13. WASHINGTON RESIGNS HIS COMMISSION.

And there was still one further duty obligatory upon Washington—one act more, and his earthly glory was consummated—to give back the commission which for eight years he had held, and which, had he been actuated by the ambition of Alexander, Cæsar, or Napoleon, he might have employed to ascend a throne. To the fulfillment of this last and highest duty he now addressed himself. Leaving New York, he repaired to Annapolis, in Maryland, where congress was in session, and, on the 20th of December, informed that body of his intention, and requested a day to be assigned for the performance of the duty.

"To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be offered at a public audience on the following Tuesday at twelve o'clock.

"When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to recall the various interesting scenes which had passed, since the commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators, and several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor of congress. The members remained seated and covered. The spectators were standing and uncovered. The general was introduced by the secretary, and conducted to a chair. After a short pause, the president informed him that 'The United States, in congress assembled, were prepared to receive his communications.' With native dignity, improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general rose, and delivered the following address:

"'Mr. President: The great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"'Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven.

"'The successful termination of the war, has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest.

"'While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible that the choice of confidential officers to compose my family, should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress.

"'I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping.

"'Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.'"

Here, advancing to the chair, he delivered his commission to the president, who in turn addressed him, and in conclusion said:

"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you, we address to him our earnest prayers, that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be happy as they have been illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give."

The great act was now accomplished: Washington retired, greater, nobler in the estimation of his countrymen than ever; and followed by their love, esteem, and admiration, he once more took up his abode in the quiet and peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, happier in the consciousness of a disinterested patriotism, than if, as the reward of his toils, he had attained the proudest diadem on earth.

[XIV. NAVAL OPERATIONS.]

State of Naval Affairs of the Colonies at the commencement of the Revolution—First Naval Engagement—Measures adopted by Congress to provide a Naval Armament—Naval Officers appointed—Vessels built—Flag adopted—Success of American Privateering—Distinguished Naval Officers—General character of Naval Commanders—Particular Engagements—Randolph and Yarmouth—Raleigh and Druid—Submarine Warfare—Le Bon Homme Richard and Serapis—Trumbull and Watt—Alliance, Atalanta, and Trepassey—Congress and Savage.

Having given some account of the military land operations, during the Revolutionary struggle, it belongs to this place to speak of the operations of the American marine, during the same period.

The colonies were poorly prepared, in respect to the organization of an army, or the supply of munitions of war, at the commencement of the contest. The preparations for the struggle on the ocean were, as might be believed, still more limited. But few, even of the maritime colonies, had turned their attention to a naval force as among the means of defence. Indeed, although the storm had for some years been gathering, and, to men of forecast, the day of open rupture was likely to arrive, yet, at length, it broke upon the country suddenly. Besides, maritime preparations for such a contest long beforehand would have been difficult, if not impossible. Every measure having such an object in view would have been regarded with jealousy, and have brought down the wrath of the mother-country at a still earlier period than it came. Moreover, the colonies had no general congress till 1774, and when first convened, and until hostilities had actually commenced, the object of that body was rather to obtain a redress of grievances, and thus prevent war, than by strong and threatening measures, to hasten an event which all regarded as a general calamity. In addition to these considerations, in view of the magnitude and power of the British navy, it was not probably seriously contemplated, in case of hostilities, that the scene of successful action could be on the ocean, but only on the land.

No sooner, however, had the struggle actually commenced, than many of the brave and enterprising commercial and sea-faring men, began to look with wishful eyes towards an element which promised, if not honor in competing with the navy of Great Britain, at least wealth by cruising against her commerce. At this early period, the seamen of the the colonies were at home on the deep. They were then, as now, bold, hardy, and adventurous; and had orders of capture been issued at an earlier day, it is probable that the commerce of England would have suffered a signal interruption and loss.

While the limits of this work forbid a minute history of the rise, progress, and success of the American navy, provincial and continental, during the Revolutionary contest, such notices are subjoined in relation thereto, as will give the reader an impression of the efforts and prowess of the Americans, in despite of the obstacles against which they had to contend.

The news of the battle of Lexington reached Machias, in Maine, on Saturday, the 9th of May, 1775, and there, as well as in other parts of the country, roused the indignation of the inhabitants. At this time, there was lying in that port a British armed schooner, called the Margaretta, convoy to two sloops which were loading with lumber in behalf of his majesty's government. Immediately a plan was devised to seize the officers of the schooner, while in church the next day. The scheme, however, failed; Captain Moore and his officers being enabled to escape through the windows of the church, and effecting their retreat to the schooner. Immediately she was got under way, and, dropping down the river, cast anchor in the bay.

