INTRODUCTORY

In this section a variety of matters, many of which have a bearing on the beliefs of the people, but which cannot be legitimately placed under either Religion or Magic, are dealt with.

The section dealing with the constitution of the people shows how the council of elders grades into the primitive priesthood.

A chapter on Kikuyu dances is included, and for this the author has to thank the Hon. C. Dundas. Many of these dances take place either at planting time or near the harvest, and also at marriages, and undoubtedly come under the class of fertility ceremonies. They may thus be considered to come under the heading of either Religion or Magic, although it is not always possible to say to which they belong.

A chapter has been added on the position of women in tribal organisation, and this subject is particularly recommended to future investigators. [[209]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER I

THE CONSTITUTION AND WORKING OF COUNCILS AMONG THE KIKUYU

According to the natural organisation of the Kikuyu tribe every youth, as he grows up, gradually passes through the various grades of tribal life. He commences as a kihe, an uncircumcised boy, and after circumcision becomes a mwanake, and finally a muthuri. He has to be initiated, step by step, into each grade according to the ritual of the tribe, and payment has to be made for entry into each stage. The procedure and rites with regard to circumcision have been dealt with elsewhere, and we now have to consider entry into the higher grades.

When a father considers that his son is old enough, he agrees to his marriage, and after marriage, when he is the father of a child, he becomes eligible for eldership. When the father thinks the time has come, he provides the son with a goat to present to the council of elders for his initiation into the grade.

The elders cannot refuse to admit him to the lowest grade, and at their next meeting the initiation takes place. The goat is first strangled, and a knife is then driven into its chest and the blood collected in a pot. The senior elders take a sip of the blood, and the candidate also drinks a little.

The following portions of the carcase are then set apart, viz., the ribs, a piece of the meat of a leg called ruhongi, a piece of the small intestine, one of the small stomach, ngorima, and one of liver.

Two athamaki, or full elders of council, take these [[210]]portions and roast them before a fire; they are then brought to the hut of the candidate and handed over to his wife, or, if he has more than one, to the senior wife, who places them on a kind of shelf, called thegi, near the bed, and they are afterwards eaten by the man. The wife then gives the elders a half gourd, njeli, of gruel and a portion of cooked pigeon pea, njahe. The elders eat a little of this and the remainder is given to the candidate.

This ceremonial meal appears to be in the nature of an oath. The man is then called a muthuri ya mburi imwe, viz., an elder of one goat.

A little later on he presents another goat to the elders and becomes an elder of two goats, muthuri ya mburi igiri; and then again, he presents a third goat and becomes an elder of three goats, muthuri ya imburi itatu. No particular ceremony attends the presenting of the second or third goats.

After a due time has elapsed the man can apply to the senior council to be admitted to that body. As a rule his entry is not refused, but it is said that he cannot demand admittance to this grade without the approval of its elders. He pays a fourth goat as entrance fee, and the same ceremony as for the lower grade elder of one goat is gone through. He then has to pay a fine thenge, or male goat, which counts as two ordinary goats, whereupon the elders reveal to him the secret matters of their grade and instruct him in the procedure of the council. They also invest him with his staff of office, the mithegi, and hand him the bunch of sacred leaves, mutathia (Clausena anisata and also Clausena inaequalis), and he is then a fully fledged elder of council and is called muthuri ya imburi nne or ithano, elder of four or five goats, as the case may be, and is entitled to be called muthamaki, which may be translated as magistrate or judge, or one who is entitled to try cases.

Ordinary elders are allowed to carry a bunch of leaves of mutathia (Clausena inaequalis, also C. [[211]]anisata), but until they become ukuru, they cannot carry the leaves of muturanguru (Vernonia sp.).

It is now necessary to consider the functions of the various grades. There are two councils, or kiamas: kiama cha kamatimo and kiama cha athamaki. The council whose legal powers are recognised by Government is the kiama cha athamaki.

The following table shows how these councils are composed:

Name of Councils Composed of
Kiama cha kamatimo Athuri cha imburi imwe
Athuri,, cha,, imburi,, igiri
Athuri,, cha,, imburi,, itatu
Kiama cha athamaki Athuri,, cha,, imburi,, nne
Athuri,, cha,, ithano
Athuri ya ukuru.

The members of the kiama cha kamatimo have no judicial power; they attend at a meeting of the council but do not sit with the athamaki; they are grouped at some little distance, the word, in fact, meaning those who sit away. This body generally correspond to the kisuka of the A-Kamba.

The kiama cha athamaki actually means those who adjudicate or settle cases. The term athuri ya kiama, elders of council, is generally understood to refer only to the elders of the kiama cha athamaki. The athuri ya ukuru still remain members of the kiama cha athamaki, but when they reach this grade, as years go by, they generally take a less active part in judicial matters, although they are always called upon to settle knotty points of tribal law and custom.

When a man becomes a muthuri ya ukuru he assumes more definite priestly functions, and becomes responsible for the proper conduct of the periodical sacrifices at the sacred trees. When such a sacrifice is made the athuri ya ukuru are alone privileged to eat half of the head and the kidneys of the sacrificed ram.

In the same way when a sheep is brought to the kiama as a judicial fee, it is eaten by the elders present, and the ukuru, if they happen to be there, claim the [[212]]head and the kidneys, which, according to custom, they pass on to the small boys of the village.

When an elder enters the grade of ukuru he can wear in his ears the flat discs of brass-wire known as ichui.

In former times, one of the duties of the ukuru was to summon the kiama for the discussion of questions of national importance.

The elders of ukuru also decide the date of the circumcision feasts, and other similar questions.

It is also the function of the ukuru of the tribe to settle when the time has arrived for the holding of the great itwika feast, in which the generation changes from Mwangi to Maina, or vice versâ.

As a general rule the athamaki are men advanced in years, but there is no fixed rule as to this; many are middle-aged or younger. Occasionally one may see quite a young man, practically a youth, among the elders. The elders explained this as follows: the election to the muthamaki grade lies entirely with the athamaki; if they see a young man whose prudence and knowledge has impressed them favourably, they may elect him into their grade; further, the family of a muthamaki should always be represented in this grade, and therefore if one dies and leaves no near relation other than a young man, they will elect his son or brother in his place even if he is quite a youth. Such elections are, of course, rare and are only mentioned in case these exceptions should be noticed. They are more frequently found among the A-Kamba, as the ithembo, or sacred places, are inherited from father to son, and the owner of an ithembo must always have his place among the elders of ithembo, who correspond to the athuri ya ukuru among the A-Kikuyu.

If an elder behaves improperly while occupying the position of elder, or commits a serious breach of tribal custom, his fellows threaten to curse him with their staves and sacred plants, and he stands in such awe of this that he will appear before the elders and beg forgiveness, [[213]]bringing with him a ram or male goat as a sign of his good intent. He will then be ceremonially purified, tahikia.

Initiation into the Ukuru Grade of Elders (Kikuyu).—When a muthuri, or elder, becomes old he generally aspires to a higher grade called the ukuru, but cannot enter it until all his children have been circumcised. Some, however, never become members of the ukuru grade; the consent of the other members of the grade is necessary and they do not approve of a candidate who is not well endowed with worldly goods, or, again, prospective candidates may be considered unlucky.

When an elder wishes to become a muthuri ya ukuru he prepares a supply of beer and invites all the elders of that grade from the surrounding neighbourhood; if they agree to his admission they assemble and ceremonially spit on him. A day is then fixed for the formal initiation, and a larger gathering of elders of various grades assembles.

The candidate has to present formally to the elders of the grade what is called njahe, and at the ceremony at which the writer was present this consisted of:

A bullock and ram were also provided for the guest.

The first thing to be settled was to which elders the various parts of the beasts should be given; this goes by seniority. The head of the bullock went to the senior, two forelegs and chest to the next, the left hind leg to the next, the hide to the next, and the right hind leg to the candidate.

This being decided, the candidate presented each [[214]]of the most senior elders with a gourd of the different beers and each kind of food. The candidate then presented the principal wife of the senior elder with a gourd of beer and food. The senior elder brought forth a horn of beer, took a sip and spilt a tiny drop into his left breast and then offered it to the candidate who took a sip and ceremonially spat into his left breast. The senior elder’s wife did the same, offering the beer to the candidate’s wife. The food was then divided among the other elders, who gathered round and drank beer. After this, various elders made speeches welcoming the candidate into the grade and prayed to Engai to look favourably on him, his wives being also mentioned with the hope that they might be fruitful.

The animals are then slaughtered, the following portions being selected:

The ngorima is cut out and the end tied up; it is then filled with blood from the ram and bits of meat.

The mromo waiyu, or big stomach of the ram, is filled with bits of meat and fat and tied up.

All these are cooked, and when ready are taken inside the hut of the senior elder and only a chosen few of the ukuru are allowed inside; on this particular occasion only eight were admitted.

The senior elder bites a small piece out of the ram’s heart and spits out a bit to the right and left as an offering to the ngoma, or ancestral spirits, and the [[215]]candidate does the same. The next senior elder eats the kengeto. The mahuri and ngorima are given to the senior wife of the host by the senior wife of the candidate.

A little honey beer was then brought into the hut, and the candidate was presented with one of the black staves which only elders are allowed to carry, and also the bunch of sacred leaves known as muturanguru (Vernonia sp.). The leaves are tied together with the fibre from the mukeo bush.

The candidate took hold of the staff and the leaves, and the senior elder drank a little sip of the beer and ceremonially spat on the leaves saying “Aroendwo na kiama”—“May you be well liked by the council of elders.” This was a kind of blessing which may be likened to the blessing which accompanies the “laying on of hands.”

The ceremony inside the hut was then over, and all the elders outside indicated its conclusion by taking a sip of beer and spitting a little on to their right breasts. The meat was then divided and cooked, and the company settled down to the feast of meat and beer.

Procedure in Pre-administration Times.—The procedure in former times seems not to have differed greatly from that followed nowadays in regard to the form of trial. It is said that the elders of mburi imwe, igiri and itatu used to sit separately, according to their rank, instead of together as they seem to do now, but it is doubtful if this custom was religiously observed.

The whole procedure was, of course, less organised than at present. There appear to have been no fixed councils or meeting places, which is easily explained by the fact that there were no defined locations. If two men had a case, they each called a few elders, who met to judge the case; others came and joined in, partly out of interest in the affair and partly because the elders, on the whole, delight in litigation. Certain cases became of general interest or may have affected [[216]]the whole country, and then the council would probably comprise most of the elders from far and wide.

It is certain that the elders could exercise considerable authority when they chose, as already described, but the object of the council was primarily to arbitrate in disputes and to point out the recognised custom to be followed. Where an offence affected the whole community, or when an accused was regarded as an habitual and dangerous offender, public indignation might be so strong that the affair would appear as a public concern, and the elders would then use their full authority. Ordinarily differences between two men, however, were considered to be their own affair, and if a man would not give what was due by custom, the claimant was expected to use force, although in such cases he was held liable for any damage done in using such means. The elders were, however, always able to enforce a judgment by cursing an accused found guilty if he refused to obey the judgment against him, but probably this was only done in very serious cases where public feeling ran high. Hence, probably, the many ancient feuds and the intense desire to increase the strength of the family. Had public authority been very strong and efficient this would not have been considered of such importance.

The presumption that the elders were regarded more in the light of arbitrators than judges is strongly supported by the fact that even to-day some elders appear to be adverse to deciding questions of fact. The mere appearance of a defendant before the council would seem to have implied his liability; even now it is difficult at times to induce a native to appear before either the council or a court if he maintains that the charge is entirely groundless or false.

Present-Day Procedure.—In each locality there is a gazetted council, or kiama, which meets at the council house situated near the headman’s village; a special flag is hoisted to tell the people that there is a meeting. Until now the kiama has met whenever [[217]]there has been a case to try, but this has proved a great evil, as a few elders are hastily collected and the large majority object to going to the councils too frequently. The councils have therefore mostly been composed of elders living in the vicinity of the chief’s village. It is now arranged that the meetings shall, if possible, be on fixed days, and not more than three or four times a month, and the improvement in consequence has been most marked.

The athamaki for each locality are now registered, and it has been agreed that at each meeting at least half, or in large localities, one quarter, of their number must be present. Hitherto it has been customary for the headman to summon the defendants through his askaris, or retainers, but now that each elder has been entrusted with the charge of a certain number of huts, it has been agreed that the parties shall in the first instance be summoned by their respective athamaki. (In S. Kikuyu each muthamaki will have, on an average, twenty-five huts under his charge.)

As a general rule the elders prefer to sit outside the council house; this is a good rule, as it ensures publicity to the proceedings, and publicity is also the object of native law. The athamaki sit in front and the other elders, the kamatimo, behind; only women and anake, or young unmarried men, are barred from sitting on the general council.

The fee paid to the elders varies greatly according to the means of the parties and the matter in dispute. It would be advisable to see a fixed fee instituted, but the elders should make this change of their own accord. When the parties appear, they come before the elders of athamaki in turn and state their cases; the plaintiff as a rule begins. Witnesses are sometimes called, but the parties repeatedly appear before the athamaki to contradict or correct the opponents’ statements. The elders generally keep count of the articles in dispute by breaking twigs; if, as is usual, part of the claim is [[218]]admitted, the twigs representing what is admitted are put aside.

Having heard all that the parties have to say the elders of athamaki then retire alone to discuss the question and settle it (this conference is called ndundu). They do not, however, all go, and any elders who are relatives of the parties are excluded; this is, of course, very equitable. The gazetted headmen never appear to go with these elders, but are sometimes called and consulted by them. The discussion between the elders is conducted so that it is not heard by anyone else; they are hardly ever known to break up without coming to an agreement. Having decided what it is to be, they break twigs representing the amount to be paid or any imprisonment imposed. One of them repeats what each twig represents, while the rest give their assent in chorus. Two of the senior members then stand up and invoke poverty, sickness, and calamity upon those who disobey their orders, and to this the rest again assent in chorus. After this, all beat their sticks on the ground, repeating much the same phrases, and finally they bring their staves together on the ground, so that the points meet, while they give a peculiar sort of whoop indicating that they have agreed. They then return to the general council, and one of the most senior among them, carrying the twigs, asks in varying terms if they have agreed, to which they assent in chorus. The elders then state what each twig represents, and finally throws his staff or club on the earth.

One case was recently witnessed in which the elders came to a decision without adjourning at all. As a general rule they are loth to decide facts, and if such are in dispute, or either party appears to be lying, the decision will simply be that both parties must take the oath of muma. The investigation is generally most searching; if the subject is some hurt done they will not be satisfied until they have examined and probed the wounds. No questions are asked as to dates and time, these being considered of minor importance. [[219]]

The elders will not recognise that a claim has been paid unless it was made good before a kiama, and this is the only proof that it was paid. Natives will therefore not pay debts out of court, as it were, and this principle is often erroneously taken to mean that they will not pay debts at all unless forced to. If the council imposes a fine, it is paid to the Government. In almost all cases, however, a goat or two must be paid to the elders, who are allowed to keep them on the understanding that such fines must be consumed by them.

As was previously mentioned, in former times many of the judgments were not executed until force was used by the plaintiff and his kin.

The fear of revenge must, indeed, have been the chief preventative of crime, as it has been at all times before the State became the public avenger. Mere compensation could certainly not have acted as a deterrent to crime any more than it could to-day. We have therefore, in reinstituting the settlement of crimes by payment of compensation only, not made adequate provision for the prevention of crime, nor have we been able to revive fully the old native organisation by leaving out the fear of private revenge.

