AARON BURR AND GEORGE CLINTON, VICE-PRESIDENTS.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
James Madison,Virginia,March 5,1801,Secretary of State.
Samuel Dexter,Massachusetts,(continued in office),Secretaries of Treasury.
Albert Gallatin,Pennsylvania,January 26,1802,
Henry Dearborn,Massachusetts,March 5,1801,Secretary of War.
Benjamin Stoddert,Maryland,(continued in office),Secretaries of the Navy.
Robert Smith,Maryland,January 26,1802,
Joseph Habersham,Georgia,(continued in office),Postmasters General.
Gideon Granger,Connecticut,January 26,1802,
Levi Lincoln,Massachusetts,March 5,1801,Attorneys General.
John Breckenridge,Kentucky,December 23,1805,
Cæsar A. RodneyDelaware,January 20,1807,
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Nathaniel Macon,North Carolina,Seventh Congress,1801.
Joseph B. Varnum,Massachusetts,Eighth   do.1803.
Nathaniel Macon,North Carolina,Ninth     do.1805.
Joseph B. Varnum,Massachusetts,Tenth    do.1807.

Mr. Jefferson was inducted into office, with the usual imposing ceremonies, on the 4th of March, 1801; on which occasion, deviating from the example of his predecessors, he transmitted to congress a written message, instead of delivering a speech in person—a practice which has been followed by his successors in the presidential chair, without an exception.

This message was a remarkable document, inasmuch as it set forth the "essential principles" of our government in the narrowest compass, and with great clearness and precision of language. These were, "Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments, in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government, in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation."

The leading events in the presidential career of Mr. Jefferson, will require us to notice the—

Purchase of Louisiana.Attack on the Chesapeake.
War with Tripoli.British Orders in Council.
Murder of Hamilton.Milan Decree.
Rëelection of Jefferson.Embargo.
Conspiracy and Trial of Burr.Election of Mr. Madison.
Difficulties between France and England.

Purchase of Louisiana.—By the treaty of 1783, the Mississippi was made the western boundary of the United States, from its source to the thirty-first degree of latitude, and following this line to the St. Mary's. By a treaty of the same date, the Floridas were ceded to Spain, without any specific boundaries. This omission led to a controversy between the United States and Spain, which nearly terminated in hostilities. By a treaty with Spain, however, in 1795, boundary lines were amicably settled, and New Orleans was granted to American citizens as a place of deposit for their effects for three years and longer, unless some other place of equal importance should be assigned. No other place being assigned within that time, New Orleans continued to be used as before.

In 1800, a secret treaty was signed at Paris, by the plenipotentiaries of France and Spain, by which Louisiana was guarantied to France, and, in 1801, the cession was actually made. At the same time, the Spanish intendant of Louisiana was instructed to make arrangements to deliver the country to the French commissioners. Upon receiving intelligence of this intended transfer, great sensibility prevailed in congress, and a proposition was made to occupy the place by force; but, after an animated discussion, the project was relinquished, and negotiations with France were commenced by Mr. Jefferson, for the purchase of the whole country of Louisiana, which ended in an agreement to that effect, signed at Paris, April 30th, 1803, by which the United States were to pay to France fifteen millions of dollars. Early in December, 1803, the commissioners of Spain delivered possession to France; and, on the 20th of the same month, the authorities of France duly transferred the country to the United States.

War with Tripoli.—In his message to Congress, in 1801, Mr. Jefferson spoke of the relations of the United States with all nations as pacific, except with Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states. This power had made demands, the most unjust, upon the American government, and had threatened war, because that government had failed to comply with those demands before a given day. Thus threatened, the president had sent out Commodore Dale with a squadron of two ships and a sloop-of-war, to blockade the harbor of Tripoli, by which piratical cruisers should be prevented from making depredations upon American commerce.