The next morning possession was taken of one of the sloops, and with a volunteer corps of thirty men on board, sail was made upon her, in quest of the fugitive schooner.

First Naval Engagement of the Revolution.

At this time, Captain Moore was ignorant of the commencement of hostilities, and wishing therefore to avoid a collision, weighed anchor on the appearance of the sloop, and stood out to sea. Chase was given, and the sloop being the better sailer, at length came up with the schooner. The latter was armed with four light guns, and fourteen swivels. With these a fire was opened, and a man killed on board the sloop. The latter returned the fire from a wall piece, which, besides clearing the quarter-deck, killed the helmsman of the schooner. A further short conflict ensued, when, by the broaching to of the schooner, the vessels came in contact; upon which, the Americans boarded her, and took her into port. Twenty men on both sides were killed and wounded. Among the former was Captain Moore. Such was the first naval engagement in the war of the Revolution. It was wholly a private adventure—an enterprise on the part of a party banded together in a moment of excitement, and successful with fearful chances against them, only through their superior bravery.

Before the subject of a naval armament was entertained by congress, three of the colonies—Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut—had provided each two vessels, fitted, armed, and equipped, without the orders or advice of congress. The precise time when these vessels were ordered by these colonies cannot, perhaps, be satisfactorily fixed at this distant period.

Mr. Austin, in his life of the late vice-president Gerry, accords to that gentleman the honor of having first made the proposal in the provincial assembly of Massachusetts for appointing a committee to prepare a law to encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to establish a court for the trial and condemnation of prizes. "The law reported by this committee," remarks the biographer, "was passed by the provincial congress November 10th, 1775, and is the first actual avowal of offensive hostility against the mother-country, which is to be found in the annals of the Revolution. It is not the less worthy of consideration as the first effort to establish an American naval armament."

It is certain, however, that previous to the above action of the Massachusetts provincial assembly, but in no respect derogating from her honor, congress had had the subject of armed vessels before them, and had adopted resolutions ordering vessels of a certain description to be provided.

The following extracts from the journal of congress for 1775, exhibit the first action of that body on the subject of a navy: Friday, September 22, 1775, congress appointed a committee to take into consideration the state of the trade of America. Thursday, October 5, 1775, Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed, to prepare a plan for intercepting two vessels which are on their way to Canada, laden with arms and powder; and that the committee proceed on this business immediately.

Silas Deane.

Pursuant to this resolve, the committee, consisting of Silas Deane, John Langdon, and John Adams, reported that a letter be sent to General Washington, advising him of the sailing of two brigs from England to Quebec, with military stores; and authorizing him to request of the council of Massachusetts any two armed vessels in their service, and dispatch the same to intercept said brigs and cargoes. Also, that the governors of Rhode Island and Connecticut be requested to dispatch, the former one or both of the armed vessels belonging to that colony, and the latter the largest vessel in the service of the colony of Connecticut, on the same enterprise. This report was accepted, and the resolution was adopted.

The preceding measures in respect to a naval movement, were soon followed by others on a more enlarged scale, and looking still further into the future. Several vessels were ordered, by sundry resolves, to be fitted out at the expense of congress—and among them was one able to carry fourteen guns, one twenty, and a third not to exceed thirty-six guns. In November, privateering was authorized, and rules adopted for the navy. In the following month, a resolve was adopted for the building of thirteen ships—five of thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four.

Thus it appears that in 1775, congress authorized a regular marine, consisting of seventeen cruisers, varying in force from ten to thirty-six guns. These vessels were to be built in the four colonies of New England, in New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The following is a list of their names and respective rates, as well as of the colony where each was to be built, viz:

Washington,32 gunsPennsylvania.
Raleigh,32 ——New Hampshire.
Hancock,32 ——Massachusetts.
Randolph,32 ——Pennsylvania.
Warren,32 ——Rhode Island.
Maryland,28 ——Virginia.
Trumbull,28 ——Connecticut
Effingham,28 ——Pennsylvania.
Congress,28 ——New York.
Providence,28 ——Rhode Island.
Boston,24 ——Massachusetts.
Montgomery,24 ——New York.
Delaware,24 ——Pennsylvania.

Such was the commencement of the American navy.

