Ht. 1 ft. 5½ in.

With rare exceptions (conspicuously in the case of members of the noble families of the Cornelian house and all infants) the Romans, during the period of the Republic, burned their dead. This system continued under the early Empire, but gradually gave way to burial under the influence of Christianity. Several examples of Roman cinerary urns and sepulchral relief are here shown. These urns are of various shapes, but the altar-form (No. 682; fig. 263) was specially favoured. The inscription gives the names of L. Dexius Clymenus and C. Sergius Alcimus. The latter, a child of three and a quarter, is stated to have received his portion of corn on the tenth day at the office of distribution numbered XXXIX, a curious side-light on the practice of free distribution of corn under the Roman Empire, already noticed above (p. [11]). Other Roman funeral urns which may be mentioned are the vase (No. 683) with the remains of L. Laelius Victor, a soldier of the fourteenth city cohort, and the alabaster caskets numbered 684 and 685. These urns of the wealthier classes were generally deposited in a vault underneath a monument placed at the side of one of the great roads leading from the city gates. Those, however, who could not afford such expensive monuments subscribed for a joint tomb (columbarium), a large chamber containing in its walls numerous niches for the urns. An interesting tablet (No. 686) in Case 62 throws light on the arrangements adopted in the case of these joint tombs. It is inscribed with the name of P. Sontius Philostorgus and marked the niche in which the urn containing his ashes was placed. The inscription reads: "Lot I in block III." From other inscriptions of the same character it appears that the niches were arranged in five horizontal rows of thirty-six, and that each of the members of the burial club was allotted one place in each of the five rows.

Fig. 264.—Tombstone of Aurelius Hermia and His Wife (No. 687). Width 3 ft. 5 in.

Another noteworthy monument is (No. 687) an inscribed relief of the first century B.C., belonging to Aurelius Hermia, a butcher from the Viminal hill, and his wife Aurelia Philematio(n), who are seen clasping hands (fig. 264). The husband praises the virtues of his wife, and the wife those of her husband, her fellow-freedman, who had been more than a father to her. Other interesting inscriptions from tombstones are No. 688, on a hunting dog named Margarita, a great favourite with her master and mistress, who died in giving birth to puppies, and No. 689, which sheds light on the memorial ceremonies after burial. A testator here leaves seven twenty-fourths of the rent accruing from a block of flats to his freedmen and freedwomen, on condition that they celebrate his memory four times in a year—on his birthday, the Day of Roses, the Day of Violets, and the feast of the Parentalia, the last the Roman All Souls' Day, held publicly in February, but privately on the anniversary of the day of death. A lighted lamp, with incense, was to be placed on the tomb on the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, the three dividing days of each month.

The funeral wreaths from Hawara (Cases 57, 58; No. 666, see p. 219) are an instance of offerings at tombs belonging to the Roman period. They have been so thoroughly preserved in the dry climate of Egypt that the different varieties of flowers can still be distinguished.

(668) Cf. Murray and Smith, White Athenian Vases in the B.M.; (669) B.M. Inscr. 971; (670) ibid., 102; (671) Cat. of Terracottas, C 12 and 13; (672) Cat. of Sculpt., II., 1277; (674) ibid., III., 2400; (675) Cf. Walters, Hist. of Anc. Pottery, II., p 288; (678) ibid. II., p. 304 ff; (679) Benndorf, Ant. Gesichtshelme, p. 42, pl. xi; (681) Cat. of Terracottas, B 629; (682) Cat. of Sculpt., III., 2359; (683) ibid., 2402; (684) and (685) ibid., 2420 and 2425; (686) Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Selectae, 7892 a; (687) Cat. of Sculpt., III., 2274; (688) C.I.L. VI., 29,896; (689) C.I.L. VI., 10,248.

On Greek tombstones, see Conze, Attische Grabreliefs; P. Gardner, Sculptured tombs of Hellas. On Roman monuments, Altmann, Röm. Grabaltäre.

[105:] Aristoph., Ekkl. 996:

ὃς τοῖς νεκροῖσι ζωγραφεῖ τὰς ληκύθους.

[106:]

ἐνθάδε μοῖραν ἔχων Ἁλικαρνησσεὺς Ἰδάγυγος

κεῖται, Ἀριστοκλέος παῖς, Ἄρεος θεράπων.

XIII.—TRADE.

XIV.—WEIGHTS AND SCALES.(Wall-Cases 41-44.)

XV.—TOOLS, BUILDING, AND SCULPTURE.(Wall-Cases 45-48.)

XVI.—HORSES AND CHARIOTS.(Wall-Cases 49-51.)

XVII.—AGRICULTURE.(Wall-Case 52.)

XVIII.—INDUSTRIAL ARTS.(Table-Case H.)

XIX.—MEDICINE AND SURGERY.(Table-Case H.)