The councils are, it is believed, gradually realising that crime will not be effectually checked by awards of compensation only; the right of private revenge has been abolished. It would therefore seem that the infliction of imprisonment by councils is at times a necessity if peace and good order is to prevail, but stringent supervision by Government will, of course, be necessary for a long time to come.

Constitution and Working of Councils among the A-Kamba of Kitui.—The male Mu-Kamba from birth to death passes through most of the following grades:

Kana.—(a) Kahengi, an unweaned child; (b) Kabisi, a weaned child able to walk. The generic name is, however, kana. These distinctions would [[220]]really only amount to our describing children as being in long clothes or short.

Kivizi or Kivisi.—A boy old enough to herd goats, but who has not been circumcised.

Kamwana.—A circumcised boy who is old enough to dance at ngomas, but not reached the age of puberty.

Mwanake (plural—Anake).—A young man who has reached the age of puberty, dances at ngomas, and has joined the warrior class. He may be married and have children.

Nthele (plural—Anthele).—A married man with children who has ceased to dance at ngomas. He pays a fee of one to three goats to the anthele on being promoted from the anake grade, part of the meat going to the anthele and part to the anake. It is said that an oath, kithito, has to be taken with the blood. A mwanake may be of any age and must remain in that group until he has been admitted among the anthele.

Ngila.—This does not appear to be a regular grade, but is merely a war title. No initiation seems to be necessary. An ngila is one of the advanced guard in war, and his portion of meat is the lower part of the leg. It does not seem necessary that he should be even an nthele.

Mwamba in Kitui, and Kiauu in Machakos, is also a war title. The bearer forms part of the rear-guard, whose duty it is to keep off the enemy while the ngila escape with the booty. His portion is the rump and upper part of the leg.

An nthele next enters the grade of atumia ya kisuka, elders of kisuka, and has to pay ten goats. As a matter of fact they generally pay one bullock, which is the recognised equivalent, but the fee is always quoted in goats, the A-Kamba probably having nothing but goats when the procedure was evolved. The fee is divided among the members of the kisuka and the elders of nzama, which is the next higher grade.

Although a man enters this grade, it must not be inferred that the kisuka is a council which still exists. [[221]]The duty of the elders of kisuka is to deal with a kin͠gnoli palaver; that is to say, the communal execution of a person who has been proved to their satisfaction to have killed a number of people by witchcraft, poison and so forth. The practice corresponds in a measure to the stoning of Stephen by the people described in [Acts vii. 57–60]. The people undoubtedly looked upon this man as a strange and harmful magician, and their point of view is quite comprehensible.

They also assembled on the occasion of a Masai raid to draw up a plan of campaign, another of their functions being to arrange a peace palaver in case of serious internal fighting. The grade takes its name from the meat they ate on the occasion of such meetings.

The next grade is mutumia ya nzama (plural, atumia ya nzama), elders of the nzama, and for the privilege of entering this grade a man has to pay one bullock and ten goats. Its members are the arbiters of private disputes, the assessors of damages, and the witnesses of the payment of bridal price and ordinary debts, and are thus the archives of the tribe and the registrars of transactions. A man enters this grade by invitation of the members of the council, and must have proved himself a man of sound judgment. His age does not matter, but he must be married and a father to be eligible either as a member of the council of the anthele or of the nzama. At a feast the portion of meat allotted to him is the head, the back, and, if a bullock is killed, the rump.

The next, or final grade, is that of atumia ya ithembo, elders of ithembo, often just referred to as ithembo, to which there is no specific entrance fee, as the selection is made by the other elders of the grade. The candidate, however, invariably makes a present to the other elders after his election, as a compliment for the honour done him, the usual payment, according to the statement of one elder, being four goats. [[222]]

The bullock which an elder has to pay to enter the grade of nzama is also said not to be a fee but a thank-offering to the elders for his election. The atumia ya ithembo claim the tail as their portion of a feast. Their duties are mainly sacerdotal; they arrange and carry out the sacrifices at the ithembo, or sacred place, in times of drought, pestilence, planting of crops, and they are responsible for the proper carrying out of burial customs and village offerings to the spirits. In times of national crisis their advice is sought, but they do not ordinarily sit and hear cases dealing with private disputes.

The rise of a Kamba native from one social grade to another depends:

When a case is brought before the council of elders, nzama, any of the male population can be present, but can only listen to the evidence and cannot interfere in the proceedings.

The evidence is generally taken by one man on behalf of the council; he conducts the examination and cross-examines, and if other members of the court wish to put questions, it is generally done through the presiding elder.

The Government Chief, or Gazetted Headman, who is really foreign to the organisation, does not generally sit with the nzama; he sits apart.

The nzama is really a court for the settlement of questions of law or custom.

Should the evidence on matters of fact differ materially, the only way, with the exception of very obvious cases, is for the litigants to take the native oath (kula kithito), which is supposed to bring most dire consequences on the perjurer. A litigant who [[223]]refuses to take the oath is out of court, and judgment goes against him. The results of the oath are supposed to take effect within six months or a year, and should the litigant who has taken the oath survive the period, the case is given in his favour. Only one party and his witnesses are allowed to take the oath.

As cattle are generally involved in the case, the cattle in dispute are generally placed with some respected headman or elder until the effects of the oath are known.

The elders of the nzama retire to consider their verdict, and no members of the tribe below that rank are admitted to the consultation.

The council generally sits in a circle.

The Government Chief has in recent years assumed the duty of Executive Officer to carry out the judgment of the nzama, and in many cases in Ukamba has, at times, arrogated to himself a certain amount of revisionary power.

Disputes between members of the same family rarely come before the council, but are settled by the head of the family.

Enforcement of Orders of the Council.—Formerly obedience would be enforced by any sentence, up to that of a death penalty. At the present day obedience has in some cases to be enforced by Government.

The successful litigant could enforce the payment awarded by court by seizing the defendant or members of his family.

In connection with this inquiry it is of some interest to analyse the functions of two special grades of elders among the Kamba, i.e., atumia ya makwa (elders of makwa) and atumia ya ukuu (elders of ukuu).

It must first of all be clearly understood that these titles have no connection with the ranks of atumia ya nzama (elders of council) in whose hands the judicial functions are vested. The members of the highest [[224]]grade of this rank are termed the atumia ya ithembo (elders of the shrine), both of these ranks being part of the natural career of the head of a family of any standing in the tribe. The elders of makwa and ukuu are, however, more comparable to positions which are attained by successful medical specialists. A man may become one or the other, or he may be both. Of the two branches the elders of ukuu are considered the more important; on the other hand, it is said to be more difficult to become a successful elder of makwa.

These branches of practice must not be confused with the profession of medicine man, which is quite distinct. A man can only become a medicine man if he is in direct communication with the aiimu, or ancestral spirits.

The function of a mutumia ma makwa (elder of makwa) is to avert the evil consequences of the incidence of a thabu or makwa; the functions of a mutumia ma ukuu is to ward off death itself.

The former uses ceremonial and lustrates by means of various herbs, from which he concocts the ng͠nondu or purifying reagents.

The latter (ukuu) uses spells which have a magical value only, and gives directions.

The qualification which enables a man to become a mutumia ma makwa (elder of makwa) is that one of his wives shall have died under circumstances which may leave a curse or thabu. He must then at once consult an elder of makwa, who performs certain purification ceremonies. If these are not performed the children of the deceased will become afflicted with thabu or makwa. If the ceremonies are successful the husband is considered to be initiated as an elder of makwa; if, however, he wishes to practise the art, he must set to work to obtain experience, as the ceremonial necessary to cure the many forms of makwa is very varied, and a wide knowledge of the various herbs employed is necessary.

In the case of a mutumia ma ukuu (elder of [[225]]ukuu) the necessary qualification is a series of deaths in the family within a short period. He can then go to another elder of ukuu, pay fees and be initiated in the secrets of the art—the fee is usually one or two bullocks; his duties are to remove the curse due to murders, accidental deaths, and remove the curse of death from a family which has been afflicted by an unusual number of deaths. He does not perform purification ceremonial, but lays down certain procedure which has to be followed by the applicant. He may be compared to the consulting physician who gives certain advice, such as a particular diet, and leaves the patient to follow it or not as he likes. The prescription sometimes, for instance, takes the form of a direction to have conjugal intercourse at a particular season.

The final degree which he reaches in old age is called mutumia ma ithembo (elder of the shrine), and his duty then is to offer the sacrifices at the sacred grove or ithembo. Among the Kamba tribe the members of this grade take but little part in the affairs of the tribe, but in Kikuyu the athuri ya ukuu form a tribal court of appeal (the word ukuu in Kikuyu has a different significance from ukuu in Ukamba and merely means “great or senior”).

If an elder of ithembo becomes so old as to fall into his dotage, and has a son who is qualified to take his place, the son is often elected in his stead.

If, however, a mutumia ma nzama (elder of council) is married to a wife who is a magician, and who can instruct him in certain matters connected with the ritual of the shrine, he can approach much nearer to the sacred grove than the ordinary elder of nzama, but cannot actually go up to the place of sacrifice—the elders of ithembo only being privileged to do so.

Elders of ithembo are very few in number; there are rarely more than two for each grove. The above practice is prevalent among the Kamba of Ulu. The Kitui customs may possibly vary somewhat.

The author is greatly indebted to the late Hon. K. [[226]]Dundas for assistance in making these matters clear.

Curse for Disobedience to a Judgment by the Court of Elders.—In connection with the history of the operation of the thahu in Kikuyu one point is worthy of notice. If a person has been one of the parties in a suit before the kiama, or council of elders, and refuses to pay the necessary compensation, the elders can lay a curse or thahu on him. The procedure is as follows: they assemble at one of their recognised meeting places and then mass together, beating their long staves on the ground in unison, calling out, “We curse you on the mithegi; the person who disobeys the order of the kiama shall be cursed.” Mithegi is the name of the staves carried by old men, the name coming from the wood they are made of. No elder goes to a council without his staff. The offender need not be present, but it is believed that the curse forthwith begins to take effect.

To remove the curse the offender then goes to the elders and begs to be allowed to pay the amount of the judgment. This is done, and in addition he brings a sheep; the elders then say, “Go back home, bring some beer, and the day after to-morrow we will come and spit on you.” They assemble at his village on the appointed day and the offender gives another sheep, which is killed outside the gate of the village; the purpose of this is to purify the village, ku-thirura muchi, and the meat is carried round the confines of the huts. The elders then each take a little of the sheep’s fat and rub it on their staves, saying, “We are glad that the man who defied our orders has now obeyed it; we cursed him through our mithegi, but we now smear our mithegi with fat, as a sign that we and our mithegi are glad, and there is now nothing to be feared, for we have come to cleanse you and your village from evil.” The elders then assemble in a circle with the man and his family in the middle, and one of the elders anoints the tongue of each individual of the family with [[227]]a spot of ira, or white earth, and the elders then ceremonially spit on the offender and each of his family, and depart.

The same belief occurs in Ukamba, and the nzama, or council of elders, can inflict a curse upon a man for disregard of its orders; if he is still recalcitrant it is said to be potent enough to kill him and all the people of his village in a short time. The elders impose this curse, called kutuu, by all clapping their hands together. The effect of the curse can be averted if the man obeys and the elders forgive him; as in Kikuyu, however, he has to pay a fee of a goat, and the elders assemble and ceremonially spit on the culprit to neutralise the curse. The removal of this curse is called ka-athimwa or ka-musia by the A-Kamba.

Sometimes, however, in Kikuyu a defiant tribesman was beaten with staves, or his village was burnt, and in extreme cases he was ordered to be killed and his property was confiscated. If he was executed by judicial order, he had to be killed by his blood kin, so that no claim for blood money should lie. The procedure consists either in strangling the culprit with a rope, choking him by clasping his throat kuita, or killing him by blows delivered with the handle of an axe.

It was also considered right to drive a man out of his tribe if he proved himself an undesirable; this may be done even now, in which case he is allowed to take his property with him.

Summary.—The preceding review of the organisation of the councils of elders, and the functions exercised by them, show how, in the first place, the elders are merely administrators of tribal law or arbiters as to what is right and proper according to the tribal code; secondly, how they eventually acquire a sacerdotal position. The memories of the elders are also the archives of the tribe as well as the unwritten records of tribal law and tribal observances. If a debt of any importance is paid, it is generally done in the presence [[228]]of one or more elders, and the matter is then settled without the necessity of any receipt or quittance.

It is sometimes assumed by reformers that the elders are nothing more than useless encumbrances, and every district officer wishes they were more progressive. They certainly have their faults, and in some tribes the faults almost overshadow the more useful qualities. On the other hand, we may be rather over anxious to push things along, and we are apt to expect a tribe to jump into a higher cultural plane in too short a time. We forget too easily that reform must come from within, and that the inner consciousness of a tribe changes slowly. A veneer applied on the surface is always thin, and is unlikely to wear.

To illustrate this organisation it may be interesting to refer to the account of the Druids of Britain, about 55 B.C., left to us by Cæsar; these functionaries apparently performed very much the same duties as those of the present-day elders of the ithembo in Kikuyu and Ukamba; in the case of these tribes, however, the line between ordinary people and the priestly caste does not seem to be as sharply marked as it was in Britain. Cæsar in Bell. Gall. vi. 13–14 writes as follows:

“Among the Celts there are only two classes held in consideration and honour, the Knights (equites) and the Druids. The latter are concerned with all things divine, manage the public and private sacrifices, interpret sacred omens and religious scruples. (N.B.—This is identical with the duties of the athuri ya ukuru as regards thahu, etc.). For they make decisions on almost all disputes, both private and public, and if a crime is committed, e.g., a murder, or if a lawsuit arises concerning heritages or disputed boundaries, it is they who give judgment. They name the compensation and assess the penalty, and if any private person will not accept their award they interdict him from taking part in the sacrifice. This is the heaviest punishment they can impose. Persons thus placed under interdict are held impious and accursed; men quit their company [[229]]and avoid meeting them or speaking to them lest they may come to harm from the contagion of the wicked.”

All this has a peculiarly African flavour, and with slight amendment might refer to the constitution of a modern African tribe on the same level of civilisation as the Kikuyu or Kamba people. [[230]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER II

LAWS OF COMPENSATION FOR MURDER

It is a matter of great importance, from an administrative point of view, that these should be properly understood, as a murder is otherwise likely to create a hereditary feud between the two families, which will eventually lead to fresh crimes.

Kikuyu.—In Kikuyu, for instance, until the ceremonial has all been properly carried out, no member of the family of the murdered man can eat food out of the same dish or drink beer with any member of the family of the murderer. In Ukamba it is believed that unless the matter is properly adjusted according to the law (their law) the members of the family of the murderer will continually be involved in quarrels which are likely to end by one of them killing his neighbour, and conversely the members of the family of the murdered man become involved in quarrels and are liable to be killed in the same way as their relation. If one tries to look at the matter from their point of view it appears to be this: there is a bad spirit or muimu about, belonging to an ancestor; it enters into a man and the result is that the next time he quarrels with a neighbour he kills him. This spirit may continue to possess that person, or it may go on to another member of that family with the same result. In the same way the muimu of the deceased, the murdered man, influences the aiimu in the bodies of all the members of his family and makes them afraid. [[231]]They know that this death-dealing spirit is abroad, and the members of the family are more liable to be killed if they become entangled in a broil. Thus both families are anxious that this state of affairs should cease and that the troublesome spirit be appeased and laid to rest.

The explanation just given may or may not be the final interpretation, but the fact remains that it is considered a vital necessity that the ceremonies necessary to close the trouble caused in a tribe by a murder should be carried out according to the law of the tribe, and only by the observance of the proper ritual can the avenging spirit be appeased.