Ezekiel Hopkins was placed at the head of the navy, with the title of "commander-in-chief," thus giving him, in respect to the navy, a rank corresponding to the rank of Washington in the army. Among the seamen, his usual appellation was "commodore;" but not unfrequently he was styled "admiral." His pay was one hundred and twenty-five dollars a-month. Other officers for the navy were appointed from time to time, as the exigencies of the service required. Originally, congress left the rank of the several officers to be regulated by those who were actually in command; but this gave rise to discontent and dispute; whereupon, in 1776, congress decided the rank of the several captains. They ranked as follows:

1. James Nicholson,
2. John Manly,
3. Hector McNiel,
4. Dudley Saltonstall,
5. Nicholas Biddle,
6. Thomas Thompson,
7. John Barry,
8. Thomas Read,
9. Thomas Grennall,
10. Charles Alexander,
11. Lambert Wickes,
12. Abraham Whipple,
13. John B. Hopkins,
14. John Hodge,
15. William Hallock,
16. Hoysted Hacker,
17. Isaiah Robinson,
18. John Paul Jones,
19. James Josiah,
20. Elisha Hinman,
21. Joseph Olney,
22. James Robinson,
23. John Young,
24. Elisha Warner.

The arrangement of rank of inferior officers was assigned to the marine committee.

Commodore Hopkins continued to act as commander-in-chief till January 2d, 1777, when, by a vote of congress, he was dismissed from the service, for not performing the duties on which he had been sent with a fleet to the South. From this date, Captain Nicholson became the senior officer of the navy, though only with the rank of captain.

The foregoing general view of the proceedings of congress in relation to the provision and equipment of a naval armament for the Revolutionary contest, must suffice. Had their various resolutions been fully carried into effect, more important results might have been expected from this source of opposition to Great Britain. But the want of funds, but much more the want of materials for the final equipment of vessels which had been launched—such as guns, anchors, rigging, &c.—in some instances retarded, and in others prevented the completion of vessels which had been ordered, and which the exigencies of the country so much required.

By the act of October, 1775, thirteen frigates were ordered to be built. Of these, the Raleigh was laid down in New Hampshire, and in sixty days was launched. But the want of materials for equipment for some time delayed her completion.

The Hancock and Boston were built in Massachusetts, and entered the service.

The Warren and Providence were constructed in Rhode Island, but were the most indifferent of the thirteen.

The Congress and Montgomery, ordered to be built in New York, never reached the mouth of the Hudson, being obliged to be burned in 1777, to prevent their falling into the hands of the British.

The Maryland, constructed in Virginia, was completed, and took her place in the service.

The Randolph, the Washington, the Delaware, and the Effingham were allotted to Pennsylvania. The first of these was launched in 1776, and sailed on her first cruise early in 1777. The Delaware was equipped, but is supposed to have fallen into the hands of the British at the time they took possession of Philadelphia. The Washington and the Effingham were burned by the British in 1778.

"Thus, of the thirteen vessels from which so much was expected, but six got to sea at all in the service in which they were built. To these were added, in the course of the war, a few other frigates, some permanently and some only for single cruises. Of the former class, were the Deane, (Hague,) Alliance, Confederacy, and Queen of France. It is believed that these four ships, added to the thirteen ordered by the law of 1775, and the Alfred and Columbus, will comprise all the frigate-built vessels that properly belonged to the marine of the country during the war of the Revolution. The French vessels that composed most of the squadron of Paul Jones were lent for the occasion, and we hear no more of the Pallas after the cruise had ended. She reverted to her original owners."

During the progress of the war, quite a number of sloops of war and other vessels were employed by congress, and some by the commissioners in France. But a complete catalogue of these, it is now impossible to give.

At the commencement of the Revolution, the flag used on board of some ships, bore a device, representing a pine-tree with a rattle-snake coiled at the root, and ready to strike, with the appropriate motto, "Don't tread on me." Some privateers showed flags with devices upon them after the fancy of their captains or owners; others adopted the arms of the colony from which they sailed, or by whose authority they cruised. In 1777, congress adopted the present national colors.

