Shakespeare's environment

by C. C. Stopes

FOOTNOTES:

[11] John Charnells of Snarston had married his daughter Joyce.

[12] A strong proof of the connection lies in the fact that this Sir Robert Throckmorton was intimately connected with the Ardens of Park Hall, and that Sir John Arden a few months later made him also trustee of property for his younger children. (See my “Shakespeare’s Family,” p. 184.)

[13] See Fuller’s “Worthies.” He was Sheriff of Warwickshire, 12 Eliz.

V
STRATFORD’S “BOOKLESS NEIGHBOURHOOD”

In writing his “Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare,” Halliwell-Phillipps determined not to give the reins to his imagination, and to accept nothing that he did not think he could prove. At times, however, his treatment of probabilities seems to suggest that he had made up his mind that Shakespeare had grown up under conditions which make it hard to understand the possibility of the development of the poet in the man. Many of his statements have been pressed into the service of the peculiar people who deny Shakespeare to be a poet at all. One of these, given as a fact, is that Stratford was a “bookless neighbourhood.” It is always rash to use universal propositions when they are not built up from a thorough examination of all possible particulars, as it leaves them liable to be proved untrue by a very limited opposite. Very little would serve to prove Halliwell-Phillipps to be mistaken in his statement, and, with him, all the crowd of copyists who follow him in everything they please to select from his work and opinion. This may be done both generally and specially.

I. Generally.—We know that Becon, in dedicating “The Jewel of Joy” to the Princess Elizabeth in 1549, speaks of Warwickshire as the most intellectual of English counties. We know that Stratford, as a town, was intelligent enough to pay its schoolmaster far above the average. Indeed, the master of Stratford Grammar School received a salary double that of the master of Eton. It is therefore more than probable that Stratford had the best masters going at the time. And good masters imply good books. From several sources we know the curriculum of the grammar schools of the day, and the classical books that were used. A master who could teach from such books would be sure to have, like Chaucer’s clerk,

Standing at his bed’s head,

Twenty books y-clad in black or red.

The vicar of Stratford Church and the curate of the chapel would most likely have a selection of volumes in their possession; the attorneys would have their law books, the doctors their medical books. We know from his will as well as from John Hall’s “cures” that Shakespeare’s son-in-law had a notable library, which people from a distance, even, came to see. Richard Field, the Stratford printer in London, had a very large and important list of publications, some of which were sure to have found their way down to his native town. Many Warwickshire men were London printers. There is every reason to believe that the first Sir Thomas Lucy had a library at Charlecote, which had become enriched in his son’s time, and is remembered in his will and on his tombstone. Sir Henry Rainsford, in the neighbourhood, the friend and patron of Drayton the poet, was little likely to be unprovided. Sir Fulke Greville, the Recorder of Stratford, was a reading man, and not only was a possessor, but also a creator, of books. Clement Throgmorton of Haseley, was a learned man; and his notable son Job was entangled in the Martin Marprelate controversy. Every recusant’s arrest and trial were based on his possessing “books” of a kind other than the Government approved. One can in this way almost indefinitely widen the sphere of the general existence of books. But generalities have not the convincing power of specialities, and as I have found, without much searching, the names of some of the books in Stratford and its immediate neighbourhood, there may yet be found many more existing to prove the rashness of Halliwell-Phillipps’s assumption.

II.—Specially.—Among the legal cases brought before the Town Council were some referring to special books. For instance, in 1604 “Valentine Palmer was attached to answer Philip Rogers, for unlawfully detaining a certain book called ‘Gailes Kyrirgery,’ valued at ten shillings and twopence.” This refers to “Certain Workes of Chirurgery,” by Gale, published in 1563, and reprinted in 1586 (see Miscellaneous Documents of Stratford-on-Avon, 2 James I, No. 23). No. 149 of the same series gives “the answer of Philip Rogers to Valentine Palmer about ‘Gailes Kyrirgery.’” The one book in itself is important enough to overthrow the sweeping assertion.