In 1803, it became necessary to add to this Mediterranean force. Accordingly, a squadron of seven sail was ordered, of which Commodore Preble was put in command. In October, the frigate Philadelphia, forty-four, Captain Bainbridge, while in eager pursuit of a small vessel, grounded in the harbor of Tripoli, and, in this situation, was compelled to surrender. The officers became prisoners, and the crew slaves. In this emergency, Stephen Decatur, then a lieutenant under Commodore Preble, proposed a plan for rëcapturing or destroying the Philadelphia. The American squadron was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably to the plan proposed, Lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, four guns and seventy-five men, proceeded, under the escort of the Syren, Captain Stewart, to the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within half gun-shot of the bashaw's castle, and was guarded by several cruisers and gun-boats. The Intrepid entered the harbor alone, about eight o'clock in the evening, and succeeded in getting near the Philadelphia, between ten and eleven o'clock, without having awakened suspicion of her hostile designs. This vessel had been captured from the Tripolitans, and, assuming on this occasion her former national appearance, was permitted to warp alongside. The moment the vessel came in contact, Decatur and his followers leaped on board, and soon overwhelmed the crew. Twenty Tripolitans were killed. All the surrounding batteries being opened upon the Philadelphia, she was immediately set on fire; when, a favoring breeze springing up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey, and sailed triumphantly out of the harbor.

In July, 1804, Commodore Preble having concentrated his forces before Tripoli, opened a tremendous fire of shot and shells, which was as promptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and shipping. At the same time, two divisions of gun-boats—the first under the command of Captain Somers, the second under Lieutenant Stephen Decatur—advanced against those of the enemy.

Lieutenant Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior force, soon carried her by boarding; when, taking his prize in tow, he grappled with another, and, in like manner, transferred the fight to the enemy's deck. In the fierce encounter which followed this second attack, Lieutenant Decatur, having broken his sword, closed with the Turkish commander, and, both falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal wound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was raising his dirk to plunge it into his breast. Lieutenant Trippe, of Lieutenant Decatur's squadron, had boarded a third large gun-boat, with only one midshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and left him to wage the unequal fight of eleven against thirty-six. Courage and resolution, however, obliged the numerous foe to yield, with the loss of fourteen killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre wounds, and had three of his party wounded, but none killed.

On the 4th of September, Commodore Preble determined to send a fire-ship into the enemy's harbor. For this service, the Intrepid was fitted out, being filled with powder, shells, and other combustible materials. Captain Somers conducted the enterprise, having for his associates Lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel, all volunteers. At eight o'clock in the evening, she stood into the harbor, with a moderate breeze. Several shots were fired at her from the batteries. She had nearly gained her place of destination, when she exploded, without having made any of the signals, previously concerted, to show that the crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful catastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to the most dreadful anxiety.

Doubt, however, was at length turned into certainty. She had prematurely blown up, destroying one of the enemy's gun-boats, and shattering several others. Commodore Preble, in his account, says, that he was led to believe that those boats were detached from the enemy's flotilla to intercept the ketch, and, without suspecting her character, had suddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers and the heroes of his party, observing the other three boats surrounding them, and no prospect of escape, determined to put a match to the train leading directly to the magazine; and, he adds, that his "conjectures respecting this affair are founded on a resolution which Captain Somers and Lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed, never to be taken by the enemy, and never to suffer him to get possession of the powder on board the Intrepid."

The reigning bashaw of Tripoli, at this time, was an usurper, while the lawful one and an older brother, Hamet Caramelli, was at Tunis in exile. At the commencement of the war, William Eaton, then American consul at Tunis, becoming acquainted with Hamet, concerted an expedition to expel the usurper, and restore the rightful heir to the throne. To such an enterprise, the sanction of the American government being necessary, General Eaton repaired to the United States, and laid his plan before our government; but they, thinking the scheme altogether too romantic, yet not wishing wholly to discourage it, made him agent for the government; he sailed with the fleet for the Mediterranean, and proceeding to Alexandria, prevailed on the viceroy of Egypt to suffer him to have an interview with the exiled bey. They met near Grand Cairo, and entered into a convention for the purpose of attacking Tripoli. Eaton was to be commander-in-chief of the land forces. Their army consisted of a few American sailors, a small company of artillery, a few straggling Greeks, the servants of Hamet Bashaw, and some camel-drivers. With this motley band, Eaton dashed across the desert in the most noble style, fearless of all difficulties. Here he was joined by a few Arabian cavalry, and, after suffering every hardship, arising from hunger and a scorching sun, the party reached Bomba, where they found the Argus and Hornet, under the command of Captain Hull. The army, of nearly four hundred, continued their march to Derne. On the 25th of April, 1804, they encamped on an eminence which commanded the place, and forthwith demanded a surrender. The inhabitants of Derne treated the summons with contempt. A furious assault was the consequence, and the place was carried after a short but desperate action.