Many of the officers of the navy were high-spirited and intelligent men. Not a few of the commanders of privateers—and the ocean soon swarmed with them—were distinguished for their nautical skill, and were possessed of as noble and generous impulses as ever actuated the human bosom. None at the present day can adequately realize the obstacles which, at that early period, were to be overcome. Vessels of war were not in existence; even vessels originally adapted for cruising were not numerous. Besides, not only was the government poor, but the fortunes of individuals bore no comparison to some at the present day. And, moreover, the principal theatre of the war was designed from the beginning to be on the land. But the maritime spirit was by no means to be restrained. A writer somewhere remarks, that the conflict between Great Britain and her oppressed and despised colonies had not continued a twelvemonth, when the coasts of the former country were harassed and agitated by the audacity and enterprise of the American cruisers. Insurance in England rose to an unprecedented height. Ship-owners were afraid to trust their vessels abroad; and few indeed did venture, unless they were protected by a convoy. England was made to feel, few and ill-equipped as were the American vessels, compared with her numerous and well-furnished navy, that a nation thoroughly imbued with the love of maritime adventure, was not to be despised, though she were distant and poor.

It is remarked by Mr. Hinton that, "in the course of three years, the Americans had taken more than double the number of their own guns from the enemy, besides a great number of merchantmen of value. More than eight hundred guns had been taken from the enemy during this time by the marine which congress had fitted out; while that of Massachusetts and of the other states were equally successful. The vessels taken by the public and private armed vessels, from the battle of Lexington to the 17th of March, 1776, when the British evacuated Boston, amounted to thirty-four, of considerable size and value, with excellent cargoes. The tonnage of these captured vessels amounted to three thousand six hundred and forty-five tons. In 1776, the British vessels captured by the private armed vessels alone, amounted to the great number of three hundred and forty-two, of which forty-four were rëtaken, eighteen released, and five burned. In the following year, 1777, the success of our privateers was still greater. Vessels were captured to the amount of four hundred and twenty-one. The success continued without any great diminution until 1780. At this time, the British merchants made so strong an appeal to their government, that they provided a convoy for every fleet of merchant vessels to every part of the globe. Out of the fleet sailing from England to the West Indies, consisting of two hundred in number, in the year 1777, one hundred and thirty-seven were taken by our privateers; and from a fleet from Ireland to the West Indies of sixty sail, thirty-five were taken. Taking the years 1775, 6, 7, 8, and 9, say for the first year, thirty-four; second, three hundred and forty-two; third, four hundred and twenty-one; and for the fourth, which has not been accurately given, I believe, in any work, say, and this within bounds, two hundred; and, for the fifth, the same, two hundred; and allowing but one hundred for the balance of the time during the war, will make twelve hundred and ninety-seven, without including those taken by public vessels from 1776 to the close of the war; and this latter number, if it could be precisely given, would add greatly to the list of captures."

The naval names, that have descended to us from this war with the greatest reputation, are those of Manly, Mugford, Jones, Barry, Barney, Waters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle, Hopkins, Robinson, Wickes, Rathburne, and Hacket. Besides these, there were many others, either in the service of one of the state sovereignties, at that time, or of congress, who were equally worthy of notice, but who have been neglected, because they were only commanders of privateers.

It cannot be doubted that, considering the great number of privateers that swarmed upon the ocean during the war, there were sometimes cruelties practiced, and scenes enacted, disgraceful to the perpetrators. The contrary was not to be expected. But generally, the commanders of these privateers were men of principle and humanity. Indeed, instances of the most magnanimous conduct among them might be given. In several cases of capture, when they understood that the owners were friendly to the cause of America, both the vessel and the crew were suffered to depart without losing a particle of property. And still further, the officers of vessels, captured by privateers, as well as by public armed ships, were never deprived of their baggage, and often not of their adventures, when they had any.

From the preceding account of the capture of British vessels, during the Revolution, by American privateers and regular ships of war, it can easily be credited that the ocean must have been the scene of many thrilling and adventurous exploits. The American seamen were fired with a patriotism, not less pure and impulsive than the soldiers on the land. But the story of their bravery, the hardships they endured, the zeal and courage with which they fought, unlike that of their compatriots, were left in a great measure unrecorded; or, if noticed in the papers of the day, were told without those circumstantial details, from which the chief interest of a naval engagement often arises. Some privateersmen probably had not the ability to draw up such accounts, and others who had, not being obliged to report to the government an account of their engagements, lacked the inclination, amid the stirring scenes in which they were engaged. Hence, but few well-authenticated and circumstantial accounts of the operations of this species of force have descended to the present time.

The records of engagements by the regular marine are more abundant, but far from being as copious and circumstantial as those of the American navy, during the late war with Great Britain. Enough of interest, however, exists and more than sufficient for the space which we can allow to the subject. Indeed, we must leave unnoticed several as full of interest and as evincive of prowess, as those which find a place in this volume.