In South Kikuyu there are only two persons qualified to perform these ceremonies: Gachii wa Kihara and Juguna wa Kihara, both sons of a great elder and chief named Kihara, of the Anjiru clan, upon whom those duties devolved. The office is apparently hereditary.

The ceremonies are called Kugira uhio wa kuria mundu, which means “To carry the man who was killed,” and the word mugiro, derived from ku-gira, is also used in this connection. Of course, the payment of compensation has now been abrogated by Government, and the death penalty imposed in its place according to our law, so that the functions of the elders mentioned have of late years been confined to the supervision of the ceremonies which have magical or religious significance. The description of the affair, however, which was obtained from Gachii himself, takes no cognisance of the amendment caused by the substitution of the “lex talionis” for the old principle of “wergild” or compensation. The procedure runs as follows: soon after the murder had occurred the father of the murderer summoned Gachii or Juguna to his village, and whichever of these elders attended took with him eight athuri ya ukuu (elders of appeal), and the first object of their mission was to stop any fighting between the young men of the two parties. [[232]]

They remained at the village, and the father of the murderer then collected seventy goats and sent them to the father of the murdered man, and a bullock and a male sheep to the mother of the deceased. This bullock is important; it is called ndegwa muhiriga or njiga migwe, that is the “ox for the clan” or the “ox of the arrows,” which represents a peace offering to the clan, and prevents the clan of the deceased taking out their arrows to avenge their brother. Two days later thirty goats were collected and sent to the father of the deceased. The compensation of a hundred sheep or goats can be paid either in goats or sheep or cattle, but, whatever is paid, the count is always kept in sheep or goats. For instance, a thenge, or big male goat, may count as two or three goats, according to size, and in the same way an ox has its stated rate of exchange and is counted as so many goats; in pre-European days the ox counted as three goats, and a heifer or cow counted as ten in paying compensation or in marriage fees for a wife.

The next payment is nine male sheep to the athuri ya ukuu, nine more sheep being given to the father of the deceased, and nine ewes, nyarume, to the maternal uncle of the deceased, or mamawe, as he is called. The father of the murderer and the father of the deceased then each bring a male sheep, and the trunk of a banana plant is procured, placed on the ground, and the murderer and his relations seat themselves on one side of it, and the relatives of the other party on the opposite side; four of the athuri ya ukuu also sit on each side. The two sheep are then killed, and the two parties exchange pieces of cooked meat and eat them; they then exchange pieces of sugar cane and sweet potatoes smeared with tatha (the contents of the stomach of the sheep), which are given to the women and children of the two families. Some gruel is also exchanged; this is for the children of the two families, and is eaten inside the villages of the two parties. [[233]]

The presiding elder, Gachii or Juguna, does not sit with either party, but a little way off, his function being to see that the proper ritual is observed.

The elders then take the spear or sword with which the murder was committed, and beat it until it is quite blunt. The spear head or sword is taken away and thrown into a deep pool in the nearest river. They say that if this were not done the weapon would continue to be the cause of murder.

The final act is what is called ku-kukuriwa ithe na nyina (to purify father and mother). The elders adorn themselves with necklets of a grass called ngoka, which they wear for eight days, but if at the expiration of this period no moon is visible they cannot take them off till the moon reappears. When the day comes for dispensing with them they cross a river and bury them on the far side, and return home without looking back. In North Kikuyu, Mwaitume, it is said that they throw the rings away in an old shamba, garden, dig up a sweet potato, eat it, and then return home.

These ceremonies are the same for both grades of the Kikuyu, viz.: those circumcised Kikuyu fashion, and those circumcised Masai fashion. If they are properly carried out they wipe out all questions of blood feud, and the members of both families can eat together.

If the mugiro ceremonies are not properly carried out, the spirit of the murdered man will go back to his village, cry out in the night like a child, and enter into one of the villagers, who will become as one possessed. The people will call out to him, “Who are you?” and he will reply, “I am So-and-so” (mentioning the deceased). “I have come because I have been abandoned.” A near blood relative of the deceased must then take a male goat or sheep, if the deceased was a man, or a young ewe, mwati, if the victim was a woman, into the bush, where it is killed by strangulation, and immediately it is dead its throat is pierced and the blood allowed to run out on the ground. They then carve a [[234]]piece of meat from each limb and part of the animal, and place them in a heap, the bones also being placed in another heap, and left there. Any meat that remains is eaten by the elders; the person who was possessed of the ngoma, or spirit, of the deceased then recovers.

The customs vary according to different cases, the compensation for the murder of a woman being only thirty sheep or goats and three rams.

If a man murders his cousin on his mother’s side of the family, the father of the murderer collects fifty sheep or goats, and pays them to the head of the family of the deceased, and the recipients usually kill an ox which is eaten by both parties; the elaborate ritual described above is not observed because of the blood relationship which exists.

If a man kills his brother or sister by the same mother there is no compensation—the case very rarely arises; the father would, however, kill a sheep and make his children eat it together.

If a pregnant woman is struck and injured by a man, and miscarries in consequence, the elders are called in to settle the matter. The culprit has to bring two male sheep; first one is killed and eaten by the villagers and the elders, but not by the woman. The second is eaten by the woman and visitors, but not by the elders.

Some of the fat and meat of this second animal is cooked in a pot with some bitter herbs, and the woman drinks the decoction, this being evidently in the nature of a purification; it is called theria nda, to purify the belly. The people present who are nearly related, either to the offender or the woman, are then invested with rukwaru, or wristlets, made of the skin of the sheep first mentioned.

This is not a matter for the athuri ya ukuu, but the ordinary councillors, athuri ya kiama.

Ukamba.—In Ukamba there is a general similarity of ideas, but a considerable difference in ceremonial.

The general compensation for the murder of a man [[235]]is thirteen cows, two bulls, and fifty goats; and for a woman six cows, two bulls, and one goat.

In each case the actual blood money is twelve cows and five cows respectively, the balance being for the ceremonies necessary to wipe out the blood stains, and which bear the name of etumo.

The cow, the two bulls, and the goat are taken to the village of the murdered man; the elders, athuri ya ukuu, assemble there, and the goat is first killed at about five p.m. The murderer must not be present; if he or any member of his clan appeared at the etumo ceremonies they would probably be killed. Fourteen pieces of meat are cut from its throat, an elder impales seven pieces on a wooden skewer, and puts them into the mouth of the wife of the deceased, who eats them, and the other seven are similarly given to the brother of the deceased. When darkness comes on, the elders retire to a short distance from the village, and the widow and her brother-in-law retire to a hut and have connection; they then return and call the elders.

Upon their return the bull is killed and they receive half of its meat and half of that of the goat, the remainder being consumed by the family of the deceased. All the meat must be eaten during the night, and none of the bones must be broken, and before morning the latter must be carried out and deposited in the bush by the elders. The hides of the two animals must not be allowed to remain in the village, but are carried off by any elders who do not belong to the same mbai, or clan, as the deceased. The cow remains in the village, and becomes the personal property of the widow, who is not allowed to sell it.

The collection of the number of cattle payable as blood money generally takes some time, and the members of a man’s clan often assist him to pay. When they are all collected, an assembly of people and elders takes place at the village of the deceased, comprising members of the family and clan as well as [[236]]strangers, and a bull is slaughtered from the compensation cattle; there is a general feast, and each person takes a strip of the hide away for tying up loads. The cattle are then divided; the senior member of the deceased’s family receives one cow and pays back one bull, the maternal grandfather of the deceased receives a cow and pays back a bullock, and if there is a half-brother of the deceased he receives a cow and pays back a bull, provided that he does not live in the village of the deceased. If there is a village of the same clan near by, the head of it receives a cow and pays back a bull. None of these cows may be sold or given in exchange for a wife; if this rule is broken the recipient has to pay back a cow to the family. The bulls given in exchange provide feasts for the elders, members of the family of the deceased, and members of the clan. The remainder of the cattle are the property of the eldest brother of the deceased, who divides them between the mother and wife or wives of the deceased, who have the use of the milk. He cannot dispose of one of the beasts without the permission of these women.

The payment of the cow, bull, and goat first mentioned is of ritual importance, and is called etumo; they are necessary to protect both the family of the murderer and the murdered one from the powers of the unappeased death-dealing spirit which is abroad. Even if the killing was accidental (mbanga) the etumo payments and ritual must be observed, because it shows that there is a bad influence about or the accident would never have occurred.

In former times, if a man of one clan killed another in some inter-tribal fight, the custom was for a brother to waylay and kill a man of the clan who had killed his brother. The two deaths cancelled each other, and there was no further question of compensation, but it was considered essential that the etumo fees should be paid and the proper ceremonial observed.

One other point in connection with the weapon used in the murder should be mentioned: in Kikuyu the [[237]]spear is thrown away, but in Ukamba the weapon is nearly always an arrow, which is carried away some distance and placed on a path, the idea apparently being that it contains a harmful essence which it is impossible to remove, and the evil is believed to pass on to whoever picks it up. If this is not done the evil is said to remain with the family of the deceased.

The Kin͠gnoli Custom.—In the author’s “Ethnology of A-Kamba,” p. 95, an account is given of the old form of judicial execution called kin͠gnoli which used to be customary throughout Ukamba. It is also referred to by C. Dundas in the “History of Kitui,” p. 514.

It is not proposed to describe over again the details of the procedure, but while considering the question of sacrifice, it may be interesting to point out the similarity of this practice with the judicial slaying which took place among the ancient Semites, e.g., among the Hebrews the criminal was stoned.

Professor R. Smith ably shows how the idea of an execution of this kind is not penal in one sense of the word: it is not done to punish the offender, but to rid the community of an impious member—generally a man who has shed the tribal blood.

It would appear that the repeated spilling of tribal blood is an act which annoys the aiimu of the tribe to such an extent that an ordinary sacrifice is insufficient to appease them, and a human sacrifice becomes necessary either as an expiation or to re-establish good relations: by not offering compensation for the crimes he has committed, the brothers of the criminal formally surrender him to the community and this acquits the community of any bloodstain.

The kin͠gnoli custom is also known among the Kikuyu, who call it mwinge. The Hon. C. Dundas states that the procedure in Kikuyu is practically the same as that in Ukamba except that the near relative of the accused, whose consent to the execution is [[238]]essential, had to carry it out by strangling the convicted person.

Another important point is that any person giving evidence against a tribesman being tried under this law had to make his charges on the kithito or kithathi which is one of the most potent oaths. [[239]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER III

CEREMONIAL OATHS

The Kithito of Ukamba.—This is the most powerful oath recognised by the tribe, and is common to all sections of the Kamba; it corresponds to the kithathi of the Kikuyu. The apparatus for the oath is made by medicine men. Secret medicines are placed in the horn of a buffalo or hartebeest, a hippo tusk, or on the bottom end of a small ivory tusk. There is usually one in each district, and it is always in the possession of a particular elder; in many cases, they have been bought from the makers, who reside in either Mumoni or Tharaka country. All over the world the idea that better medicine can be obtained from a distance than at home seems to exist; even in England, people in the provinces have unbounded faith in the London specialist.

Some of these kithito are undoubtedly of great age, and are handed down through many generations. The kithito must always be kept away from the village, as it might harm the inmates; it is generally hidden away in a cavity in the rocks. It is carried about in a small pot or a basket, being very dangerous to handle; the original owner or his son, if he has been taught, can handle it by observing certain precautions, but no one else. An unmarried man cannot possess a kithito.

The writer once witnessed the administration of a kithito oath near Machakos at Mathendú’s. The gathering was a very large one, and elders from all [[240]]parts of the district were present, all the various clans being represented. It was an occasion of some importance, the object of the gathering being for representative elders from each council to swear upon the kithito to conduct their councils and the internal government of the district upon proper lines and to afford the local councils due support.

The congregation of elders, which probably numbered some five hundred, sat round in a large circle on the hill-side; in the centre were a few of the senior chiefs and elders from each clan and the elders chosen to officiate. The first proceeding was for an elder to march round the outside of the whole circle with the kithito, which was suspended by a string; after this, all the persons included in the circle were subject to the effects of the oath. The kithito was then brought into the centre of the circle and deposited on a branch of the acacia tree, kisumi.

As far as could be seen the contents of the kithito were as follows:

The whole of these were wrapped in a portion of a plaited Kamba fibre bag (chondo). Stones were arranged on the ground around the package. The end of the kithito parcel faced towards the afternoon sun, i.e., the west.

The officiating elder then stood on the two stones to the west of the kithito and, with a thin stick, touched the kithito and recited the terms of the oath. The object of these stones was to insulate him from the ground while he was engaged in the ceremony.

At each item of the oath the elder took a thin stick and dipped it in some blackish sticky medicine in the shell and recited the particular points, saying: “If [[241]]any man breaks this, may he be thrown away,” and then jerked the stick over his right shoulder in the direction of the sun.

KAMBA ELDER WITH KITHITO.

After the ceremony, the kithito was carried away and a sheep was killed near by and the tatha, or stomach contents, were sprinkled on the ground at the spot where the kithito had been. This was said to be done to cure the ground from the evil effects of the kithito.

The Oath of the Sacred Bead (Chuma cha mchugu) in Kikuyu.—This oath or ordeal belongs to the same class as those described in the writer’s work, “Ethnology of A-Kamba” (Camb. Press), pp. 139–143, viz., the kithathi and ku-ringa thengi ceremonies.

If one man is in debt to another and repudiates his debt, the creditor goes to the elders and demands that they may both be given the ordeal of the chuma cha mchugu (chuma is the Kikuyu word for bead).

Now the bead used for this purpose must be one of a particular kind, which has been handed down from past ages and is evidently believed to be of magical value. Several of the clans in Kikuyu are alleged to possess specimens of this bead, each one being in charge of a particular elder; they are said to be reddish in colour and rather long in shape.[1] Endeavours have been made to get a specimen for examination, but it has not been possible to locate one; the elders state that they have not seen one used for some years. A chuma cha mchugu must not be kept in a house, but is hidden away in the bush—in this particular it is like the kithathi.

To return, however, to the ceremonial connected with its use: on the appointed day the creditor and debtor meet the elders; the latter sit in a circle and the former sit on the ground in the middle and facing each other. Each takes a piece of fine grass and places [[242]]it inside the aperture in the bead and swears, as the case may be, that he lent a cow, or that he borrowed a cow, and that if he testifies falsely may he be eaten by the bead (i.e., destroyed). Sometimes the bead is held in the hand, and sometimes it is placed on the ground between the two parties.

Perjury is believed to result in the death of the perjurer, and furthermore serious harm, even death, to his near relatives.

If a man who has perjured himself by this oath dies, his brothers by the same parents will promptly pay the debt, and then call in the elders to remove the curse, or thahu, which the perjury has inflicted. To effect this lustration, the sacred bead has to be brought to the village, a sheep is killed and some of the stomach contents are smeared on the bead. Another sheep is next marched round the afflicted village, is killed, and the people eat the meat. The bones of the sheep are afterwards collected and calcined in the fire on which the meat was cooked, next morning a libation of beer being poured over the ashes of the bones by the elders of the village. A medicine man is then summoned, and he purifies (tahikia) the villages, and these are finally safe from all danger from this thahu.

There is another piece of ritual in which beads play a part. If an elder or old woman dies in one village, and later on a similar death occurs in a neighbouring village, the head of each village goes to assist at the hukura or death ceremonies (described in [Chapter VI]) at the village where the death has occurred. At the conclusion of these ceremonies each will have two blue trade ring beads, of the pattern known as mtinorok, fastened on his wrist, and the senior wife of the principal elder of the village where the death occurred will have two beads tied to her wrist; they wear these for eight days, and then bathe and cast the beads into a river; finally they wash their clothes there and return home.