Unfortunately for Eaton's projects, at this time he received intelligence that the American commissioners in the fleet had made peace with the bashaw then in power. It was stipulated, that Eaton should evacuate Derne, and repair to the fleet; and that a mutual delivery of prisoners should take place, among whom was Captain Bainbridge, with the officers and crew of the Philadelphia; and, as the bashaw had a balance of more than two hundred prisoners in his favor, he was to receive sixty thousand dollars. Hamet Bashaw accompanied Eaton to the United States, with a few of his followers, while the remainder of the army fled to the mountains. The commissioners acknowledged that Eaton's success prepared the way for the treaty of peace. Moreover, the president of the United States, in a message to congress, spoke highly of his services; and the citizens every where hailed him as worthy of a place in the lists of chivalry; but, during his after-life, he ever felt that injustice was done him by his countrymen, although Massachusetts made him a grant of ten thousand acres of land as a reward for his services.

Murder of Hamilton.—On the 12th of July, 1804, General Alexander Hamilton died in the city of New York, in consequence of a wound received the day previous, in a duel fought by him with Aaron Burr.

In February, 1804, Colonel Burr was nominated as a candidate for the office of governor of New York. Judge Morgan Lewis was the opposing and successful candidate. The contest was violent, and even "acrimonious." The majority of the democratic party supported Judge Lewis; a respectable minority favored the election of Colonel Burr. Similar divisions existed among the federal party. Hamilton and his immediate political friends were strong in their opposition to Burr. In the contest, the press was enlisted. Violent, and even libellous articles, were daily published. In the progress of this warfare, a letter, written by Dr. Charles D. Cooper to Colonel Burr, was published, in which, among other matters, there occurred the following clause: "I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion, which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr."

At the request of Colonel Burr, Judge Van Ness called upon General Hamilton, and demanded an explanation. A few days following, the latter replied by letter, in which, after expressing his embarrassment in attempting to meet a charge so indefinite, he said: "I stand ready to avow or disavow, promptly and explicitly, any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared of any gentleman. More than this cannot fitly be expected from me; and, especially, it cannot be reasonably asked that I shall enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague as that you have adopted. I trust, on reflection, you will see the matter in the same light with me."

Colonel Burr was not satisfied, and from this date, June 20th, the correspondence, thus begun, was continued to the 3d of July, when it was definitely arranged that a meeting should take place between them on the morning of the 11th, at Weehawk, on the Jersey shore, at seven o'clock A. M.

That meeting took place. They fought at ten paces distance. The fire of Colonel Burr took effect, and General Hamilton fell. The ball passed through the liver and diaphragm, and lodged in the vertebra. From the first, it was apparent that the wound was mortal, and of this, Hamilton was sensible. On the day following, he expired.

The seconds in this most unfortunate and criminal affair were Mr. Pendleton, the friend of Mr. Hamilton, and Judge Van Ness, the friend of Burr. By the former, it was claimed that General Hamilton did not fire first, nor at all at Colonel Burr. Several circumstances corroborated this statement. In a paper, left by Hamilton, in anticipation of his interview with Burr, he writes: "I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thought of even reserving my second fire, and thus give a double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and reflect." Dr. Hosack, his attendant physician on the ground, accompanied him on his return across the Hudson to New York. On their way, Hamilton, observing the pistol which he had used lying in the boat, said: "Take care of that pistol; it is undischarged, and still cocked; it may go off, and do harm. Pendleton knows that I did not intend to fire at him." "Yes," said Pendleton; "I have already made Dr. Hosack acquainted with your determination."

