CHAPTER XVII
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
Mexico's unique conditions—Her future—Asiatic immigrants—Fostering of the native race—Encouraging of immigration—The white man in the American tropics—Future of Mexican manufactures—The Pan-American Congress—Pan-American railway—Mexico and Spain—The Monroe Doctrine—Mexico, Europe, and the United States—Promising future of Mexico.
The foregoing study of the Republic of Mexico shows that the country and its inhabitants embody some unique conditions. Geographically its situation is important, geologically and topographically it contains much that is remarkable; whilst, historically, the ancient civilisation which dwelt there, and the strenuous happenings upon its soil since the advent of the Europeans, mark it out specially from the rest of the American world. As to its flora and fauna, even they present a curious transition stage between North and South America; whilst its human races form the most remarkable blending of peoples to be found in the New World.
So varied a set of conditions naturally cause the student to inquire as to the probable value of Mexico as a factor in civilisation. The European observer of American States criticises these from a special standpoint. America, as a new world, has had a unique opportunity for making a step forward in the things which should be for the good of mankind, and an account of their stewardship naturally forms part of a study of these new nations.
Mexico must now be classed as a modern nation, fulfilling an orderly destiny. As such it must of necessity have some voice in international matters, and among the nations of the New World the Republic has already lifted up its voice in questions of American affairs. The attitude of Mexico in world-politics is not without interest. Her geographical situation midway between the two great oceans of the world, the Atlantic and the Pacific, and between the two vast continents of the Americas, is one of considerable commercial and strategic value. That part of her territory known as the isthmus of Tehuantepec has not inaptly been termed "the bridge of the world's commerce," as elsewhere mentioned, and as such, indeed, it may play an important part, analogous to that of the Panama Canal, being, as it is, more than a thousand miles nearer to the world's great populations and the trade route of commerce than that famous isthmus. Mexico states that she looks towards Asia with equal favour as towards Europe, and geographically she may do so indeed. But this is a sentiment which—except in the mere matter of buying and selling—time will show to be untenable. Mexico is a "European" state, in character, tradition, and civilisation; and she, in common with all Latin America, must continue largely to draw her inspirations, and to augment her population from old Europe, not from Asia; nor, indeed, save in certain respects, from her Anglo-American neighbour, the United States.
A greater population, and of a higher calibre, is one of Mexico's chief desiderata. The introduction of Asiatics is permitted and even encouraged at present, but it is impossible that a growing enlightenment will permit this to continue. It must be disastrous to a country to admit Asiatics to permanent habitation in quantities, and such can only be done in obedience to dictates of a selfish nature, emanating, for example, from greedy plantation- or mine-owners, whose main object is that of present profits, regardless of the future. The natives of Mexico, like those of other Hispanic-American countries, are far superior to Asiatics, and it is to the advantage of Mexico that its Government should foster the growth of the vigorous and useful peon race, and sternly set its face against the introduction of Chinese or other Asiatics as elements of colonisation. There is a favourable circumstance attending the matter of increase of population in Spanish-American countries: the women are prolific, and, moreover, the influence of the Roman Catholic religion tends at present to prevent the adoption of the condition known as "race-suicide." Equally with this fostering of the native race must be the encouraging of European immigration, such as Spaniards, Italians, and others. The Americans of the United States cannot furnish Mexico with new citizens or workers, tillers of the soil, or builders, or miners; for the United States has her own territory to develop, and, moreover, the American citizen will never perform manual labour outside his own country. Both the Americans and the British will furnish capital and brains for Mexico's development, but of workers in the field they will send none.
In this connection, however, the future may hold much, unsuspected at present. The question is constantly to the fore now as to whether the white man is able to perform manual work in the tropics, and large portions of Mexico and Spanish-America generally are situated in tropical zones. The reply to the question is twofold. First, the advancing science of sanitation, and kindred matters, are showing that the unfavourable conditions encountered in tropical lands are capable of change, and that regions hitherto unhealthy can be made habitable for alien white men. There can be little doubt that sweeping adverse statements about the impossibility of the occupation by white races of the tropical regions, especially of America, will be belied in coming years. The other consideration bearing upon this question is that there is no necessity for the white man to work in the tropics to the same extent that he works in temperate climates. Nature has done half the work herself, and it will surely be found that invading man must adapt his habits to her laws there, rather than pretend to implant his own methods arbitrarily. Thus, a minimum of work in the tropics secures shelter and sustenance to man there. But, so far, this facility of living has been an element for human deterioration rather than for progress. The Indian squatters of the Mexican tropics, or the savage bands of the Amazonian forests of South America, do not tend towards development. But it may be different when an educated and civilised race has, perforce, to take up its residence in such regions. The struggle for life, for bread, roof, and clothing, is so much less severe that it may transpire that man, in such regions, will have more time to develop the intellectual side of his life, and a new stimulus and purpose might be brought to being from such a combination of race and environment. It is apparent already to the observer that the Spanish-American race, which largely inhabits tropical America, has developed a strong tendency towards the lessening of its quota of manual labour, and an augmentation of its cultivating of the theoretical and intellectual side of life. In Mexico, Peru, or elsewhere, the white race forms an upper class, lovers of leisure and of work of an intellectual character. There is no white middle-class of hand labourers. If there is anything in this theory and tendency there may come to being some day a highly-developed race in the American tropics. These considerations, however, are as yet far removed from the Mexico of to-day. Work must be her maxim, hard work, and development.