But in support of the natural opinion that the clergy would have books, we have at least one will, one inventory, and one list of prices of the books of a curate in the very parish of Stratford—that of Bishopton. There may have been more books, worn and valueless, but we are told the names of those in good enough condition to have some marketable price. The Rev. John Marshall, curate of Bishopton, died, not young, in the fourth year of James I (1607). He left by will to his kinsman Francis Jeccoxe “Babington upon Genesis”; to Richard his son “Martin Luther upon 1st and 2nd epistle of St. Peter”; to John Jeccoxe, “my godsonne, my boke called ‘The Image of God.’”

In the Inquisition of his goods taken 10th January 1606-7, by Abraham Sturley, Ralfe Lorde, Francis Ainge, William Ainge, and Thomas Cale, we find that some of these, or all of them, knew enough about books to affix a contemporary saleable value, which, though it seems small to us, must be reckoned according to the money rates of the time. As their inventory has not been printed, and as it gives a fair illustration of the class of libraries owned by the minor clergy, it seems worth giving in extenso. It will be seen that it contains various irregularities and contractions:

Bookes.

The Apologie of Thomas Moore, 6d. Palengenius Englishe, 4d. A Latine Grammar, 6d. Lʳ Evans, Dictionary, 3d. Mr. Latimer’s Sermons, 12d. D. Erasmus, Method Theologie, 3d. Sententiæ Pueriles, 1d. Mr. Latimer’s Supplication, 6d. The Voiage of the Wandering Knight, 2d. An epitome of common Prayer, 6d. The Testament and Psalmes, 16d. Evagatrium Latine, 6d. A newe postill, 18d. An Exposition of the whole booke of Psalmes, 2s. 6d. Arsatius Shafer euarnes Evangelica, 8d. Nich. Hemingius, postallæ Evangel, 2s. H. Holland, Aphorisms, 6d. An old Latine Grammar, 3d. Calvin’s Harmony, English, 4d. Stockwood’s Greek Grammar, 12d. Roger Ascham’s Schoolmaster, 10d. Nowell’s Catechisme, 6d. Letters in Englishe, 6d. A breife of prair by the Kinge, 2d. A breife of Calvin’s Institutions, 16d. A Latin Bible, 16d. Accidentia Stanbrigiana, 8d. Parte of H. Smith’s Sermons, 12d. D. Sutclife’s Chalenge, 12d. Aretius in evangl. Mar., 12d. G. Gifford on Witches, 2d. A Catechisme, 1d. Calvin’s Institutions Lat., 4s. J. Piscator in Epistol, 2s. Stockwood’s Grammar, 6d. B.B. Canons, 6d. Hyperius in Epist., 6d. Ovid de Tristibus, 4d. Aretius in Math., 2s. 6d. Enchiridion Alexd. Ariostis, 4d. John Dodde. Robert, Clever, Commands, 12d. Piscator in epistoli Petri, &c., 20d. Lupton’s perswasion from papistry, 16d. D. Westfaling’s Sermons, 12d. B. Babington’s Commands, 16d. Northbrook’s Pore man’s Garden, 12d. Piscator in Matheu, 12d. Testament Vet., 4d. ... ts Vocabular Vet., 6d. B. Babington on Genes given away by will. A booke of Statutes, 4d. The plaine man’s pathway to heven, 12d. Epitheta Jh. Rinij, 12d. D. Sparkes & D. Sed. Catechisme, 10d. D. Foulki revelation, 2s. The Course of Christianity, 6d. Common praier Lat., 16d. Heilbourner in Epistle ad Timoth., 6d. Pasquin’s Trance, 6d. Hemigs. ad Hæbros, 12d. Calvin upon St. John, 6d. Palengenius Lat., 8d. An old praier-booke with a Kalendar, 4d. Joh. Calfled, the cros, 12d. Calvin upon ye commandments, 12d. John Bell, Pope’s Funerall, 12d. Eras. Colloquiū., 10d. Virgill, 12d. Terents, 8d. Ed. Bulkler’s vetuste Testimento, 8d. Enchiridion Militis Christ., 4d. Robert Crowle’s discourse, 4d. Constitutiones, 4d. Terra florid., pamphlet, 1d. Eras. cap. Fabor, &c., 