The custom is practised only by the people belonging [[243]]to the Kikuyu circumcision guild. The blue beads used on this occasion are ordinary trade beads and are called chuma cha mchugu, but are not the sacred beads referred to in the earlier portion of this chapter. Probably, as the real chuma cha mchugu are very rare, they pretend that these are the real articles, or think they delude the spirits into believing that the beads are the genuine thing.

The sacred bead is also said to be used for the detection of thieves; the elders declare that the bead is first doctored by a medicine man and then thrown away in the direction of the suspected person, and the elders simultaneously cry out, “Go and find the thief.” The belief is that after it is thus thrown the bead will enter the stomach of the offender and trouble him to such an extent that he will be forced to confess, and he can then be ceremonially purified and healed.

The Muma Oath and Adultery.—A case of adultery occurred in Kikuyu in which a man, having seduced a woman, afterwards induced her to take the oath of muma that she would not tell her husband. After a time she disclosed this to her husband and, shortly after, she died. The husband then sued for blood money, but the elders refused his demand on the ground that if the woman had held her tongue the muma would not have killed her. The husband then demanded that the man should jump over the corpse seven times; this he refused to do and the elders would not insist as they held that the woman had, in fact, committed suicide. [[244]]

[1] These are probably ancient carnelian beads; they are occasionally found among the divination apparatus of medicine men; they almost certainly were derived from Egypt or the Nile valley. [↑]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER IV

WAR AND PEACE

War.—In former times raids were conducted by the anake or warrior class only, but if the country was invaded, the younger elders also fought, while the old men went to hide with the women and stock; elders were armed with bows and arrows, but the anake of Kikuyu carried spears and swords only.

The Kikuyu apparently made a good stand against the Masai invaders, for it is said that the Masai killed most of the Dorobo, so presumably this tribe was unable to stand against the invaders while the Kikuyu held their own. It is probable that the scourge of the Masai was generally much overrated, and that they were as often as not badly beaten by other tribes.

During a Masai invasion it was customary to bury knives at the foot of mugumu trees; this was supposed to give the invaders sore and swollen feet.

Expeditions and raids were led by three anake called asigani. These had first to consult with a medicine man, who would say whether they could be asigani or not; Kamiri was particularly noted as such a medicine man. If approved by the medicine man they had to go alone into Masai country as a test of courage and spy out where the cattle were. Only such men could be leaders of raids, and they remained as asigani until they had passed the warrior age.

On return from a raid the booty was brought together and the elders assembled. The asigani had first choice of the spoil, and got about one quarter more [[245]]than the rest. The elders merely looked on, and each warrior took his share of the booty home; the father took possession of the cattle so long as his son remained in the village, but if he left the village and settled elsewhere he would take with him the stock he had obtained in war.

The only elder who was actually given any part was the medicine man who had been previously consulted as to the success of the raid. When a raid was arranged, the warriors were collected from everywhere, but no one was forced to join. Special distinction was attained by those who had killed a Masai. Such a man was called mundu wa rohiu, man of the sword; the shield and spear of the Masai he would give to his uncle, from whom, in turn, he received a goat or two; he would also go round to all his relations, who would give him small presents, but to prove his deed he had to bring back the sword of the slain Masai, otherwise he was not believed.

The Kikuyu apparently often raided Masai country, but raids on the Kamba were considered much more dangerous, and were only undertaken by large bodies and with greater precautions. The whole force was divided up into various bodies to guard against total annihilation; attacks were made only at night, and as soon as the stock was captured it was sent, under escort, to Kikuyu so that if they were attacked and killed the stock was saved.

Women and children were also taken and handed over to the warrior’s father, but a Kamba was generally permitted to redeem his wife for nine head of cattle; this is said to have been the practice owing to the former friendship existing between the Kamba and the Kikuyu. This practice was broken later, because the Kamba always stole the wives of the Kikuyu. The Kamba is to this day an incorrigible wife stealer; the same cause led to his breaking friendship with the Masai and Galla, so the legend goes.

It is said that fights with the Kamba were more [[246]]frequent than with the Masai, and that they were much more feared because of the Kamba arrows, but nevertheless the Kikuyu declare that they penetrated as far as Mumoni, and that they also fought the Emberre. Gachii wa Kichara remembers that on one occasion the Kamba and Kikuyu joined to fight the Masai, but that the Kamba ran away, not because they were afraid of the Masai, but because they foresaw that they would have to fight the more numerous Kikuyu if they were to get any of the booty.

On the whole it would appear that the Kikuyu were no mean fighting tribe; they certainly inflicted very severe lessons on the Masai, and they gave us no little trouble in the early days. One can, however, scarcely imagine them to have been warlike judging from their present character, but the generation of warriors before our time have passed into elders, and the present warrior class has never known war; this class is also rapidly disappearing, and the young native now marries long before the time when wars and raids allowed them to do so in the past.

It is believed to be very lucky to meet a mole on the way to war; a warrior kills it with his spear and carries the skin on the point of it; this is supposed to bring him good fortune in the fight.

Before the Kikuyu went to war they used to sacrifice at the sacred trees in the usual way; the elders attended, but not the warriors; their weapons were not smeared with the sacrificial blood. If any of the warriors killed an enemy during the fighting, the elders who had conducted the sacrifice above mentioned shaved the heads of the warriors upon their return, took away the hair and hid it in the woods. They also smeared their faces with a line of ira, or white earth, and the spear which had done the killing was also smeared with ira. This white earth is generally used as a protecting agent against evil influences, in this case doubtless the spirits of the slaughtered foes.

If cattle were captured the captain of the warriors, as [[247]]soon as possible after the fight, would choose a fine bullock from the spoil and slaughter it as near as possible to the scene of the fighting. This was done as a thank-offering to the deity, Engai. The bullock should be a whole coloured beast, either black, white, or red, and not spotted or parti-coloured.

The elders who go to sacrifice and pray at the sacred tree before the fighting, and the captain of the warriors, eat the meat; the bulk of the fighting men do not participate. The hide of the bullock is left on the spot after the feast.

Peace Ceremonial (Kikuyu).—Seven elders from the clans or tribes at enmity each meet with a number of the warrior class, the different sides providing a ram or he-goat, which is slaughtered. An elder of one side then takes the intestines and cuts them with a razor and says: “Who breaks this peace may he be cut as this is cut.” An elder from the other side now takes the intestines from the animal provided by his side and goes through the same ceremonial. Both sides then eat the meat together.

In the days of the early travellers, some fifteen to twenty-five years ago, the Kikuyu were noted for their treachery; one day they would make peace with a caravan and the next day attack it. The elders were asked the reason of this, and whether they believed that peace deliberately broken would bring evil on the breakers of it; they said it was quite true that many had been guilty in this respect, but that the great famine of 1899, and the smallpox which followed it, had killed off all the guilty ones.

In former war-like times when a member of another tribe came to the village of an elder and wished to enter into brotherhood and settle among the tribe, the elder would summon his colleagues and kill a bullock. The stranger would be formally adorned with a bracelet made of the ox hide, and he would then be safe from harm. The meat was eaten by the assembled elders and the villagers. The elder then chose a daughter [[248]]for him to marry. If, for instance, the head of the village belonged to the Anjiru clan, the stranger became a Munjiru; and he also adopted the circumcision guild of his host. If, after this, anyone belonging to the tribe were to kill him, the murderer would have to pay a hundred goats and nine rams to his adopted father, nine rams for the elders and nine rams for his mother.

Peace Ceremonial, Ukamba (Kitui).—The elders of the vanquished side bring an ox, and the elders of the winning side bring a kithito. The elders of each side assemble in two groups in the centre, and the warriors are collected in two masses, one on either side of the area chosen for the ceremony. The kithito oath is then administered to the leaders of the two groups of fighting men.

They kill the ox, skin it, and cut the meat off the throat and also cut out a few of the vertebræ of the neck (ngata) and place them on the kithito. An iron arrow head is then produced and tied on to a shaft; it must be tied with the fibre from the lilambia bush, and a few thorns of the mulaa tree are also fastened to the arrow. A small bag is made from a piece of the small intestine of the ox and is filled with blood. The officiating elder then picks up the arrow and slits open this bag and allows the blood to drip on the neck-vertebræ and meat, which are placed on the kithito, and calls out to the assembly: “If anyone breaks this peace may he be slit as the mwethi wa kitutu.” The neck bones and meat are then left to be devoured by hyænas.

Before this, however, an oath is administered to each of the captains of the fighting; those who take the oath are naked; the right arm and right leg are smeared with ashes, and a bunch of leaves is fastened over the pubes. Each man takes a bundle of arrows in his right hand and swears by the kithito that he will never again fight the opposite party and that if any should come to his village they shall be received as friends; [[249]]the company of warriors assent to this and say, “If you break this oath may the kithito slay you.”

Blood Brotherhood (Ukamba of Kitui).—The two parties meet and a goat is killed; two pieces of the liver are taken and slightly fried on a fire. A small incision is then made in the right forearm, the chest, and the navel of each party, and a spot of the blood therefrom is smeared on the liver. The two pieces are then exchanged and eaten jointly.

This is a very sacred and lasting oath of friendship. If ever it is broken, the people are very shocked and Engai is believed to injure the village of the one who breaks it and probably both blood kin and stock will die.

It is often difficult to state with precision whether the high god or the ancestral spirits are meant when the term Engai is here used. In this case, however, the high god is probably referred to. And if the opinion be correct, it is a striking example of the belief in the concept of a personal God, who takes a continual and minute interest in the doings of His creatures. [[250]]

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CHAPTER V

MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

Adoption into a New Clan (Kikuyu).—This is a proceeding which sometimes takes place in Kikuyu, but which rarely comes to the notice of European observers. It is called njama ya ruoro kucharua, which means “the assembly or council of the knife to change,” and, expanded, means “the ceremonial gathering of the knife at which a man changes his clan.” The word ruoro means the knife used for branding cattle.

The candidate first makes an arrangement about the matter with the senior elder of the clan he wishes to enter; a day is fixed for the ceremony and the elder summons the other elders of his clan and the candidate brings his brothers. A number of elders belonging to other clans are also invited as witnesses.

The candidate presents a razor (ruenji), some castor oil, butter (ngoromo), and a ewe lamb (mwati) to the elders of the clan he wishes to join, and the elders of that clan provide a bullock. The bullock is slaughtered and the skin is dried, this being for the parties to sit on during the ceremony. The candidate and the senior elder of the clan he wishes to enter then sit on the bullock’s hide, and the elder’s senior wife comes and shaves both their heads. When this is completed, they anoint each other’s head with the castor oil and the butter. Each man collects and takes away the hair cut off and carefully hides it so that no evilly [[251]]disposed person shall pick it up and make medicine with it.

Henceforward the man is considered as adopted in the new clan, and his children belong to that clan. If he is a young man and wants a wife, the senior elder of his new clan will buy him one, and if he is killed in a tribal fight the elder claims the blood money.

If, after this ceremony, the elder was to commit adultery with the wife of the adopted man he would surely die.

If a daughter of the adopted man is married, the elder gets five goats from the bridal price received for the girl; these goats are called ugendi and possibly have reference to cases in which the elder has paid the bridal price for the wife of the adopted man.

A Kikuyu native does not, however, change his circumcision guild by entering a new clan.

Njama ya Kikende.—The ceremony of adoption is closely connected to a ceremony performed between great friends; this is a form of ceremonial brotherhood, but the man who makes the alliance does not change his clan, and if he is killed the blood money would go to his own clan. In this case the elder kills a ram or he-goat (thengi), which is skinned, and a piece of the skin of the chest is cut off, whilst another elder cuts out a bracelet of the skin and places it on the elder’s right wrist and on the wrist of the man who wishes to join in brotherhood with him.

The man who desires the brotherhood then presents a gourd of beer to the elder; the beer must be of two kinds, viz., sugar-cane and honey-beer mixed. The elder who cuts the bracelet also receives a gourd of beer from the man.

On Bee-Keeping.—The A-Kamba are great bee-keepers. When Europeans first visited the country they found the industry fully established; as at the present day, logs of wood were hollowed out and hung in trees for bees to hive in. They periodically collected the honey, brewed mead, and then threw [[252]]away the comb. The Government Officers have since taught them to boil down the wax into cakes which can be sold, and a large quantity is annually exported.

In Kitui when a man makes his first beehive he does not hang it in a tree himself, but gets his uncle to do so; he believes that if he omitted to do this the bees would not settle in it.

The owner of the beehive cannot cohabit with his wife until he sees that a swarm of bees has settled in the hive and is building there. Two nights after he is satisfied that this is the case, he may resume his marital relations.

If on his first visit of inspection he finds the hive occupied, he brews beer and pours some on the ground as a libation to the aiimu, or ancestral spirits.

In a season when there is a dearth of honey the owners of the hives go to the woods in which they have put their hives and sacrifice a goat; the meat is eaten, and the blood, mixed with beer, is poured on the ground as a propitiatory libation to the aiimu to secure a good honey crop. Among the Ulu A-Kamba the ceremonial varies and is apparently more elaborate.

When a man has hollowed out the log of wood which forms the beehive he takes a shaving or chip of the wood which is called ikavu, and gives it to his mother, who then cooks beans, pigeon peas and maize in a pot and places the chip, ikavu, in the fire under the pot to assist in cooking the food. If he has lost his mother the ikavu is given to his wife, who cooks the ceremonial meal.

When the food is boiled the villagers are summoned to eat it. The beehive is then hung in a tree, and when it is full the owner collects the honey and brings it to his village. Before the honey can be mixed with water to make beer or mead the owner of the hive must present his mother with some of the raw honey.

When the first brew of the mead is ready the father of the owner of the hive buys it for a goat, which may not be killed. On the second night after the purchase, [[253]]the parents of the owner of the hive must cohabit; this in speaking to each other they refer to as kuzya mbui, and if talking to another person, the term kulunga mbui is used.

They believe that the consumption of the beer and the succeeding ceremony ensures that the hive will always yield a good supply of honey, and that there will always be plenty of people to buy succeeding brews of mead made from the honey. The whole proceeding may therefore be considered as a magical fertility ceremony.

If a man has lost his own parents, he sells the first brew of mead to his uncle, presumably as head of the family.

Among the Dorobo hunting tribe of the Kikuyu escarpment when a man makes a new beehive, beer is made and the old men and women drink it before it is hung in a tree. They then ceremonially spit on the hive and next morning place it in a tree; the inside of a hive is also smeared with beeswax to attract the bees.

The first crop of honey out of a new hive is only eaten by the children of the village, or perhaps by very old women. The reason of this is said to be that if a young woman were to eat any and then misconduct herself with a man, the honey crop would be spoilt and the bees would not enter any of the hives hung up on that day.

It is a well-known fact the natives always mark their beehives before suspending them from the trees, and the marks are generally of two kinds, one being that of the clan and the other that of the owner. Mr A. C. Hollis states that on the Southern Aberdare Range in the bamboo forest between Karanja’s and Enjabini he saw two musaiti trees (camphor wood, Ocotea usambarensis) from which the Kikuyu make their honey barrels or beehives. Although still standing, they were both marked with the same designs one sees on beehives.