It may be further added, and to the dishonor of Hamilton it should be added—and perhaps as a solemn dissuasive against a practice at war with reason, revelation, and all the dear and important relations of life—that he accepted the challenge, and repaired to that duelling-ground, contrary to the convictions of conscience and duty. In the paper already alluded to, he writes: "My religious and moral principles are strongly opposed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow-creature in a private combat forbidden by the laws."—In an interview with him, a few hours before he expired, and as he was about to part with him, the late Dr. Mason said to him, "I have one request to make." He asked "what it was?" The doctor replied, that "whatever might be the issue of his affliction, he would give his testimony against the practice of duelling."—"I will," said he; "I have done it. If that"—evidently anticipating the event—"if that be the issue, you will find it in writing. If it please God that I recover, I shall do it in a manner which will effectually put me out of its reach in future."

Nothing scarcely could exceed the indignation of the public against the murderer of Hamilton. From that fatal hour, he was shunned by all classes, and for years roamed abroad, a fugitive from the land in which he was once honored. Forgetting all party distinctions and animosities, the people in various parts of the land united in demonstrations of respect for the memory of Hamilton, and sincere sorrow at his untimely fall. Next to Washington, no man was, perhaps, more respected; nor since the departure of the Father of his country to another world, was the loss of one more deeply or widely deplored.

Hamilton had occupied a conspicuous place for years in the army and under the government. In the former capacity, he had stood by the side of Washington. He loved military life, and, as a soldier and a patriot, deserved well of his country. From his views on several subjects connected with the organization of the government, and especially the management of the finances of the country, many dissented. Yet, it cannot be denied, that the policy he advised, resulted in the prosperity of the country. He was a strong partisan in his time, and tenacious of his opinions. There were contemporary with him others of a similar stamp, yet widely different from him in their political views.

But, aside from his political career, Hamilton was a distinguished man—possessed of a lofty and comprehensive mind. At the bar, with men of learning and experience, he was, perhaps, without a rival. "His eloquence combined the nervousness and copious elegance of the Greek and Roman schools."

It was truthfully said of him, what was beautifully said of another:

"Incorrupta fides—nudaque veritas,
Quando ullum inveniet parem?
Multis ille quidem flebilis occidit."

Rëelection of Mr. Jefferson.—In 1805, Mr. Jefferson was elected a second time to the office of president. The electoral votes were one hundred and seventy-six, of which he received one hundred and sixty-two. George Clinton was chosen vice-president. The following is the official canvass of the votes:

Key: A.Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia.
B.C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina.
C.George Clinton, of New York.
D.Rufus King, of New York.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.PRESIDENT.VICE-PRESIDENT.
A.B.C.D.
7New Hampshire,77
19Massachusetts,1919
4Rhode Island,44
9Connecticut,99
6Vermont,66
19New York,1919
8New Jersey,88
20Pennsylvania,2020
3Delaware,33
11Maryland,9292
24Virginia,2424
14North Carolina,1414
10South Carolina,1010
6Georgia,66
5Tennessee,55
8Kentucky,88
3Ohio,33
176Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 891621416214

Conspiracy and Trial of Burr.—In the spring of 1807, Colonel Aaron Burr was arrested on the Tombigbee river, Mississippi territory, on a charge of treason against the United States; and was conveyed to Richmond, Virginia, for trial. Other arrests were made of persons supposed to be concerned with him in his treasonable scheme—among them were Generals Adair and Dayton, Blannerhasset, Swartwout, Alexander, Smith, Bollman, Ogden, &c. Burr and Blannerhasset alone were brought to trial. The trial of the former took place in May, 1807, before the circuit court of the United States, Judge Marshall presiding. No indictment was found by the grand jury until the 25th of June, when two bills were presented against Burr—one for treason, the other for a misdemeanor. On the 30th of June, he was committed to the penitentiary for safe keeping until the 3d day of August. From the 5th until the 17th of August, the court was engaged in obtaining a jury and discussing points of law. On that day, the treason case was opened, and an examination of witnesses on the part of the government commenced. On the 1st of September, the case was given to the jury, and as no overt act was proved against Colonel Burr to sustain the charge of treason committed within the state of Virginia, the jury rendered a verdict of "Not guilty."