8d. Leonard Cutman de ægrot. consolues, 6d. Erasmi colloquia, old, 4d. B. Babington’s Lords Praier, 16d. Homilia de Haimonis, 8d. Testamentum Lat. Vetus, 6d. Pars erat Ciceronis, 10d. T. Offic. Engl., 6d. Besa, Testamentum Lat., 18d. Ursinus, Catechismus engl., 2s. 6d. Morall Philosophi Engl., 6d. Beuerley, English Meeter, 3d. Martin Luther, servū. arbitrum, 10d. Psalmi Lat., 6d. An old gramer, 4d. English psalms meter, 6d. Law precedents, 10d. Com. praier, Eng., 8d. Æsopi fabula, 3d. Ternts Lat., 8d. Castal, Dialog., 4d. Ciceronis Epistol. pars, 4d. Christian Instructions, old, Engl., 6d. Corderius, Colloquia, 4d. Precatio Dominica lat., 6d. Castalionis Dial. Lat., 8d. The anatomy of the minde, 8d. Lodo. Vives, 3d. Godlie privat praiers, &c., 8d. Æsop fabl., engl., old, 2d. Acolastus de filio et digo, 2d. Methods Hegindorph, 2d. D. Erasmus, instructio grammaticalis, 2d. A booke of praier specially appointed, 2d. Accidens and instructions, old, 2d. An old Dictionary or Lexicon, 1d. Tithes and oblations, 2d. A booke of religious discourses, popish,—. A pathway to reading, old, 1d. An old portice pars II. Testamentu. duod. patriarchr’., 2d. John Calvin’s sermons, 6d. Grammatica Hæbr., 4d. Joh. Leniceri grammatice Græc., 6d. Carvinge and Sewinge, 1d. B. Babington’s Sermons, 2d. Udall’s Hæbrew Gramer, 16d. Testamentu. Græc., 16d. A conference of the faith, and the some of religion, 3d. H. Smythe, benefit of contentacion, 2d. A solace, 2d. A Salve for a sicke man, 4d. A regiment of Health, 4d. Exposition of the Psalmes, 3d. Art of Anglinge, 2d. The Sacred doct. of Divinity, 2d. Six principles of religion, 2d. An a. b. c., 1d. John Parkins of a minister’s calling, 2d. Thaffinity of the faithfull, 1d. A schole-book, English and Latin, 1d. Aristotle’s problemes, English, 6d. Demtes Catechisme, 2d. Dⁿᵒ Fenner on the Lawe, 2d. Catechisme, Latine, 1d. Cæporius, Greeke Grammer, 10d. And. Pola. p’litiones, 8d. Liber Hæbreus, 8d. A sermon at the Tower, 1d. H. Smithe, Mar. Choice, 2d. A consolation of ye soule, 2d. Thenemy of Securitie, 8d. Canons, 1d. A tract of the Lord’s Supper, 2d. H. Smythe, prepative to marge., 1d. Good huswives closet, 2d. Epitheton tropor, 1d. Epistolar’ Ciceronis Libri 4to, 2d. Pa-t Err. Pateris, 1d. Stockwood’s Questions gra:, 2d. The Castell of Health, 6d. St. Peter’s Chaine, 4d. D. Barlow’s Sermons, 1d. Gramer, a pamphlet, 2d. A dreame of the De. and Dives, 1d. P’cationes Episc. Roffens., 1d. The sick man’s salve, 6d. A bible of Ralph Smythes, 5s. Virgill, Engl., old.... Hulett’s Dictionary, 2s. Marloret on Mathew, 4s. An English concordance, 4s. An old postill written on parchment.... Martin Bucer in Evangelium, 5s. Cap’s Dictionari, 6s. 8d. Junius, Apocalypse, 4d.

This list—fairly long in classics, divinity, and law for a country clergyman even of to-day—suggests that the Rev. John Marshall was a teacher as well as a preacher. It suggests also that he had long been a collector of books, and that he did not altogether despise the study of lighter literature. The duplicates suggest that he might be ready to lend his books. The list may help the bibliographer in regard to old editions. Vautrollier and Field had the monopoly of Calvin’s works. This library certainly helps the Shakespearean to realize the class of clergy among whom the poet lived, and of itself redeems his birthplace from the charge, so often brought against it, of being altogether “a bookless neighbourhood.”