The trees, it would appear, are earmarked by certain [[254]]persons for the manufacture of beehives while still standing. Sketches of these marks are given below. At first sight it seems curious to put the clan mark on beehives, but the object is to warn a would-be thief that if he robs a hive he will have to reckon with the whole of the clan to which the owner belongs. Further, if a would-be thief found a hive belonging to his own clan he would be very unlikely to rob it, as he could always obtain honey or honey-beer from his blood kin.

[[255]]

Infectious Mania among the Kamba People.—In “Ethnology of A-Kamba,” p. 10, reference was made to a peculiar kind of infectious possession or mania which appears periodically in Ukamba country, and in 1906 many young people in Machakos district were seized with it at the sight of a European hat. In a few months, however, it passed away, but in 1911 a similar epidemic recurred. This took a different form, and was called Engai ya mweretu, or the spirit of the girl. The spirit of a girl who was said to have died mysteriously was supposed to enter into people in various parts of the district—generally old women—and speak. The whole district rapidly became disturbed; the spirit, through its oracles, demanded that bullocks should be slaughtered; the order was implicitly obeyed, for anyone who refused was supposed to be doomed. As a result, several thousand bullocks were slaughtered and consumed in a week or two. Great dances, at which the meat was eaten, were held. Very soon the oracles became seditious, and plans were being made for the abolition of European government and attack on the Government station. The whole thing was kept secret at first, but eventually it all came out and a company of troops had to be sent to the district to calm the excited people; the elders, who felt sore at the loss of so many cattle, rallied to the support of law and order and the country gradually regained a normal state.

The phenomenon is also known in Kitui, but is said to have been introduced from the Machakos district. Mr C. Dundas has investigated it in the former district and states that when people wish to misrepresent the nature of any dances held in this connection they refer to them as kilumi. Now kilumi is an old Kamba dance which is periodically performed at ithembo all over the country with the object of warding off epidemics, but the Engai dances are carried on at villages to cure an individual possessed by the form of mania known as Engai. Fez caps and [[256]]other unusual ornaments and clothing worn at Engai dances are not worn at kilumi dances. The word Engai appears to be loosely used in this connection, but this is possibly due to the fact that the individual organising the dance is supposed to be a person possessing occult powers, a person, in short, who knows the inner mysteries or who would not otherwise possess the “medicine” which is supposed to come from Engai.

As far as is known, this Engai possession appears to be almost entirely confined to women. A woman becomes mysteriously possessed; the medicine man cannot account for it. A woman who understands the affection is therefore called in and orders the appropriate dance to be performed. The performers become worked up and wildly excited, and many of them become affected and the disease spreads, although the afflicted person for whom the dance was convened may be cured. When the people are worked up to a pitch of frenzy, the leader of the dance then demands a bullock, beer, and a goat from the head elder, and these are consumed by the performers.

Women who organise these dances have been seen and interviewed by the writer and they generally appear to be stupid and half-witted, and one would not suspect that they were capable of influencing the people as they undoubtedly do. When they have worked themselves up into a kind of hypnotic state they may possibly be different. One great idea at these dances is that everyone must shake hands with the woman, and for this privilege she is given sixpence or more. The people believe that if this be omitted, they will be permanently afflicted with a spirit; they do not apparently mind temporary possession, but fear its becoming a permanency. The payments appear to be peculiar to Kitui.

The elders do not approve of these dances, but are generally too frightened to intervene. The reason of their disapproval is not far to seek; every woman who becomes possessed is told to demand something from [[257]]her husband or the mania will not leave her. The women generally ask for fez caps and clothes which are worn at subsequent dances; one elder told Mr Dundas that his wife had demanded the tails of ten white cows. They dress in white and red clothes, consisting of deep bands worn round the waists, and have fez caps on their heads and cows’ tails suspended from their arms. The women who conduct the ceremony are termed Siekitundumu; the meaning of kitundumu is thunder. One of the chants sung on such an occasion was translated as: “We have come from a comet and one day we will return there to stay with Siekitundumu.” When a woman shakes hands with the leader she is seized with a kind of convulsion and says, “I am Siekitundumu.” The speeches of the women appear to be devoid of meaning; they will attempt to use English words in particular, calling out “Yesu,” and So-and-so is said to be the children of “Yesu,” or one will be asked who she is and she will mention the name of some European or other. “Yesu”—Mr Dundas thinks—may be either a corruption of the English “Yes” or it may be a contraction of “Jesus” as pronounced by the German missionaries, or it may be a corrupt pronunciation of the Swahili word “kisu,” which means a knife, and which the A-Kamba are inclined to pronounce “kyesu.”

It is also said that those who participate in the dance must keep their eyes fixed on the ground; they are otherwise supposed to be liable to fly up to the heavens.

The woman called the Siekitundumu has a chondo (string bag) full of medicines carried in small gourds. No one may look at these magical properties without paying. The medicines are said to be made by a kind of ghoul who has only one hand and one leg and who lives above. These mysteries work the credulous and susceptible women into a state of frenzy, when they cease to be responsible for their actions. One chief, [[258]]with some pathos, stated that women who have been to one of these dances often go back home and beat their husbands.

The principal Siekitundumu in Kitui is said to be one Monge wa Muli. She and her husband assembled all the people at the village of the chief Muli and told them to collect food and other gifts. The elders had to pay a bull and a black goat. On a certain day the bull was killed and its blood poured into a large hole in the ground and mixed with meal, milk, and grain. Monge then announced that she would transfer the Engai to a particular village. She selected certain able-bodied women, who ran into the bush with a fowl, shouting that they were sending “Engai” to Muli’s village, the fowl being left in the bush. A few days later a woman in Muli’s village was, of course, seized with the Engai mania and the dance had to be performed there. Thus the affection is spread throughout the district. After a time, either the Government or the combined elders take steps to stop it by drastic measures and it dies down for a while, possibly for a year or two, but at any time it is liable to recur and it is then necessary for the administration to keep a sharp look out for its appearance.

The whole phenomenon rather reminds one of the ancient accounts of demoniacal possession. According to Goodrich Freer a peculiar kind of possession, called bonda, is said to attack women in Abyssinia. Here again all their demands for dress, food, and trifles of any sort must be strictly attended to. They sometimes mimic a hyæna.

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Sundry Beliefs

Slaughter of Pregnant Animals.—The A-Kamba may not wilfully kill an animal heavy with young when hunting, and certainly would not slaughter a domestic animal in this condition. Should, however, such an [[259]]animal happen to be killed by mistake, the uterus is opened to discover the sex of the fœtus. In cutting up the uterus the hunter will hold a few blades of grass in his hand, together with the knife, at the same time grasping the wrist of the hand holding the knife with the other hand. If there are two men, the second man will grasp the wrist of the other while he cuts open the uterus.

If the fœtus is male it is unlucky, and if female it is lucky. The killing of the mother in this condition must, however, have been done unwittingly.

This curious custom appears to be common to all the Kamba people.

Eclipses.—These are said to be the work of Engai (or the high god) and to be an omen of a sickness in the land. The head of each village has to take two children and a goat, which is lead round the outside of the village, and when it reaches the gate, an elder cuts a piece out of one ear and lets the animal return to the village. They then smear it with ia (Kamba) ira (Kikuyu), or white earth—on its face, along its stomach, and along its back to the tail.

Lunar Changes.—The Kikuyu people have no theories as to the nature of the sun or moon, but believe that the sun and moon are constantly at war with each other and that the moon is always beaten and driven away. After a time she regains her strength and returns to the fight.

Food (Kitui).—The Kamba of Kitui state that they cannot eat the meat of hyæna, jackal, serval cat, hunting dog, crocodile, snakes, kites, vultures, marabou stork, ducks, geese, crows, rats, or even eggs. A few will sometimes eat a little of the flesh of lions and leopards, probably on the grounds of sympathetic magic, i.e., with the idea of assimilating the strength and agility of these beasts. Baboon, monkey, and donkey meat are also eaten by some.

Food Ceremonial (Kikuyu).—If an ox is killed for a feast and a member of the same clan, who happens to [[260]]live at a distance, puts in an appearance, he must be given a piece of meat, although he cannot claim to share in the feast.

If an ox is killed on the occasion of a wedding, the members of the clan living in the neighbourhood are always invited to participate.

Women eat separately inside the huts and out of sight of the men, but can drink water or beer in the presence of men.

Small children naturally feed with their mothers, but once the boys are circumcised they no longer eat with women.

A curious custom was recently noticed during a journey among the Kikuyu. The desiccated carcase of a cow or ox was noticed in the branches of a tree by the roadside, a little distance from a village, and it appears that if cattle are lodged at the village of a friend and one should die, the owner is informed, and is asked to come over and see it and remove the meat. If for some reason or other he does not come the carcase is hoisted into a tree so that all may see it. The object of this is that people may know that the beast was not surreptitiously killed and eaten by the people of the village, and no claim can then be lodged against them by the owner.

Names Among the Kikuyu.—Every Kikuyu child receives two proper names. If a male, his first name is that of the paternal grandfather, thiga, and if a female that of the maternal grandmother, chuchu. In the case of a male the second name is that of the father.

In addition he generally receives another name at the time of circumcision; this is considered as a nickname, and generally refers to some peculiarity of character, habits, or physique.

For instance, a boy will be called kichuru because he was said to drink a large amount of gruel as a child. If the lobe of a man’s ear is broken he is called kachuru; if he happens to break a finger he is called kara. [[261]]

The names are derived from animals such as nugu—a baboon, njovu—an elephant, hiti—hyæna, ngui—a dog.

From names of natural objects, such as kamiti—trees, kegio—a wild hibiscus used by the Kikuyu for making fibre, higa—stone, meriwa—a thorn, wa-rui—a stream, kirima—a hill.

From names of weapons such as kitimu—a spear (used of a tall thin man), kahiu—a sword, njuguma—a club. [[262]]

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CHAPTER VI

LEGENDS

Legend of Kilui Lake (Kamba of Kibwezi).—A few miles below Kibwezi Station there is a small lake called Kilui which is believed to be haunted by numerous spirits. The author recently had occasion to visit the place and, seeing a crocodile, shot it; the crocodile was badly hit, but, as usual, managed to struggle back into the water. The Kamba porters were afterwards heard to say that it was a good thing that it was not killed as the master would have been taken sick and probably died. The local elders, however, were questioned on the subject later on, but denied that any evil effects were likely to supervene. They stated that the place was undoubtedly full of spirits, as a long time ago there was a large village on the site of the lake, and, one day, a terrible rain storm occurred during which a frog entered one of the huts; the housewife on seeing it told one of her children to throw it out, and this having been done, the frog then went to another hut where the same thing occurred, and so on at the third, but at the fourth hut the wife, however, said, “Oh, it is doing no harm, let it stay.” Thereupon the frog said to her, “You have given me shelter and so listen to my words—take your children and flee from this village without delay for it will disappear.” She had the sense to obey this wonderful warning and had only gone a short distance when the whole village sank below the water.

The place was also supposed to possess a large [[263]]sacred snake, and it is said that the manager of a neighbouring rubber plantation shot this reptile and cut down a sacred tree near by. This man having died of dysentery a few months later, the natives were convinced that his death was directly due to the ancestral spirits avenging such sacrilegious actions.

The Kibwezi River flows along an old valley carved through the metamorphic rocks, but in recent geological times a sheet of lava came down the valley from the Chyulu Mountains and choked its flow. It appears from under a lava-bed near the railway station and runs for about three-quarters of a mile, and then disappears entirely and reappears in three sources, joining up at Kilui Lake. The eruptions which caused this are of so recent a date that quite possibly the legend above narrated may be founded on fact and may contain some vestige of the record of an actual occurrence during the last phases of volcanic activity in this region.

In the author’s book on the A-Kamba, p. 167, mention was made of a haunted hill in the Kibwezi region; it is of volcanic origin, and is regarded with great awe by the people. It is called Chumbi and is situated near the south end of the Chyulu Range on the eastern side. There are two small hills, one being bush-covered, and the other so recent that no bush has yet taken root on it. It is said by some that the latter was only formed some fifty years ago. The people will only discuss it with those whom they know very intimately, but it is said that a rhythmic beat, attributed to the female spirits crushing corn in mortars and keeping time with each other, can be heard, as one approaches the place. If, however, a native could be persuaded to guide one there, it would be probably found that this rhythmic beat is due to the sound of a pulsating steam vent. It is also said that when an intruder approaches the hill a rushing wind comes and sweeps him up into the hill and he is never seen again. The first native [[264]]who told a European about this awesome place is said to have sickened and died shortly afterwards.

Legend Regarding Origin of Fire.—The Kikuyu have a curious folk tale concerning the origin of fire. This has now become merely a fairy-tale told to children.

A long time ago a man borrowed a spear, katimu, from a neighbour to kill a porcupine which was destroying his crops. He lay in wait in the field and eventually speared one, but it was only wounded and ran off with the spear in its body and disappeared down a burrow. He went to the owner and told him that the spear was lost, but the owner insisted on having it back. Whereupon, the man bought a new spear and offered it to the owner in place of the lost weapon, but the owner refused it and again insisted on the return of the original spear. The man then proceeded to crawl down the porcupine burrow, and having crawled a long way found himself eventually, to his surprise, in a place where many people were sitting about cooking food by a fire. They asked him what he wanted and he told them of his errand. They then invited him to stay and eat with them; he was afraid and said he could not stay as he must go back with the spear which he saw lying there. They made no effort to keep him, but told him to climb up the roots of a mugumu tree, which penetrated down into the cavern, and said that he would soon come out into the upper world. They gave him some fire to take back with him. So he took the spear and the fire and climbed out as he was told.

This is said to be the way fire came to man; before that people ate their food raw.

When the man reached his friends he returned the spear and said to the owner, “You have caused me a great deal of trouble to recover your spear, and if you want some of this fire which you see going away into smoke, you will have to climb up the smoke and get it back for me.” The owner of the spear tried and tried to climb the smoke but could not do it, and the elders [[265]]then came and intervened and said, “We will make the following arrangement: fire shall be for the use of all, and because you have brought it you shall be our chief.”

The underworld referred to in this tale is called Miri ya mikeongoi. [[266]]

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CHAPTER VII

DANCES

Kikuyu.—There are, according to trustworthy authorities, a large number of Kikuyu dances. It is difficult to give an exhaustive list of these, as it has been impossible to trace them all. The word ngoma (a dance, Swahili) has such a very wide meaning that it is difficult to say where dances begin or end.

A girl must not refuse to dance when called upon to do so by the anake (warrior class); if she does so she may be beaten by them and her parents cannot interfere. Generally, in such cases, a mwanake will deprive her of her ornaments and she cannot then dance until she gets them back. The mwanake who takes the ornaments cannot keep them, but must divide them with the other anake. If he breaks them he has to make uji (gruel) for the other anake; if he hurts the girl when taking her ornaments he has to pay a goat to the elders, but her parents get nothing.

The principal dances of the anake are connected with harvest and crops; the most important of these is the Kivata dance. In this only certain rikas, or age grades, may take part; at present only the rikas named Kincheku, Kamandu, Kanyeta, and Mutungu dance the Kivata, while the rikas of Sengenge, Matiha, Njarege, Kangei, and Makiomei are not allowed to join in. Formerly the junior rikas were not even permitted to look on, but now they do so and frequently try to take part in the same; which leads to fierce fights and not a [[267]]few deaths. The elders are therefore much against this dance, and have often forbidden it. Formerly if the elders wished to prohibit a dance they would go to a place where it was to be held, and lay a cooking pot on the ground; a branch of the mugere tree was stuck beside it, and the anake could not dance there unless they were returning from a raid on enemy’s country.

KIKUYU.

KIVATA DANCE AT KYAMBU.