On the 9th of September, a jury was empaneled to try Colonel Burr on the indictment for misdemeanor, which consisted of seven counts; the substance of which was, that Aaron Burr did set on foot a military enterprise, to be carried on against the territory of a foreign prince, viz: the province of Mexico, which was within the territory of the king of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace. After proceeding in the trial at some length, the district attorney himself moved that the jury should be discharged—the evidence of the guilt of the accused not appearing, sufficient. To a discharge of the jury without the rendition of a verdict, Burr objected; whereupon the jury retired, and soon returned with a verdict of "Not guilty."

The distinguished talents of Colonel Burr, his well-known cunning and intrigue, and the eminent station he had occupied in the United States, together with the grave charges against him of a contemplated dismemberment of the Union, with other projects—all combined to attach interest and importance to his trial. In his message to congress, developing the designs of Burr, as the government understood them, President Jefferson accused him of designing to revolutionize the territory west of the Alleganies, and of establishing an independent government, of which New Orleans was to be the capital, and himself the chief. In addition to this project, Colonel Burr, it was alleged, had formed another, which, in case of the failure of the first, might be carried on independent of it, viz: an attack on Mexico, and an establishment of an empire there. To serve as a pretext for all his preparations, and an allurement for such followers as really wished to acquire settlements in that country, it was stated that a third object was provided—the settlement of the pretended purchase of a tract of land on the Washita, claimed by a Baron Bastrop.

Such were the plans of Burr, according to intelligence communicated from time to time to the government of the United States. On the belief of the guilt of Burr, or through utter hostility to him, Jefferson acted; and with an evident design to prevent his escape, he succeeded in procuring the passage of a bill in the senate for suspending the writ of habeas corpus; but it was rejected by the house, by the strong vote of one hundred and thirteen to nineteen.

Burr, to his dying day, denied any intention of dismembering the Union; but avowed the projects which did not involve the charge of treason. "In his latter days," says his biographer, "Colonel Burr had no longer any motive for concealment; nor did he evince the least desire to suppress the facts in relation to any of his acts, even where the promulgation of those facts was calculated to effect his moral character. According to his representation, repeated at a time, and under circumstances the most solemn and impressive, (Burr at this time was expected to survive but a short time,) his views were twofold, viz: First, The revolutionizing of Mexico; and, Second, A settlement on what was known as the Bastrop lands."

It is further added by his biographer, that "during the years 1806 and 1807, Herman Blennerhasset kept a private journal, in which are recorded the principal incidents arising out of his connexion with Colonel Burr. Portions of it are interesting and amusing. The entries confirm the particular statements of Truxton, Bollman,[69] and others, and repudiate the idea of treasonable designs. It appears that in December, 1805, Blennerhasset addressed a letter to Colonel Burr, expressing a wish to participate in any speculation in the Western country that might present itself to Burr. A Spanish war was hourly anticipated, and Blennerhasset proposed to join Burr in any expedition that might be undertaken against the Spanish dominions.

"In August, 1806, in consequence of this overture, Burr visited Blannerhasset at his home on the Ohio, and the next day rode with him to Marietta, and then separated, Burr being on his way to Chilicothe. From Marietta to Blannerhasset's was about fifteen miles. Some time after, Burr returned to Blannerhasset, to whom he said that an expulsion of the Spaniards from the American territory, or an invasion of Mexico, would be pleasing to the administration, if it could be accomplished without an open, formal war, which would be avoided as long as possible, from parsimony on the one hand, and the dread of France on the other."

We have thus given such a statement of this subject as our limits permit, and as seems due to the respective parties engaged in it. Different opinions will doubtless be entertained with reference to Burr's real designs. That he contemplated the dismemberment of the Union, and the founding of an empire, of which New Orleans was to be the centre, and himself the head, will be questioned by some. That he was capable of devising such a project, and would have accomplished it, if in his power, no one acquainted with the deep designing character of the murderer of Hamilton, can doubt. With exalted talents—with an early education and parental counsel, as liberal and watchful as ever, perhaps, fell to the lot of mortal to enjoy—with the favor and patronage of a people, seldom so generously conferred, or so long and uniformly enjoyed—Burr proved himself a selfish, unprincipled man. One thing is certain, and this he admitted—that he designed the invasion and overthrow of the Mexican government, and the erection of an independent power in its place. And to further his views, he induced not a few, by "inuendoes and otherwise," to believe that his arrangements for the accomplishment of this were with the knowledge, if not the approbation, of the United States' government.