Curiously enough, shortly after this the Chamberlain enters in his accounts, “For the carriage of books to London, 1s.” The town council were always very careful to have “a sufficient scholar from Oxford for the Usher’s place.” It may be well to add that one of Shakespeare’s sons-in-law was a great physician, the other a French scholar, and that the latter’s brother, George Quiney, usher and curate, was described as “of a good wit, expert in tongues, and very learned.” His fellow usher, Mr. John Trapp, afterwards head-master, “for his piety and learning second to none,” by overmuch study brought on a fit of melancholy, and he was rescued “from the jaws of death.” How could all these, and more, study without books?

“Athenæum,” 23rd February 1907.

VI
“MR. SHAXPERE, ONE BOOK,” 1595

The universal belief in the booklessness of Stratford-on-Avon in general, and the poet’s family in particular, makes it the more important to record any facts which tend to weaken that belief. A case came up more than once before the burgh court concerning some property claimed by two women as inheritance from their grandmother. “The names of the jurors in the cause of Margaret Younge v. Jone Perat, 20th July, 37 Elizabeth,” are given in the Miscellaneous Documents, Stratford-on-Avon, VII, 245 and 246, Apparently Jone Perat had already disposed of some of the property she held, which chiefly seemed to consist of articles of women’s clothing. But there were other articles also, and there were at least four books. At the foot of the statement is the note:

Mʳ Shaxpere, one book; Mʳ Barber, a coverlett, two daggers, the three bokes; Ursula Fylld, the apparell and the bedding clothes at Whitsontyde was twellmonth. Backe debts due to the partie defendant.

It is to be supposed that at this date it must have been John, and not William, who was designated “Mr. Shaxpere.” Imagination is left to play vainly round the nature of the book; but it is clear from these rough notes that he had coveted one special book in Jone Perat’s possession, that he had secured it, but that he had not yet paid for it. Mr. Barber also, it may be noted, held three books on the same doubtful tenure, between plaintiff and defendant. But at least four books were in the market in Stratford at that date which had been in the possession of the old grandmother.

“Athenæum,” 23rd January 1909.

VII
JOHN SHAKESPEARE, OF INGON, AND GILBERT, OF ST. BRIDGETS

When a long chain of arguments depend upon one fact, and that fact is disproved, the dependent arguments become invalid. It would be invidious to correct formally two trifling errors in Halliwell-Phillipps’s monumental work, if it had not happened that they were the support of other errors.

1. He states authoritatively in his “Outlines” (ii, 253) that the John Shakespeare of Ingon could not be the John of Henley Street, because the former was buried in 1589, and the latter in 1601. “Joannes Shakespeare of Yngon was buried the xxvth of September, 1589,” in the parish of Hampton-Lucy. Yet a careful consideration of the register shows that the entry was not “Joannes,” but “Jeames.” This Mr. Richard Savage is clear about. The “Jeames” may have been some elder untraced connection, but it is much more than likely he was the “Jeames, son of Henry Shakespeare, of Ingon,” whose baptism is recorded in the same register, 1585, as there is no further entry concerning this cousin of the poet’s. This error being cleared away, there is no fundamental objection to the opinion that John Shakespeare of Henley Street might be the same as John of Ingon, mentioned in the measurement of a neighbouring farm, 23 Elizabeth, “Ingon ... then or late in the tenure of John Shaxpere or his assignes.” The relation John held to his brother Henry makes it very likely indeed that Ingon was in his nominal tenure, and that Henry farmed it as his “assigne.”

If John of Henley Street may be considered the same as John of Ingon, he must also be considered the same as the John, Agricola, of Snitterfield, who, in conjunction with Nicols, was granted administration of his father Richard’s goods in 1561, under a bond for £100. Some have considered this uncertain, but they cannot have gone to authorities. The administration in Worcester Probate Registry, 10th February 1560-1, definitely states John of Snitterfield was the son of Richard. He had probably been born in Snitterfield, had some interest in the land there, was probably resident there at the time of his father’s illness and death, to look after affairs, and very probably described himself at the Registrar’s Office as having come direct from Snitterfield to wind up the affairs of his father’s farm, complicated by the lease granted by Mrs. Arden, to her brother Alexander Webbe. Though it might not be absolutely certain that John of Snitterfield was John of Stratford, it seems settled in 1581, when the Mayowes contested the claims of the Ardens, and Adam Palmer, the surviving feoffee, and John and Henry Shakespeare, his brother, were summoned as witnesses for the Ardens before the Commission appointed at Stratford.