This custom is still practised, for in Kyambu district a few years ago the elders for some reason wished to prevent a Kivata dance, and they resorted to the old rite.

Kivata is danced when the mawele grain is reaped. The dancers wear no clothes whatsoever; they are ornamented with a large inverted crown of ostrich feathers which is slung from the forehead to the back of the head. Strings of beads and bells are hung about the body, and plumes of colobus monkey fur are tied below the knees. In many cases the face is covered completely with yellow colouring, the loins being likewise adorned; others affect various colours in stripes and dots. The legs and arms are also coloured. The weapons carried are mostly swords and clubs; very few have spears, but the younger rikas, who look on, generally have spears. Their faces are often decorated with a broad red stripe drawn across the face and outlined with white dots.

The dancers march round in rows of from six to eight, the dancing consisting mainly in a continued jumping from one foot to the other. The women bring gourds of uji, or gruel, which they give to the dancers and thereby signify their affections. The dance is said to be a general occasion for choosing brides by old men as well as by anake.

Many of the onlookers (not the younger rikas) run madly round the whole circle, brandishing swords and leaping into the air. The name of the dance is said to be derived from this.

Even the old men who are spectators become [[268]]infected with the spirit of the dance, cast off their blankets and trot round the outside of the circle. In fact it appears to be essential to discard clothing, for if one omits to do so he is censured by his fellows. The women also follow the men with shrill cries, but otherwise they take no part.

At one of these dances several girls were noticed amusing themselves by a game exactly similar to one played by children in Europe, and which consists in clapping hands. This is called Amukiana.

When the njahe or cajanus bean is planted the Mugoyo is danced. This dance is held at night when there is no moon, and is one of the most picturesque dances of the country. A circle of fires is made and maintained by men appointed for the purpose, and round the outside of this circle stand the dancers. Richly smeared with red earth and fat as they are, the fire heightening the blaze of red, the whole scene is intensely bright in the darkness. The men stand with their backs to the fire, each holding his partner, who stands with her feet on his. Their faces and legs are slightly coloured, but the girls use no colouring beyond the red mixed with fat. Forming a diameter across the circle stands another row of dancers. The leader of the maribeta (song or verse) goes about and the rest join in the chorus. Excepting for a slight movement of the shoulders among the dancers the whole dance has an air of quietness which is presumably intentional. There are masters of ceremony who go about and check noisy persons, preserving general quiet and the regular formation of the circle. Their methods are simple and effective: two firebrands are struck together over offending couples, and a shower of sparks thus quickly calls them to order. All the men are naked but elaborately ornamented; unfortunately the vulgarity of civilisation too often mars the beauty of this picturesque scene. One smart youth has dangling on his back an advertisement for sardines, another a gaudy scriptural text, and others, similar cheap articles of [[269]]European origin. Occasionally the figure of the dance varies—the men turn facing the fire and bump up and down on their heels; another time they kneel joining hands on spears held horizontally which they sway to the rhythm of the song. The song is not startlingly comprehensible: “We went to Juja and saw a white ostrich, so we put its feathers on our heads,” and such like. The girls also join in the chorus, while the men now and again make a curious gulping sound produced from the throat. Finally at midnight, or later, the dance breaks up: each mwanake takes a firebrand, and the country is soon dotted in every direction with small spots of fire.

At such a dance a man was seen carrying a clay figure of the kind described by Mr Routledge. It was not, however, part of the ceremony, and the man who was carrying it in his hand was not dancing. This image is a common feature in dances, but its significance is not known even to the people themselves. Judging from Mr Routledge’s description, therefore, the figure must either have lost its meaning among the Kikuyu west of the Chania, or it must have acquired a new and increased significance in the Kenya area.

Another dance connected with the crops is Kichukia, which is held when the mawele is six to eight inches high. It is danced both at night when there is a moon, and in the daytime. The author has not seen this dance. It must not be confounded with Njukia, which is called thus because the girls do not choose the song. Both are danced by girls and anake together; the latter dance is held about the month of July, and in the morning only.

Muzogo.—This is also danced by anake and girls on dark nights by firelight, and is very similar to the Mugoyo both in name and character, but is danced when the maize is nearly ripe.

One of the most important dances for young men is Nguru. In 1912 it was held all over the district in the [[270]]month of September; it does not seem to be in any way connected with crops, but denotes rather a time of rest and leisure while there is no work in the field. It is danced by young men and boys only, but the latter are said to join merely for instruction; anyone may look on. The dance commences with a sort of “follow my leader” march, after which there is continued jumping up and down with great vigour, although the heels are not lifted off the ground. A continuous song is maintained by one man; there is no chorus. The dance somewhat resembles Kivata, but the body painting is much less profuse. No spears are carried, but among the people east of the Ruiru River it is customary to dance with shields, which, during the march, are held aloft over the head. Sticks with wisps of fur are carried. A curious feature is the wearing of skin apron flaps such as are worn by women; when the season for this dance is over these coverings are given to small girls to wear.

The main feature of this dance is the eating of meat by the dancers and elders. Everyone who dances must contribute to the cost of buying bulls to supply the meat which is eaten in common by the dancers at a hut built near a river. The dancing which takes place at different villages goes on day by day until the meat is finished; the bladders of the slaughtered beasts are very common articles of decoration in the dance. The elders, if they contribute, are given a share of the meat, which they eat apart from the young men. In the eastern part of Kikuyu meat-eating is not a part of the Nguru dance, but at the same time of the year several men, both old and young, club together and buy meat which is eaten at a common meal; this custom is called kiruga.

At this time people are supposed to lose strength, and therefore require good nourishing; this is said to be the reason for the custom. It appears, therefore, to be a general time for feasting all over Kikuyu. [[271]]

This dance is said by Mr Routledge to be one held by warriors before going to war, but this can hardly be so seeing that it is performed at a fixed season in the year. If it were so it must be a relic of a very old custom, when possibly the tribe had a favourite time for raiding.

There is thus a continual round of dances for the anake, and they continue for a fixed period. One should therefore be able to reckon the seasons by the dances, but as a matter of fact they may be very irregularly held. For instance in 1912 most of the dances, Kivata in particular, were quite out of season, and this was only owing to the previous heavy rains in which the people could not dance. The anake will, however, have their dances, and if the season is unsuitable they will dance it at another time. It is probable that the significance of the dance as connected with the crops is beginning to be lost. In this connection it is interesting to note that although there is a great difference in the seasons prevailing in the highlands and the lowlands, the dances are mostly held at the same period all along one ridge. It thus happens that the highlanders are often completely out of season in their dances. The fact is that the Fort Hall Kikuyu give the lead, and the dances spread westward so that the lowlanders even in Kyambu may not be dancing quite at the proper season. Fort Hall is, on the whole, the authority for the Kikuyu customs, whether because it is the birthplace of the tribe or not, one cannot say, but the lead given by Fort Hall is analogous to that given by Machakos to the Kamba of Kitui. These facts give a curious instance of how a custom may lose its meaning; we have here an example of a custom superseding its own origin.

The uncircumcised boys and girls are called irego. Their principal dance is Ngoisia. There is no particular season for this, and it is danced both in the daytime and at night; in the former case anyone may [[272]]watch it, but at night only the inmates of the village in which it is held may be present.

Before the circumcision feasts a dance called Kibuiya is danced by circumcised and uncircumcised boys. It is so called because of the buffalo horns worn by the boys, but this dance is now said to be practically extinct, mainly because they cannot get buffalo horns.

For women there are two dances which are:

Getiro—This is a marriage dance and is held first at the bride’s village and in the evening at the bridegroom’s village.

Ndumo—This is danced by women at the close of the Kikuyu year. It takes place in a village, but anyone may be present.

In Kikuyu the elders have only one dance, called Muthungwei, which they dance together with the women; its name is said to be derived from the nodding of the head in the dance. Only elders can dance it, and a woman cannot join unless her husband is entitled to dance. It is held in an open space outside a village.

Mr Routledge mentions three other dances, but he was probably misled by the words used. Two of these, Keoana and Kuinenera, are verbs meaning to dance or sing. The third, Ndorothi, is the name given to a stick carried by youths at circumcision feasts. It is topped with a tuft of colobus monkey fur and is carried until the evening before the ceremony. On that evening, all those about to be circumcised race to a mugumu tree and throw the Ndorothi sticks at the foot of the tree.

At the time of circumcision there is, again, the Mambura dance. The boys travel about the country, their bodies painted white, and wearing curious wooden shields on their arms above the elbow.

KIKUYU.

CIRCUMCISION SHIELD WITH ANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURES.

KIKUYU.

METHOD OF CARRYING THE CIRCUMCISION SHIELD.

Natives, of course, often sing either in chorus or singly, and at any time; such songs are also called ngoma. On one occasion the author met a man who [[273]]was a sort of primitive travelling minstrel. It was his vocation in life to go about the country singing songs, for which people gave him a few cents. The natives said that he was the only man known to do this, and he was therefore perhaps rather a freak. [[274]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER VIII

WOMEN AS A FACTOR IN TRIBAL ORGANISATION

Although far from negligible, the part played by women in the life of a savage tribe is very apt to be overlooked by a man. The reasons are obvious; the African woman is not obtrusive; she is perpetually busy, and one rarely comes into contact with her. Her inner thoughts and beliefs are a sealed book to the investigator, and one is at first inclined to believe that her influence is not worth consideration. The longer the experience, the more clearly one realises that this lack of information about the woman is one of the weak points of any inquiry.

Among the Kikuyu there is a council, or kiama, of old women in every district; they collect goats periodically and present them to the elders of ukuru, or priestly class. They occasionally fine troublesome women, and the fine, usually a goat, has to be obtained by the culprit either by extra work or by begging one from her father. The men fear the women’s kiama, as it is believed that the members of it have the power to bewitch people.

It is to be regretted that so little is known about the methods of initiation and the scope of their activities in this direction, but complete information could only be obtained by a female investigator who has exceptional opportunity and great sympathy.

The official recognition of the wife of a candidate for admission into the grade of ukuru among the Kikuyu has been described at another place. This is unusual in African ritual, but can readily be understood [[275]]when one learns that old women, past the child-bearing age, can participate in sacrificial ceremonies at the sacred trees. This is due to the fact that the growth of cereal and other vegetable food falls to the woman, and they alone are responsible for the food of the family.

This leads to great difficulty, as the women are intensely conservative, and when an energetic district officer wishes to improve the economic products of his district and distribute better seeds he is invariably up against the opposition of the women, which is very difficult to overcome. The woman knows by long experience that, given a certain area, a certain seed, and a certain rainfall she can feed the family, and one can understand that she should be loth to waste labour on experiments, the result of which is doubtful. This feeling is very deep-rooted, and consequently most difficult to overcome: the same obstacles are met with in connection with the introduction of big European hoes for agriculture. The African woman has for generations done her planting with either a digging stick or the small African hoe; the tiresome European comes along and worries the men to buy the big heavy hoe, and one can hear the annoyed woman inquiring of her husband why she is being bothered to give up the implement she has been brought up to use with one hand, for a strange thing which is more expensive and requires two hands. For all that, however, the European hoe is making good progress, and will eventually win. It is hoped that this, and the introduction of ox-drawn ploughs, will result in the male section of the population taking a more active part in agriculture, and alleviating the lot of the women. It is believed that if instructors could be detailed to travel about and demonstrate the benefits of utilising oxen to plough, women would soon champion the cause of progress.

The male African in his home life is not noted for persistent steady work; the women, on the other hand, [[276]]are never idle, and are withal cheerful and uncomplaining about their lot, and not nearly so down-trodden as some people believe. In most tribes they are well-treated; their lot among the Masai is probably harder than among agricultural tribes; the old women have to go on watch at night in the cattle kraal and often get beaten if they fall asleep. In Kavirondo, on the other hand, the mother of the head of the village is often the most important person in the village, and her opinion is generally sought even on political matters which lie outside the ordinary sphere of a woman’s influence; the affection of the Kavirondo for their mothers is, however, a very marked trait in their character. Among the A-Kamba the fact that manifestations from the spirit would nearly always come through the mouths of women undoubtedly proves that the sex plays an important part in the life of the people. The fact that in both Ukamba and Giriama old women have in recent years turned out to be at the bottom of serious political agitation also demonstrates this point. The influence of a woman over her children is the same all the world over, but owing to the long period of lactation prevalent in African society, and possibly among any polygamous community, the African mother might be expected to be more tied by her children than a European mother; such, however, is not the case, and the baby is taken everywhere with the mother—to market, to the field, out into the bush when firewood has to be gathered, and to the river or water-hole. The first separation is when the small boy first goes out to herd the goats; the small girl stays on with her mother and trots by her side and assists her in her various duties. This continues until the boy is promoted to herd cattle and then goes out into the wider world and comes into contact with civilising influences and European progress which cannot fail to enlarge his horizon and increase his knowledge of men and affairs. The girl, however, stays on with her mother in the narrow life of an African village. The difference of environment at [[277]]the formative stage of life is thus ever producing a great disparity between the mental development of the two sexes, and must, as time goes on, prove more and more a disturbing factor in tribal life.

Owing to the marriage value of girls their parents are loth to allow them to go far from home; the missionaries complain of this as one of their greatest difficulties. Boys can be attracted to the missions for instruction, but it is very difficult to induce parents to allow their daughters to go to school. The old women say that if they go to school their heads will be turned, that they will want to be fine ladies, as the saying goes, and will not take kindly to agriculture, the collection of firewood, and other household duties. There is probably a large amount of truth in the accusation, for education would undoubtedly open their eyes to the life of drudgery they lead; they would, as far as physical labour goes, have an easier time while at a mission, and would feel the return to a harder life. The whole question is a problem which time alone can solve, and a proper adjustment of the sphere of activity of the two sexes will take many years.

It may be of some interest to review the class of work which is the special duty of the women. Their primary duty may be said to be the raising of food, be it in the form of grain, beans, bananas, sweet potatoes, etc. They sow, they tend the fields during the growth of the crop, and then reap the grain, thresh it, store it, crush it in wooden mortars, and grind it into meal. In most tribes the clearing of the bush and the heavy work of breaking up new ground devolves on the men, and in Kavirondo the men assist to a great extent in actual agriculture. Where natives irrigate, this branch of agriculture is always in the hands of the men.

As the producers of food, it naturally becomes the duty of the women to make the supply of beer for the family. In Kikuyu young girls crush the sugar cane in mortars made out of a log of wood with round holes in [[278]]it, and they then squeeze out the sweet sap and brew the beer. They understand the art of malting grain and the manufacture of beer from cereals.

Having grown the food, the cooking of it naturally falls to them; they know the wild green herbs which are used as green food, particularly in times of scarcity, and the wild edible roots which are sought for at such periods.

The collection of firewood to cook the food and the transport of the water used also falls to the women.

The manufacture of the cooking pots and other household utensils is generally women’s work. In Uganda, however, it is as a rule done by men. Smith’s work is never done by women, this industry being a monopoly of man; there would be a prejudice against any arms or weapons made by women, and by analogy it is therefore believed that the persons who made the stone implements which we are beginning to find in Africa were men.

The collection of honey and the manipulation of bees is also never done by women.

The basket work used in the villages is almost always made by women, and also sleeping mats. The rule is, however, not invariable, for an old influential elder in Giriama was recently seen plaiting a mat, possibly because he was too infirm to do more active work. The string bags, singular, chondo, plural, vyondo, used by the A-Kamba are always made by the women.

Wood cutting or rude carpentry is the work of the men; if bedsteads are used they are made by the men, also the ornamental staves and stools so extensively used.