France and England, 1806.—A contest between these two powers, which had been waging for some time, and which had involved the whole of Europe, began now seriously to affect the commercial interests of America. It being the obvious policy of the latter to preserve a strict neutrality in respect to these belligerent powers, every act of the American government had respect to maintaining the same. Being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port the productions of France and her dependent kingdoms; and also to the ports of those kingdoms, the manufactures of England, bringing, by means of this "carrying trade," vast wealth to the nation. These advantages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed unmolested. American ships, carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies, were captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prizes; and now, several European ports, under the control of France, were, by British orders in council, May 16, 1806, declared to be in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet; and American vessels, attempting to enter those ports, were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered from these proceedings, but far less than the United States. By way of retaliation, in November of the same year, Buonaparte issued a decree at Berlin, declaring the British islands to be in a state of blockade, and of course authorizing the capture and condemnation of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with them. Thus, from the retaliatory measures of these two rival powers, the commerce of the United States was seriously injured.

Although the relations of Great Britain and America were at this time ostensibly pacific, yet there existed, and had long existed, a claim on the part of Great Britain, and a pretence under that claim, which was denied by the several presidents during their administrations. This was what was denominated "the right of search"—founded upon the English principle, that no act of a subject can change his allegiance to the government under which he was born. Upon this principle, Great Britain, soon after the peace of 1783, claimed the right to board and search neutral vessels, and take therefrom all British seamen found therein. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States had been seized, and, being transported to a distant part of the world, had been compelled to perform the degrading part of British sailors. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, the odious practice was still continued, and every year was adding to its aggravations.

Attack on the Chesapeake.—At length, an event occurred, growing out of this pretended "right of search," which roused the indignation of the American people.

A British armed ship, called the Melampus, while lying in Hampton roads, lost, by desertion, several of her crew, viz: William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan, John Little, and Ambrose Watts. Not long after, the first three offered themselves for enlistment on board the Chesapeake, then at Norfolk, Virginia, preparing for the Mediterranean.

The British consul at Norfolk; being apprised of this circumstance, wrote a letter to the American naval officer, requesting these men to be returned. With this request the officer refusing to comply, the British agent requested an order from government for their surrender. An examination, however, into the characters and claims of the men in question, resulted in proof that Ware, Martin, and Strachan, were natives of America. The two former had protections, or notarial certificates of their being American citizens. Strachan had no protection, but asserted that he lost it previously to his escape. Such being the circumstances of the men, the government refused to surrender them.

On the 22d of June, the Chesapeake weighed anchor, and proceeded to sea. She passed the British ships Bellona and Melampus, lying in Lynnhaven bay. There were two ships lying off Cape Henry, one of which, the Leopard, Captain Humphreys, weighed anchor, and, in a few hours, came alongside the Chesapeake.

A British officer immediately came on board, and demanded the deserters. To this, Captain Barron replied, that he did not know of any being there, and that his duty forbade him to allow of any muster of his crew, except by their own officers.

During this interview, Barron, noticing some proceedings of a hostile nature on board the adverse ship, gave orders, on the departure of the officer, to clear his gun-deck, and, after some time, directed his men to their quarters secretly, and without beat of drum; still, however, without any serious apprehensions of an attack.

Before these orders could be executed, the Leopard commenced a heavy fire, which proved very destructive. In thirty minutes, the hull, rigging, and spars of the Chesapeake were greatly damaged; three men were killed and sixteen wounded; among the latter, was the captain himself. Such was the previous disorder, that, during this time, the utmost exertions were insufficient to prepare the ship for action, and the captain thought proper to strike his colors.

The British captain refused to accept the surrender of the Chesapeake, but took from her crew Ware, Martin, and Strachan, the three men formerly demanded as deserters, and a fourth, John Wilson, claimed as a runaway from a merchant ship.