2. The second is a more important error, for it seems to substantiate a hazy tradition that Shakespeare’s brother lived to a great age, and retailed to greedy ears gossip concerning the poet’s acting. Halliwell-Phillipps, “Outlines,” i, 35, states that “Gilbert entered into business in London as a Haberdasher, returning in the early part of the following century to his native town.” Among the notes there is given an indefinite entry to support this, without the term, the case, or the names of the parties being given (ii, 289): “In the Coram Rege Rolls, 1597, Gilbert Shackspere, who appears as one of the bail in the amount of £19 for a clockmaker of Stratford, is described as a Haberdasher of the Parish of St. Bridget.” He further considers the Stratford burial of 1612 to have been that of Gilbert’s son.

I had always thought it extremely improbable that at the time of John Shakespeare’s financial difficulties in Stratford-on-Avon he would have found himself able to place his second son as an apprentice in London to any member of that wealthy company. But lately I determined to test the truth of the statement. Through the courtesy of the Worshipful Company of Haberdashers I was allowed to go through their books at leisure. I found that not only was there an entire absence of the name of Shakespeare from the list of apprentices or freemen, but that during the whole of the sixteenth century there was only one “Gilbert,” and he was “Gilbert Shepheard,” who took up his freedom in 1579, when the poet’s brother would be thirteen years of age.

Through the kindness of the Vicar of St. Bridgets, or St. Brides, I was also allowed promptly to go through the registers, which commence only in 1587—early enough, however, for Gilbert Shakespeare. But there is no mention of the name, either among marriages, births, or deaths. Of course, this does not prove that he did not reside in the parish.

The subsidy rolls are also silent as to his residence there. But in both places occur the name of Gilbert Shepheard, Haberdasher. The discovery of Halliwell-Phillipps’s want of thoroughness in regard to this statement discouraged me in attempting to wade through the six volumes of closely-written contracted Latin cases that make up the Coram Rege Roll of 1597. I felt nearly certain that I would only find Gilbert Shepheard there also. For I have been driven to the conclusion that Halliwell-Phillipps misread “Shepheard” as “Shakespeare.” It sends us, therefore, back to the more likely neighbourhood of Stratford-on-Avon for further reference to the poet’s brother. He was known to be there in 1602, taking seisin of land in his brother’s name. The burial entry of 1611-12 is peculiarly worded, I confess, and gives some reason to suppose that he had a son born elsewhere, here buried as “Gilbertus Shakespeare, Adolescens.” But when we remember there is no other record of marriage or of birth, no other entry of a Gilbert’s death save this, it makes us reconsider the situation. We know that the poet’s brother Edmund died in 1607 in Southwark, and his brother Richard in 1612-13 in Stratford-on-Avon. In the poet’s will, written about four years later, there is no allusion to a brother or any of his connections or descendants. This brother would certainly have been mentioned in some of the wills of the Shakespeares had he been alive. We are aware that parish clerks were not always perfectly correct, and that, at the time, there was a general tendency to use pompous words, of which the meaning was not fully understood. Shakespeare’s plays show this. Dogberry would have borne out the clerk of Stratford-on-Avon in any rendering he chose to give. He would have been no worse than a Mrs. Malaprop if he intended “adolescens” to represent “deeply regretted,” and in the absence of further proof this need not be accepted as clear evidence that Gilbert Shakespeare lived to a great age. (See Note VII.)

“Athenæum,” 29th December 1900.

VIII
HENRY SHAKESPEARE’S DEATH

We know little of any of the poet’s relatives, but from what we do know, none of them touches our imagination so keenly as does his uncle Henry Shakespeare of Snitterfield. We can read between the lines of the bald notices preserved, and picture him warm-hearted, hot-headed, high-spirited, imprudent rather than improvident, unlucky himself, and bringing bad luck to all connected with him. I have discovered some papers which show that misfortunes pursued him even to the bitter end.

He was probably born in the house his father Richard rented from Robert Arden, which abutted on the High Street of Snitterfield, and seems to have been the youngest son. It was John who “administered” his father’s goods; it was more likely John who found the farm in Ingon, whither Henry had to remove when Agnes Arden leased the Snitterfield property to her brother Alexander Webbe. There Henry dwelt from 1561 till 1596, seemingly industrious, but rarely able, even with his brother’s help, to make two ends meet.

Alexander Webbe made his will 15th April 1573, to which Henry Shakespeare was one of the witnesses, and John, being brother-in-law, was an overseer.

On 12th October 1574, Henry Shakespeare had a free fight with Edward Cornwell. Both were fined, the latter 2s., Henry 3s. 4d., because “he drew blood to the injury of Edward Cornwell, and against the peace of the Queen.” It must not be forgotten that this Edward Cornwell stepped into Webbe’s shoes by marrying his widow Margaret (née Arden). It may therefore have been some matter of jealousy, or some exasperating airs of superiority, which made Henry Shakespeare take the law into his own hands, and give Cornwell a good drubbing. Yet “Hary Shaxsper” was among the witnesses subpœnaed by the Commission appointed to hear the appeal of Thomas Mayowe against Edward Cornwell and the Ardens in 1580.

He had serious trouble in a tithe case about that time, in which the proceedings show the farm was of considerable size. He refused to pay, because he said he had compounded; he was summoned before the Ecclesiastical Court,[14] refused to submit to the decision, was pronounced contumacious, and was finally excommunicated, 5th November 1581.

In 1583 he was fined for refusing to wear cloth caps on Sunday, as by statute was ordained for men of his degree; and he was often fined for default of suit of Court.

Lettyce, daughter of Henry Shakespeare of Ingon, was baptized 4th June 1583; and “Jeames, son of Henry Shakespeare of Ingon, was baptized October 15th, 1585.” See Register of Bishop Hampton.

On 4th September 1586 Henry stood godfather to Henry Townsend in Snitterfield along with William Maydes and Elizabeth Perkes.

On 2nd November of that year, when Christopher Smith, alias Court, of Stratford-on-Avon, yeoman, drew up his will, he entered among his assets “Henry Shaxspere of Snitterfield oweth me 5l. 9s.”

Other debts Henry was unable to pay—one especially to Nicholas Lane, for which his brother John had become security. Nicholas Lane sued John Shakespeare to recover in the Court of Records on 1st February 29 Eliz., 1586-7, for the debt of “Henricus Shakesper frater dicti Johannis” (a statement clear enough to silence the quibblers who assert there is no proof of relationship between the men). Doubtless this was a crushing blow to John amid his own troubles.

In 1591 Henry Shakespeare was arrested for debt by Richard Ainge, and, seeming to have found no bail, remained in prison some time.

The last recorded incident in his life is of the same nature. John Tomlyns had him attached for debt on 29th September 1596. Henry Wilson bailed him (see Misc. Doc. vii, 225; also Court of Records, 3 papers), 13th October 1596, continuation of the action of John Tomlyns against Henry Shaxspere; and on 27th October 1596, John Tomlyns pled against Henry Shaxspere in a plea of debt. This entry has been scratched out. He had lost his children, worldly success had eluded him, and the broken-spirited man sickened and died.[15] He was buried at Snitterfield on 29th December 1596.

My new papers come to darken the circumstances into tragic intensity (Uncal. Court of Requests, Elizabeth, B. III). There are two complaints, both by John Blythe of Allesley, co. Warwick, against William Meades, who, it may be remembered, stood sponsor with Henry Shakespeare for John Townsend’s child. The first complaint, presented 30th June 40 Eliz., 1598, narrates that about three years previously John Blythe had become, along with William Meades of Coleshall, surety for a debt of John Cowper of Coleshall to an unnamed creditor. Cowper did not pay, neither did Meades, and the creditor recovered from John Blythe alone, and he appealed for protection. This complaint is scratched out, though it is pinned together with the other papers.

The second complaint is to the effect that, about three years before, John Blythe of Allesley had sold and “delivered to Henry Shakespeare of Snitfield,” two oxen for the sum of £6 13s. 4d., and the purchaser became bound in a bill obligatory to pay at a date specified, now past, and had not paid. The reason was that

Shakespeare falling extremely sicke, about such time as the money was due, died about the time whereon the money ought to have been paid, having it provided in his house against the day of payment.... Now, soe it is ... that Shakespeare living alone, without any companie in his house, and dying without either friends or neighbours with him or about him, one William Meades, dwelling near unto him, having understanding of his death, presently entered into the house of the said Shakespeare after that he was dead, and, pretending that the said Shakespeare was indebted to him, ransacked his house, broke open his coffers, and took away divers sums of money and other things;

went into the stable, and led away a mare;

carried away the corn and hay out of the barn, amounting to a great value, being all the proper goods and chattells of the said Shakespeare while he lived; and not contented therewith, in the night time, no one being present but his servants and such as he sent for that purpose, he caused to be conveyed away all the goods and household stuff belonging to the said Shakespeare, which money and goods were of a great value ... and converted them to his own proper use.

John Blythe cannot speak with certainty upon the subject, as no witnesses were present but those brought by Meades, and it was worked in secret, so that he cannot proceed by the course of the Common Law. He had frequently asked Meades to pay the £6 13s. 4d. due to him for Henry Shakespeare’s oxen, from the goods he had taken. Blythe did not think it fair that Meades should satisfy himself without considering the other creditors, and thought that if there was not enough to pay all, they should share in proportion, and prayed that William Meades be summoned before the Court to make personal answer.

A Privy Seal for a Commission to inquire into the truth was granted, dated 30th October 40 Eliz., 1598, on which is written “The execution in another schedule attached” (now lost).

The answer of William Meades, dated 13th January 41 Eliz., 1598-9, lightens the horror a little. He does not acknowledge anything in Blythe’s complaint to be true, but is willing to declare all he knows. Henry Shakespeare, late of Snitterfield, having a wife living in the house with him named Margaret, died at Snitterfield about two years ago. He, William Meades, understanding of his death, went to the house about two hours after his decease, being accompanied by Thomas Baxter, Christopher Horn, Richard Taylor, and others, neighbours, hoping that Shakespeare had taken order with his wife to satisfy him of the sum of £4 6s. 8d., due by Shakespeare to him, William Meades. But the said Margaret said there was no order taken by her late husband for the payment of any debt to him or any other creditor, and he departed quietly, without any ransacking of the house or taking away any money or goods which were Henry Shakespeare’s while he lived, as most untruly and slanderously hath been alleged against him. But he hath been credibly informed, and verily believeth, that

one William Rownde of Allesley, co. Warr., husbandman, standing bound to John Blythe jointly with Henry Shakespeare in the said sum of 6l. 13s. 4d. for the said oxen, and understanding that Henry Shakespeare was under arest at Stratford-upon-Avon, and there detayned in pryson for debt, and fearing lest he, the said William Rownde, should be compelled to paie the sum of 6l. 13s. 4d. to the said John Blythe for the debt of Henry Shakespeare, he, the said Rownde, did fetch the said two oxen from the said Henry Shakespeare and delivered them to the said John Blythe of Allesley in discharge of the same debt.

Meades denied that he had gone in the night time and taken away Henry Shakespeare’s goods, that he had detained anything to his own use, or that John Blythe had asked him to pay the £6 13s. 4d. as surety. This is signed by Bartholomew Hales, William Jeffreys, William Cookes, and Ambrose Cowper, the Commissioners, the first being lord of the manor.

The replication of John Blythe to William Meades, 23rd June 41 Eliz., 1599, upholds his former complaint, which he is willing to prove. But the name of Henry Shakespeare does not appear in it. There is no trace of further action, or of any decision. But we have the tragic picture of Henry Shakespeare’s haunted death-bed. John Shakespeare, only four miles off, must have felt inclined, when he heard of it, to say what Macduff did: “And I must be from hence!”

Even more touching is the picture of the widow of two hours being worried about her husband’s debts. Bereaved and childless, she was left alone in the dismantled house, where the wheels of life stood still, for a short time (only six weeks), and then in Snitterfield “Margaret Sakspere, being tymes the wyff of Henry Sakspere, was buried, ix Feb., 1596/7.”

“Athenæum,” 21st May 1910.