If skin garments are worn, the woman will bray the goat skins she wears and that in which she carries her child. When the men have not reached the blanket stage they usually go naked or wear an ox hide, and this they generally prepare themselves. [[279]]

Leather work for weapons is always done by the men.

In Uganda the bark cloth is made by men.

The bead work affected by some tribes is nearly always done by the women, but in Kikuyu a young dandy will often be seen sewing beads on to a bit of hide.

Metal work used as ornament is always done by the men; the beautiful iron chain work of Ukamba is man’s monopoly; any working in ivory, such as armlets, must be done by men.

Each wife in an African family usually has dedicated to her particular use a certain number of cattle; they are not her property, but she has the sole disposal of their milk for the use of her children. The adult A-Kamba and others also drink a considerable amount of curdled milk, and each wife keeps a supply for her husband and his friends.

To what extent women have assisted in the domestication of animals is now a matter of some conjecture, but there is little doubt that the men caught the animals, probably young ones, when out on hunting expeditions, and handed them over to the women to rear. It is noticeable that among African tribes a woman never owns live stock, and probably never did, even in matriarchal times.

The women are largely responsible for the handing on of the folk lore of a tribe and undoubtedly teach it to their children, as is done in Europe to-day. The men, however, often unconsciously help in this, for at a friendly beer-drinking gathering elders will recount folk tales, out of the stores of their experience, to the assembled company, and one tale will remind someone of another and he will try to cap the previous story by one more wonderful.

Women have done a good deal, however, for the development and blending of folk lore. In times past when inter-tribal conflict was common, women were frequently carried off and thus became incorporated [[280]]with another tribe; they carried their folk tales with them, and unconsciously the stories, as well as the blood of a tribe, became modified.

The influence of women in fixing a language must not be overlooked; the mother teaches it to her children, not actively perhaps, but the young child is in closest association with the mother and assimilates her speech, and, of course, captured women will, if in any number, bring foreign words with them, and may be instrumental in their general adoption.

European women may consider that none of her sisters, even in Africa, could willingly acquiesce in a polygamous life; such, however, is not the case. The burden of life falls heavily on the African woman, and she is, as a rule, only too pleased to welcome a new wife to share her burden of work.

Several cases have been observed of women worrying their husbands to take a second wife, and a senior wife will often lodge a new wife in her hut until she becomes settled down in the village and her own hut is ready. There are doubtless quarrels, but, on the whole, the family lives in amity and it is believed that jealousy in the European sense does not loom very large; fierce feeling is, however, sometimes aroused if a husband unfairly favours one wife in the allotment of cattle. [[281]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER IX

SOME GENERAL REMARKS

The writer’s main object has been to demonstrate the fact that the tribes under review possess a system of natural religion more elaborate than was hitherto suspected, and he must frankly admit that, although living for some years in close touch with these natives, he had no idea of the extent and variety of the ceremonial connected with the tabu beliefs, sacrifice, and other cognate branches of their beliefs. The light which the inquiry has thrown upon the complex nature of a native’s life is somewhat of a revelation. It should serve as a warning to rash reformers who consider that so-called pagan heathendom can be abolished by a stroke of the pen. This attitude should most certainly be avoided in Africa as much as in India. The beliefs of an African are as real to him as those of a Buddhist, although they may belong to different and more primitive plane of thought.

The influence of the spirits, or the belief in their influence which in fact comes to the same thing, is, as it were, the real key to a close understanding of the native mind.

The native mind is so permeated with these beliefs, and they consequently have such a profound effect on his actions that, until this point has been thoroughly grasped, we are bound to be perpetually brought face to face with absolute enigmas.

Progressive Europeans are at times apt to sneer at native beliefs and to feel very impatient with them; [[282]]there is no doubt that, generally speaking, these beliefs tend to check progress and development, as we understand them. Although this cannot be denied, we must not lose sight of the fact that, on the whole, they undoubtedly act as moral restraints and perform in very much the same way the functions which a dogmatic religion fulfils among people of a higher culture.

Even if Government formally abolished the ceremonial by legislation, the belief would not be affected one iota; each people has to reckon with its own gods, and before the indigenous religion is officially discountenanced, the ruling power must be sure that it has something better and equally suited to the native mind to put in the place of a faith it tries to displace. Otherwise materialism will result, and the effect of this negation of faith, and freedom from all moral restraint upon a savage would be most disastrous.

There is practical evidence of this in the criminal tendencies evinced by numbers of natives who have drifted into the up-country towns in British East Africa and cut themselves adrift from their tribal life. To what extent the progress of Christianity will supply discipline and fit the spiritual needs of a people at this stage of culture is not yet quite clear. While not opposing missionary effort, it would therefore appear to be imperative to study carefully their present beliefs and not give the impression of trying to crush them; at the same time, with the influence based on the knowledge acquired, the people could be gradually induced to give up any repugnant features and retain the better elements of their ritual.

It is not suggested that this is a policy of finality, but it is important at this juncture to avoid the spread of an impression that the Europeans have set out to crush the deep-seated and cherished natural religion which the natives now possess. The spread of an idea of this character will do as much as anything to alienate the sympathies of the blacks and may prove a cause of [[283]]serious antagonism. The need for higher philosophy will gradually spread, but let the craving come from within.

It is of great interest to note how readily the more intelligent elders respond to inquiry into their beliefs once they are convinced that it is undertaken in the proper spirit, and nothing convinces them so much of the bona fides of our administrative intentions as a sympathetic study of their customs and a demonstration of one’s knowledge of them.

It is therefore maintained that the study of these questions is not merely academic but one of the greatest practical value to the administrator, the missionary, and the colonist, as well as the student.

It is interesting to show how these questions may frequently affect the colonist. It is well known that the Kikuyu people form the bulk of the labour supply of the upland colonists in British East Africa, and complaints are often received from employers of its capricious nature. Upon investigation it was found that, apart from the natural ebb and flow of this supply, the charge of caprice was well founded, i.e., there were many cases of desertion, often without any suspicion of ill-treatment; further, in some cases it was discovered that this desertion was traceable to a belief on the part of the individual that it was necessary to go away to get dawa, which is the general local synonym for medicine, whether of the nature of drugs or magical in character. The question then arose as to why such frequent calls occurred, and it was a long time before a definite clue could be obtained, but the principles gradually unfolded and became clear and were found to rest on the necessity of obtaining ceremonial purification to free the individual from either a thahu or the impurity left by a death in the family, as has been described in this work. It is in fact difficult at first to believe how complex a native’s social life may be. It may not be immediately obvious how a knowledge of these beliefs can ameliorate the difficulty, but the [[284]]point is that if a man deserts without leave he breaks his contract of service and dare not venture back for a long time in case he should be identified and punished, whereas if he knows that his master understands his beliefs he will probably go and tell him and ask if he can go away for a day or so and carry out the necessary ceremonies, and will then usually come back. It may be a little tiresome to the master, but the better feeling and mutual confidence which is induced pays in every way. This is not mere theory, for the men who do get into close touch with their employees lose very few, and can generally get more men than they require. This is merely quoted as an example of the practical value of ethnological inquiry in daily life, which after all is not a bad working test.

The method employed in collecting the material has been to discuss the questions with as many responsible elders as possible, and compare and correct the statements so obtained. It has been a work of great interest, though often very tedious, but probably more tedious to the informer than to the recorder.

There is one warning which it is desired to impress upon persons living in the country and who have opportunities of research, and that is that the last word has not been said upon these questions, and it is hoped that these observations will only encourage further research and the keenest criticism. It must be remembered that very few of the ceremonials described in this book have been witnessed by Europeans, and if they have, they have not been observed and described by eyes trained to note the important features, and it may well happen that with the best intentions the elders may have from time to time omitted some point which, when accurately described, may throw a flood of light upon an apparently obscure point in the ritual. This is where the district officer and the missionary can, if they choose, play such an important part; we have many missionaries who possess a thorough knowledge of the [[285]]vernaculars of the tribes, and district officers who, if not such good linguists, are in intimate touch with these people; these men have many chances if they would only train themselves for the task. Up to the time of the war signs of a renaissance were not wanting, however, and administrative officers and others were yearly taking more and more scientific interest in their people, and one of the missionary societies, it is said, formed a committee for the study of native customs. It is to be feared that the war has indirectly checked this branch of scientific study, and the activities of many observers, who before its occurrence promised to develop a flair for this kind of research, have temporarily ceased. A very marked need at present is greater sympathetic appreciation from high quarters. Further, local assistance with regard to the publication of observations is essential. Few signs of such support are, however, visible at present in many of our colonies. Missionary endeavour in this field is particularly welcome, but if a word of advice will not be resented, these observers must realise the necessity of caution in collecting observations of pagan customs from persons who have been for some time in close contact with their teaching, which often has the effect of causing their pupils to ridicule time-honoured ceremonial. Moreover, missionaries are, as a rule, only in close touch with the rising generation who are not initiated in the procedure, and have little to do with the elders of the tribe. [[286]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER X

EAST AFRICA AFTER THE WAR

Although it may appear somewhat beyond the scope of the foregoing inquiry, which was mainly conducted before the war occurred to interrupt it, I consider that it may be of interest to examine the effect of the great world conflict on the native races, and to assess the present position with regard to black and white in that region.

The outbreak of war came as an unexpected shock to the natives as a whole. The up-country tribes had very little conception of the distinctions between the various white races, and were somewhat puzzled by the conflict. The coast people, who were in daily touch with Germans and Austrians, were a little clearer, but, of course, had no conception of the casus belli, and although they knew that the daily lives of the two sections were apart, yet they saw them mix at the clubs and never dreamt that Europeans among themselves ever resorted to arms. The internment of the enemy subjects in Mombasa was the first material sign, and it was hailed with acclamation by the Swahilis of Mombasa, who treasured up resentment at the arrogant behaviour of the Germans prior to the war. The conflict was therefore a great blow to the solidarity of the white race, but this effect was not immediately apparent.

On the whole the tribes behaved in an exemplary manner, but enemy agents produced some active unrest among a coast tribe which for some years past had been unfavourably disposed towards Government. [[287]]

Like most of our countrymen, the natives naturally had no conception of the magnitude of the struggle or its possible duration. They thought that it would be over in a few months, and responded with alacrity to calls for porters, and for recruits for the K.A.R. They also made no demur to the numerous restrictions which a war imposes on the people involved.

The war, however, dragged on year after year, the calls for labour became more and more insistent, the poor carriers suffered hardships and died in tens of thousands, from the diseases inseparable from a campaign in an unhealthy tropical region, dysentery and pneumonia being the two main causes of death.

In a campaign of this character, where troops of mixed races are employed, the close contact between black and white is an undesirable and unavoidable feature.

The black troops soon came to realise the physical disabilities of the Europeans and their vulnerability. They saw Europeans shot down and even bayoneted by enemy black soldiers, they realised that very few Europeans were crack shots, they noted the inferior marching capacity of the white man, his inability to find his way about in the bush unaccompanied by a native guide, and in some cases they even saw that the courage of the white was not greater than that of the black. After all this can it be wondered that the prestige of the white race has suffered in the war! Is it surprising that the attitude of many of the blacks to the white man has altered?

The black has always been quick to realise who is in authority and who is not, and will still accede outward respect to a representative of the Government, but that is not the test, and the real criterion is his attitude towards the ordinary farmer or settler; this has been considerably modified during the war, and it is doubtful if the old traditional wide respect of white by black can ever be entirely restored.

The might of the Government has been demonstrated [[288]]during the war to an unheard of extent, and to some extent Government has unconsciously traded on this impression, for it has boldly imposed restrictions on the black, and a degree of taxation which it would have hesitated to do before the war.

There are two schools of thought in existence regarding the governance of the black races in East Africa.

(1) This school claims to be progressive, and favours the abolition of tribal control by its indigenous constitution; it is opposed to chiefs, tribal law and customs, and is in favour of direct government by European magistrates and by police.

(2) The conservative school aims at retaining and strengthening the internal forces which control a tribe, at the same time promoting an evolution of the character of that control by inducing the native leaders to slough the more repugnant customs and beliefs.

The former scheme receives considerable support from the settler community on the grounds that it will result in the native, conjointly with themselves, playing a more active part in the development of Africa. It is also supported to some extent by the missionaries, who feel that the disintegration of the old order would afford them greater chances for their propaganda. At the same time the probable effect of the dissolution of tribal control is rarely realised. The nearest example of such emancipation can be observed in the larger towns, and here we have thousands of natives attracted to these places by the desire to earn money. They have no natural authorities in control, and although there are, of course, respectable members in these assemblages, taking it all round they are the biggest collection of native ruffians in the country, and are saturated with every vice. Consequently in spite of a concentration of magisterial and police control far in excess of anything in a native reserve, crime of every kind is rife, and they have become an increasing menace to the European residents. [[289]]

These town colonies of natives, it must be remembered, are products of our own creation, and do not argue well for native emancipation from their natural leaders.

The native system of government is admittedly faulty, not so much in design as in execution; this is partly due to the fact that the blood kin of a criminal will go to great lengths to shield him, and partly because chiefs and elders are often venial or amenable to threats or to fear of witchcraft.

Native custom has in recent years been purged of many of its repugnant features, and any that exist will steadily tend to disappear if intelligently approached by native commissioners who take the trouble to understand these customs and the motives behind them. Blind action in these matters is rarely effective.

If the present-day political shibboleth of “self-determination” is to be encouraged in Africa, the policy of disintegration of all native authority should be pursued. It is a sure prescription for the birth of a native party which will speedily demand equal electoral privileges with the Europeans; it will abolish tribal isolation and inter-tribal prejudice which has for long years been a safeguard against the combination of the black millions against the few white intruders from overseas. It will produce a receptive soil for educated blacks from other countries to propagate the doctrine of “Africa for the Africans.” In the event of a struggle, the European, having sole control of munitions, will not eventually be worsted, but he will not re-establish domination until much blood, both black and white, has been spilled, and both sides will emerge from the struggle with bitterness and distrust. The choice of a policy is therefore a vital matter to all, and the problem should be dispassionately considered.

After the Armistice large numbers of natives who had served in the King’s African Rifles were disbanded, and some people maintain that these men in future may [[290]]prove a menace owing to their knowledge of arms and their close acquaintance with European troops in the field. In Kenya there is, as far as I know, no signs of it, for they have no arms; they are moreover weary of war, and the majority have gone back to their reserves to spend their savings or invest them in wives. In Tanganyika a good many arms were secreted by deserters and picked up after engagements, and these may be used to some extent in attempts to settle inter-tribal feuds; there is, however, little fear of the concentration of any force in opposition to Government. In fact our rule is so mild compared with the German régime that when the internal prosperity of that country revives there is no reason to anticipate anything but peace for a long time to come. When one realises that over eight thousand official floggings per annum took place in German East Africa before the war, and in addition many thousands of unofficial floggings, no record of which was kept, the relief must be apparent to all. The Germans themselves must have realised that the flogging propensity had to be checked, for in 1912–1913 no fewer than one hundred and seven employers were convicted of assaulting their labourers. Needless to say, under British rule, flogging is only inflicted for a few extremely serious crimes.

It is, however, fruitless at this stage to dilate upon the differences between German and British rule; it is far more important to consider the factors on both sides that count in the present situation and to outline any obvious future dangers.

The question of religion is intimately connected with behaviour, and an attempt has been made in this work to show how closely interwoven with their life are the primitive beliefs of the people. In recent years, however, a new set of influences have arisen, viz., those of the Christian churches and also Mohammedanism.

The Christian missions are very varied; there are the Roman Catholic, and Church of England faiths, [[291]]Methodists, Seventh Day Adventists, also a loosely knit group of nonconformist type known as the Inland African Mission and others.

To obviate undue competition in any particular area, Government has in Kenya Colony agreed to spheres of influence being arranged between the various mission groups, and withholds approval of the establishment of a new mission too near an already established rival. The only argument in favour of this practice is expediency, for on ethical grounds the State has no right to decide that the people of any particular area shall only have ready access to the doctrines of any particular church.

The Roman Catholic missions, as is often the case, have acquired more land than any other religious body, and there is a marked tendency on their part to attempt to set up imperia in imperio on their estates on the plea of internal discipline, thus usurping to some extent the rights of government. It will be remembered that in the early days in Uganda this led to armed struggles between Catholics and Protestants: such, however, are unlikely to recur under modern conditions.

The Catholics have perhaps more than any other mission suffered from shortness of funds since the expulsion of the religious orders from France, and up country in Africa they generally endeavour to grow coffee or some other crop to help to support the mission; such efforts are praiseworthy and useful in the educational sense. They are a great contrast, for instance, to the neglected estate of the C.M.S. at Freretown.

The missionaries, taking it all round, have in spite of unrivalled facilities contributed but little to our knowledge of the country; but they have, it is true, recorded the construction of various native languages. With one notable exception in Uganda, who, in spite of discouragement from his fellows, persisted in his researches, no missionary in East Africa has thrown much light on the ethnology of the natives; it is said that they have been inclined to consider researches of [[292]]this nature as somewhat irreligious, but this view has, it is believed, died away.

Upon the plea of combating the spread of Mohammedanism, the missions have, except at the coast, declined to teach the Swahili language, which is the lingua franca of East Central Africa, and have perpetuated and are still endeavouring to perpetuate a host of tribal languages, which, although interesting as linguistic curiosities, prove a barrier to civilisation and progress. It may be, of course, that English will on this account come into general use quicker, but that result, if it comes, will not be due to the missions.

The main qualification for a missionary in Africa appears to be what they term “earnestness,” but it is to be feared that the possession of this admirable trait is an inadequate equipment for the task of regenerating the black. It is to be regretted that there are not a greater percentage of scholarly men with liberal ideas among their numbers. It is not to be inferred that such men are absent; it would, however, be invidious to mention names; there is a leaven of men of wide vision, and the missionaries as a whole afford examples of purity of life which cannot fail to have a good moral effect.

This short review of the missionary position may seem beside the point, but the character of the influences which affect the native are of no little importance.

The missions all claim to play a great part in the education of the natives, and the local government has, through paucity of funds, found it convenient to acquiesce in this claim, and to a great extent leaves native education to mission effort. The results leave much to be desired, and naturally the primary mission ideal of education is to impart to the native a sufficient knowledge of reading and writing to enable him to read such portion of the scriptures as have been translated into the vernacular of the tribe.

Very few missionaries understand the philosophy of education; very few even have much knowledge of [[293]]educational method. As a brilliant educationalist has written, “the function of education is to foster growth”—the aim of the teacher should be “the development of the latent powers of his pupil, the unfolding of the latent life.”

Are the blacks in Kenya Colony receiving an education of this nature? The answer is, it is feared, generally in the negative. Now the character of the education of the black is going to have a profound effect on his future and also on the relations of black and white. This is a truism, and as Dudley Kidd has so forcibly put it, “The problem is the progress of a backward race, and we allow inefficient teachers, whose only qualification for the difficult work is their own kind hearts, to form the character of the rising generation and to complicate our difficulties—has any State the right to allow unqualified people to intensify national problems in this gratuitous fashion?”

It is not to be inferred that missionary educational effort is mischievous. Far from it; but it is narrow in its outlook, it is not based on any sound foundation, and it does very little to develop latent powers.

The colonists do not, as a rule, favour literary education, but clamour mainly for industrial education. There is a germ of truth in this opinion, but a sense of proportion must be exercised or the industrial market may be flooded with artisans of mediocre efficiency far in excess of the demand. The great rôle of the African in the future must be, as it has been in the past, the cultivation of the soil. Improve his agricultural methods and teach him to extract more food per acre to feed the future increase of the native population and still have something to sell.

Mohammedanism needs a reference, for it is a factor of no mean importance in Africa. Some students of extreme views picture the growth of a pan-Islamic spirit which will bind all the blacks against the Europeans; and missionary publications often refer to this as an imminent danger possibly with the object [[294]]of eliciting financial support for Christian propaganda. The writer has no such fears. Mohammedanism is spreading to a limited extent in East Africa, but there is little religious fervour behind it, and it is difficult to see how it can ever become more than a veneer with the up-country tribes, for it is certain that they will never learn Arabic in order to be able to enjoy the Koran.

Among the up-country people who come into intimate contact with Mohammedan life, such as those who come to coast towns to work, it is readily embraced, for it becomes the religion of the cooking pot. The Swahilis and such like are hospitable folk, but may not eat with unbelievers, and it is therefore very expedient for an up-country stranger to become nominally a Mohammedan, for he may then dip his finger in the food bowl with his hosts.

Apart from this, however, there is no doubt that the easy doctrines of Islam appeal to the African; they are suited to his temperament, and more important still, Islamism is not looked upon as an alien religion, for although the Arabs are few, the Swahilis, who form the greater number of the followers of Islam in the country, are only Africans who are a little more civilised and better clothed than their cousins from up-country, while Christianity is always associated with the coming of the Europeans and with their domination of the country.

Although for many reasons Mohammedanism appears more suited to the black than Christianity—it is a ceremonial religion and it moreover countenances polygamy—nevertheless, it is inadvisable that the State should in any way foster its progress in our African colonies, for it contains many dangerous elements. The Mohammedanism of East Africa is a mild variety, but there is much inflammable material lying about in the Mohammedan world, and it might at any time be blown over to that area. Mohammedanism, too, has a reactionary influence; it stunts cultural development and it appears to be insusceptible to internal evolution. [[295]]

On these grounds it would appear expedient that the bias of the State should be in favour of the eventual spread of Christianity, for it is a religion of a higher ethical type. It is the religion of the Western world, and although its spiritual progress has been hampered by an extraordinary mass of mediaeval accretions in the shape of dogma, ritual and such like, there are signs that it is endeavouring to eliminate non-essentials and adjust itself to the plane of modern thought. The progress is slow but it has to such a great extent lost its authority and its influence over the people as a mass, that if it wishes to survive it must adjust itself to the age it serves and endeavour to carry mankind a step further in the way of spiritual evolution. As for faith, faith is common to and alike in all religions—faith is the vital spark without which no religion can live or can ever become a vital force—be it a highly developed creed of the West or a lowly primitive type such as we have been considering. Faith evades all logic, and even the higher criticism of advanced clerics leaves it untouched.

During recent years the rapid internal development of East Africa has produced an acute situation with regard to native labour, and although, owing to the present economic depression, this is relieved for the moment, it is bound to recur as trade improves and production increases. The supply of labour has vastly increased during the last ten years, but up to the outbreak of war the amount but rarely kept pace with the demand, and the loss of native life during the German East campaign was so heavy that if the pre-war demand had been maintained there would have been a general shortage; a few years of restricted demand will therefore give a little breathing space, and a number of youths who were not old enough for military service will become old enough to go out and seek work.

Among a certain section of people in England whose knowledge of the colonies is somewhat vague, and whose outlook is tinged with sentimental philanthropy, [[296]]the employment of blacks as agricultural labourers or industrial workers by British colonists is looked upon with suspicion and as being little removed from slavery. It is apparently based on the belief that such labour is forcibly seized, badly treated and paid only a nominal wage. Ill-informed criticism is generally faulty, and in the present instance it is particularly so. Twenty years ago the up-country natives were, generally speaking, reluctant to work for private Europeans or for Government, except occasionally to carry loads; as settlement, however, proceeded the demand for farm labour arose, the needs of the native gradually increased, and a few rupees had annually to be earned to pay the hut tax; as these stimuli became felt, so native labour gradually became available. Every year up to the war the supply increased, and more and more natives became accustomed to the idea of working for wages several months in the year. Is this desirable, and if so, why? In the old days, before European occupation of the country, the able-bodied male population had to be always ready to repel raids or participate in raids, and in times of peace its main duty was the herding and guarding of the tribal cattle. The danger of attack ceased with the advent of settled government, and if the younger men of the tribe do not go out to work, they spend the bulk of their time loafing from village to village attending beer feasts and philandering with the young girls; for tribal custom insists that the bulk of the agricultural work shall as formerly be done by the woman.

The elders do not approve of the present habits of the youths, but unfortunately under our rule the bonds of tribal discipline have been relaxed. If this is fully realised it will readily be seen that the absence of a considerable portion of these young men for a part of each year is beneficial to the good order of a native reserve; they are under discipline when working, they learn something, and come back to their villages with money which enriches the tribe. [[297]]

On the majority of plantations and farms the natives are well treated, and it is the duty of Government to see that they are well housed, well fed, and that any grievances are speedily redressed; inspectors periodically visit employees for this purpose. Ill treatment has occurred from time to time, and isolated cases of brutality on the part of employers have unfortunately happened and have been punished by the courts. Such cases should, however, not be allowed to cloud our vision or distort our sense of proportion any more than the occurrence of a few cases of cruelty to children in England.

As regards wages, the rates are such that have naturally grown up in the country with due regard to the cost of food, the usual village diet of the labourer, and the cost of his simple clothing. It must also be borne in mind that the output of an African is very minute compared with a European, and the supervision required is vastly greater.

A recent petition to the home government headed by prelates, labour representatives, and various well-meaning people took rather an extreme view, and urged the adoption of a policy entirely native in its outlook, and one which would result in crushing European endeavour in this part of Africa.

One important plank in the policy was the foundation of native industries in the reserves, and so forth. Every well-wisher of the native wishes to see progress in the reserves, but intimate knowledge of the cultural plane of the aboriginal population causes one to realise clearly how easy it is to formulate dicta in London, and how difficult it is to carry them out in Africa.

The individual planting of agricultural products in reserves by the medium of the African hoe, and the labour of the African woman, is an uneconomical form of production, and once the food supply of the tribe is assured, the surplus enriches the Indian middle man more than the native. Long established custom rules that the agricultural work in a tribe shall be carried out [[298]]by the women, and no ordinance will force the young men to relieve the women of this duty if they do not desire to do so.

Native progress proceeds slowly, and the stimulus for acceleration must come from within if it is to be permanent.

Then again with regard to native industries—conditions of life can be gradually improved, and the people can be taught to build better houses, and to use furniture. The majority, however, cannot afford such luxuries, and are contented with their own mode of life; their idea of saving money being to provide the means to buy live stock, the possession of which is essential for wife purchase.

The renaissance again must come from within. It will come gradually, but not nearly so soon as our benevolent friends hope and desire.

To sum up this brief survey of a complex question, it is desired to impress upon all that the future of the African native and the nature of his relations with the white race will not be decided by the academic recommendations of any body in England. The utmost that philanthropically minded opinion can demand is a high ethical standard in native administration, and the safeguarding by government of native land rights. Further, the well-meaning people at home must trust their own people in Africa, trust to the growth of a tolerant and humane local view of the relationship of black and white. There is no reason to believe that this spirit will not reach as high a level in East Africa as it has done in other parts of our Empire.

Further, as Lord Buxton recently remarked in an address on native problems, and referring to the government of the Union of South Africa and Rhodesia: “Especially do they resent criticism when those who criticise put on a self-righteous air and assume that they and their associates alone have the welfare of the native at heart, and imply that those [[299]]who differ are actuated by obstinate or unworthy motives.”

The main points in native policy which long experience of Africa suggest may be stated as follows:

(1) The old tribal discipline and organisation is in danger of dissolution; it rarely rested on very firm foundations, for the authorities were weak; it should receive most careful review by experienced men of knowledge and sympathy, tribe by tribe. The situation is at present drifting, and neither black nor white can see whither.

There is one thing, however, which is obvious, and that is that the new generation of native leaders should be educated by Government to fit them for their duties. Such a step would be widely appreciated and might do a great deal to avert future danger. Their education should, above all, concern itself with the formation of character and the development of responsibility; education seems to so rarely provide the African with these essentials, in fact their vital importance seems to be often overlooked.

(2) The taxation collected from natives by the State for general purposes should be low, and any addition to the standard tax which may be collectable as the wealth of the natives increases should be devoted to specific objects, such as native education, the development of the reserves and such like. The natives should clearly understand this, and it would do a great deal to improve the relations of the Government with the native, for there is at present a well-founded belief in the native mind that they are periodically called upon to pay more and at the same time get but little return for their money; confidence in Government has perceptibly lessened in the last few years.

(3) The excessive infantile mortality in native reserves should receive specific attention, and also the checking of disease generally. On economic grounds [[300]]alone, epidemics among the native population are far more important than those among cattle; it is feared, however, that up to now they have not received as much attention, and the reason is not far to seek.

Effective measures will entail the training of a considerable staff of native subordinate medical staff who should be distributed throughout the reserves, each group being under a European medical officer.

(4) As has been previously stated, the more dangerous elements of the native population are in the towns; for it is there that the restraining influence of the chiefs and elders is absent, it is there that crime is more prevalent, it is there that undesirable political movements are bred and where more educated material can be found; a fertile soil for the seditious seed of the Asiatic agitation. Common sense therefore suggests that special efforts be made to reach these mixed assemblages of native life by the provision of suitable educational facilities and by the provision of healthy amusement and entertainment, by evening lectures in subjects both interesting and instructive, by an amusing and healthy native press.

Needless to say, better housing in town locations is an important matter if these people are to be taught to live decent, respectable lives; baths and places for washing clothes are also essential for health and well-being.

(5) Abrupt interference with native customs and tribal laws is to be deprecated; much of the old codes is good, and undesirable features can, with the consent of the people, gradually be eliminated, if the guiding hand applies his reforming touch with judgment; and this brings us to the necessity for the careful selection of administrative officers and the importance of these being trained in ethnological method, for no man can reform and develop a system of which he is not qualified to judge. [[301]]

Greater knowledge of native psychology will help to maintain the paternal relations which should exist between the natives of a district and their commissioner, and to which the most successful native administrators in the past owe their success.

(6) Education. This is essential, but, as has been explained, matters are not satisfactory at present, nor will they improve much until Government takes it over into its own hands, and it should begin by the formation of a well-equipped normal school wherein a large staff of native teachers should be trained by a picked European staff.

A boarding school should also be founded in each province where an effective industrial training can be given to a number of picked youths, and in conjunction with a sound rudimentary education.

The African is a receptive person, but has little persistence, and is apt to become weary before he is efficient. There are altogether too many young men about with a mere smattering of education which is nothing more than a surface veneer, and is often used as an excuse for escaping manual labour; this spirit needs to be vigorously combated. Very few natives leave the mission schools with anything more than this surface veneer of education, the outward sign of which is a passion for khaki coats, boots, collars and ties, and in this way they ape the European. This may appear ridiculous at present, but there is one thing certain and that is that a renaissance has now begun, and we must in the future be prepared for curious manifestations of the aspiration for self-realisation on the part of the African. The true art of government, therefore, will be to utilise with wisdom any real signs of their desire to rise to a higher cultural and social plane. The way will not be easy, but much can be attained by wide sympathy and by knowledge of the psychology of the subject.

It must never be forgotten that in a colony of the East African type the European colonist and the [[302]]native are interdependent. Due consideration and justice for the backward partner must be the keynote of the native policy, for a contented, friendly black population will connote a healthy and prosperous white community. [[303]]

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