Whether Mexico will ever become an important manufacturing nation remains to be seen. The Mexicans are not without considerable aptitude as mechanics, but they have not much faculty of invention or origination. It is very doubtful if any of the Spanish-American nations are destined to shine as makers and exporters of finished articles. Perhaps the rôle of evolving a new kind of civilisation, not dependent upon commerce, is to be theirs! All of these countries are, however, endowed with elements essential to manufacture: in raw material, fuel, and water-power.
Of international meetings which have taken place in Mexico the Pan-American Congress of 1902 was of some importance. The feasting and eloquence, the society functions and self-congratulations which ran riot, were characteristic of this imaginative and enthusiastic race of Latin America. If these matters were more in evidence than practical results—as is often characteristic of such assemblies—at least the important step was taken of calling together their neighbours of America, discussing their affairs, and emphasising the advisability of settling these, when differences arose, by arbitration, rather than battle. It was complained that Europe took little note of or interest in this conference, and among the delegates of some of the Latin American states—representatives of all of which were present—Europe was blamed for frigidity to thoughts of arbitration. But the world grows wiser slowly, and Spanish-America not more rapidly. Important matters which occupied the attention of the Congress were the questions of some standardising of Spanish-American Custom-house methods, and the great subject of the Pan-American railway. This vast scheme is designed to link all the republics of North and South America together. But it may well be asked if the cost, estimated at 40 million pounds sterling, to build the 5,000 miles necessary to complete the chain of existing lines, would ever pay through these thinly scattered populations and endless mountain regions. It is, however, an alluring project, and calls for some great railway-building Bolivar to impulse it. It is but a question of time.
The attitude of the modern Mexicans towards Spain—the land which gave them birth—is rather a remarkable one. As a whole they cannot be said to be pro-Spanish. The Indian blood is strong, and the Indian side of the Mexican cherishes still what is almost a resentment against Spain for the acts of the Conquest. Perhaps the reader of this book, if he has read the chapters upon those stirring times, will not need to ask himself why! Spanish America—Mexico and Peru—raises no statues to Cortes, nor to Pizarro. But there is another side to the picture, and during the war between Spain and the United States, the Spaniards and pro-Spaniards of Mexico raised funds to purchase a warship for Spain. But neither Mexico nor any other free Republic of Latin America raised a hand in aid of the unfortunate Cubans, whose life-blood Spain, with all her old methods, was slowly letting before their eyes!
Of international questions in the American hemisphere the Monroe Doctrine takes much importance. The origin of the principle contained in this has been set forth in the chapter devoted to history, and its British origin recollected. At the present time the doctrine embodies, to the Spanish-American mind, not so much the antidote to possible European aggression as the hegemony of the United States in the American hemisphere. Of recent years the method or spirit of its enunciation by the United States has been such as almost to cause offence among the Spanish-American Republics, an effect which, naturally, it was not intended to convey. But the Mexican and South American Republics are not slow to resent any idea of North American leading-strings. They consider their individuality no whit inferior to that of the Anglo-American, and the discussions which have been carried out in the press of both continents show how little the two races of the Americas really understand each other. Nor can they be expected to do so, possibly for centuries—such centuries as passed before a Franco-British entente became possible! There is far more affinity of social interests between Spanish-America and Europe than between the United States and Spanish-America, and there can be no doubt that the growth of a great American civilisation distinct from that of the United States will be a valuable element in the New World. The influence of the United States will always be offset by the imported European culture and solidity. It has been characteristic of all Spanish-America to emulate and to exalt the United States, but the grave faults apparent in the character of the Americans in their political and commercial world recently have caused much loss of prestige. The student of American life cannot maintain that the civilisation of the United States necessarily tends to become superior to that of the Spanish-American's. There is, of course, a vast superiority in manufacture, means of communication, and all that goes to make up the modern business world—immeasurably so. But of man's humanity to man, of social refinement, honesty in business, cleanliness in politics, the United States is not much in advance of its neighbours. Nevertheless, the influence of the United States has been, and will be, of much steadying value to Mexico, and it remains to be seen if Mexico can preserve her individuality, in view of her proximity to the United States, and whether she can absorb the excellent characteristics of the Americans, without acquiring their defects. Probably she can. On the other hand, it is a source of satisfaction to the student of American civilisation to observe the present reciprocal and neighbourly attitude of the United States and Mexico towards each other. There they stand, shoulder to shoulder, without quarrel of religion or race, the big Republic and the developing one, both under the forging hand of time.
For herself Mexico may be looked upon as a strong and healthy type of Spanish-American civilisation, whose growth all students of race-affairs will watch with interest. Endowed with a land of varied and plentiful resource, chastened by history and tribulation, and with resolute step bent forward, Mexico stands as a leader of her race, and a worthy unit in the development of the great New World. Viva Mexico!