"On receiving information of this outrage, the president, by proclamation, interdicted the harbors and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched, with instructions to the American minister at London, to call on the British government for the satisfaction and security which the outrage required."

Pursuant to these instructions, Mr. Monroe, then minister resident at the court of St. James, demanded reparation; and, as an essential part of that reparation, security against future impressments from American ships. But Mr. Canning, the British minister, objected to uniting these subjects, and Mr. Monroe not being authorized to treat them separately, Mr. Rose was dispatched, by the English government, as envoy extraordinary to the United States, to adjust the difficulty which had arisen on account of the Chesapeake.[70]

Orders in Council.—In November, Great Britain issued her orders in council, which measure she declared to be in retaliation of the French decree of November, 1806. By these orders, all neutral nations were prohibited from trading with France or her allies, excepting upon the payment of a tribute to England.

Milan Decree.—Scarcely had the news of the adoption of the above orders reached Milan, where Buonaparte then was, than he issued, December 17th, a retaliatory decree, called the "Milan Decree," which confiscated any and every vessel found in any of his ports, which had allowed herself to be searched by an English ship, or had paid the tribute demanded.

Embargo.—Congress had been summoned, by proclamation of the president, to meet as early as the 27th of October. The wanton attack upon the Chesapeake had filled the country with indignation—all parties felt the national honor insulted; forgetting, for the time, political jealousies and animosities, all concurred in demanding satisfaction for the outrage.

There were other subjects, also, which, in the opinion of the executive, required the thoughtful consideration of the national legislature. The conduct of the continental belligerents was preying upon the vital interests of America. Great Britain was asserting rights which could never be allowed, and assuming a lofty tone which would excite no other feelings but indignation.

In view of the circumstances of the country, the president recommended to congress to lay an embargo—by which measure he designed to detain seamen, ships, and merchandise in port, to preserve them from the dangers to which they were exposed on the ocean; but the higher motive for recommending such a measure, probably, was the hope of thereby inducing—coercing, we might with more truth say—the belligerent powers to respect the laws of nations. In accordance with the recommendation of the president, an embargo was laid.

This measure was not without its commercial and political effects. The large shipping interest then in the United States was locked up by means of it, and vessels abroad, which were obliged to come in, could go out no more. To the New England states, which were prëeminently commercial, the embargo was highly obnoxious. They believed the measure both impolitic and oppressive.

A rapid change in the political opinions of the people of New England was the consequence. A large majority, embracing many who had supported the administration, now united with the federal party, and opposed its measures with zeal. Thus pressed by public sentiment, the government felt the necessity of repealing the embargo, which it was the more willing to do, from the consideration that it had failed to effect its principal object; but, at the same time, another law was passed, prohibiting all intercourse with France and Great Britain for one year. "Provision was made in this law, that, should either of the hostile nations revoke her edict, so that the neutral commerce of the United States should be no longer violated, the president should immediately make it known by proclamation, and, from that time, the non-intercourse law should cease to be enforced as it regarded that nation."

Election of Mr. Madison.—In this critical posture of affairs, the period having again arrived for the election of president, Mr. Jefferson signified his determination to follow and confirm the example of Washington, by retiring to private life at the expiration of his second term. "Never did a prisoner," said he, "released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall, on shaking off the shackles of power. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most constant proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that, if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them." James Madison was chosen his successor, and George Clinton rëelected vice-president. The following table presents the result of the official canvass:

Key: A.James Madison, of Virginia.
B.George Clinton, of New York.
C.C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina.
D.George Clinton, of New York.
E.James Madison, of Virginia.
F.James Monroe, of Virginia.
G.John Langdon, N Hampshire.
H.Rufus King, of New York.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.PRESIDENT.VICE-PRESIDENT.
A.B.C.D.E.F.G.H.
7New Hampshire,77
19Massachusetts,1919
4Rhode Island,44
9Connecticut,99
6Vermont,66
19New York,1361333
8New Jersey,88
20Pennsylvania,2020
3Delaware,33
11Maryland,9292
24Virginia,2424
14North Carolina,113113
10South Carolina,1010
6Georgia,66
7Kentucky,77
5Tennessee,55
3Ohio,33
175Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 8812264711333947

[IX. JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT]