DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
John Q. Adams,Massachusetts,March 5,1817,Secretary of State.
William H. Crawford,Georgia,March 5,1817,Secretary of Treasury.
Isaac Shelby,Kentucky,March 5,1817,Secretaries of War.
John C. Calhoun,South Carolina,December 15,1817,
Benjamin W. Crowninshield,Massachusetts,(continued in office),Secretaries of the Navy.
Smith Thompson,New York,November 30,1818,
Samuel L. Southard,New Jersey,December 9,1823,
Return J. Meigs,Ohio,(continued in office),Postmasters General.
John M'Lean,Ohio,December 9,1823,
Richard Rush,Pennsylvania,(continued in office),Attorneys General.
William Wirt,Virginia,December 15,1817,
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Henry Clay,Kentucky,Fifteenth Congress,1817.
Henry Clay,Kentucky,Sixteenth   do.1819.
John W. Taylor,New York,Sixteenth   do.1820.
Philip P. Barbour,Virginia,Seventeenth do.1821.
Henry Clay,Kentucky,Eighteenth   do.1823.

The elevation of Mr. Monroe to the presidency was an event highly auspicious to the interests of the nation. Besides having been employed for many years in high and responsible stations under the government, he possessed a sound and discriminating judgment, and a remarkably calm and quiet temperament. In not a few of the qualities of his mind, he resembled Washington, and, like that great and good man, apparently had the true interests of his country in view in the acts and measures of his administration. He may be said to be fortunate in respect to the time and circumstances of his accession to the presidency. A war, of whose justice and expediency a respectable portion of the country had strong doubts—and as to which, therefore, loud and even angry debate had existed, both in congress and throughout the country—that war had terminated, and the asperities growing out of different views entertained of it, were fast subsiding. Commerce, too, was beginning to revive, and the manufacturers were hoping for more auspicious days. In every department of industry, there was the commencement of activity; and, although the country had suffered too long and too seriously to regain at once her former prosperity, hopes of better times were indulged, and great confidence was reposed in the wise and prudent counsels of the new president.

A review of the principal measures and events during the presidency of Mr. Monroe, will require us to notice the following topics:

Tour of the President,Revision of the Tariff,
Admission of Missouri,Visit of Lafayette,
Provision for indigent officers, &c.,Review of Mr. Monroe's
Rëelection of Mr. Monroe,Administration,
Seminole War,Election of Mr. Adams.

Tour of the President.—This took place in the summer and autumn following Mr. Monroe's inauguration, and extended through the Northern and Eastern states of the Union. It was an auspicious measure, and contributed, no doubt, in a degree, to his popularity. He had in view, the better discharge of his duty as president, in superintending the works of public defence, and most probably the cultivation of friendly feelings with the great mass of the people. These objects were happily accomplished. The works of public defence, which he wished personally to inspect or to provide for, were the fortifications of the sea-coast and inland frontiers, naval docks, and the navy itself. For all these objects, congress had made liberal appropriations, and by personal observation, he sought the means of guiding his judgment as to the best mode of promoting the interests thus committed to his care.

Reception of Mr. Monroe at New York.

The president made two other visits of a similar kind, during his first term, viz: one in the summer of the following year, and the other in the summer of 1819. The former was to the Chesapeake bay and the country lying on its shores. The other was to the Southern and South-western states of the Union. In the course of a few weeks he visited Charleston, Savannah, and Augusta, as also the Cherokee nation, Nashville, Louisville, and other places. The same national objects commanded his attention as during his other tours, and the same spirit of courtesy and deference was manifested towards him.

Admission of Missouri.—In another place, (p. [538],) we have had occasion to notice the periods at which the several states, formed since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, have been admitted into the Union, and Missouri among them; but, as in respect to this state, there were new and peculiar considerations involved, it is deemed important to speak of them in this place more at large.—The proposition to admit Missouri into the Union, was considered at the same time with Maine; but, although congress passed the act of admission for both at once, it was conditional in regard to Missouri. A clause in the constitution of this state, requiring the legislature to enact a law "to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to and settling in the state," was obnoxious to a majority of the members of congress. After a long debate in that body, it was decided that Missouri should be admitted, on the condition that no laws should be passed, by which any free citizens of the United States should be prevented from enjoying the rights to which they were entitled by the constitution of the United States.

There had previously been a long and exciting debate in congress, on the subject of the restriction of slavery in the bill admitting Missouri. The bill for admitting that territory, contained a provision prohibiting slavery within the new state; but, having passed the house of representatives, it was arrested in the senate. Strong sectional parties, in reference to this subject, appeared, not only in congress, but throughout the country. It was deemed imminently a time of danger to the general interests of the nation and the Union itself. The dissolution of the general government seemed to be threatened. That the pernicious system of involuntary servitude should be further extended, seemed to be abhorrent to the minds of most of the wise and good. On the other hand, the rights of the slave-holding states were thought by themselves, at least, to be invaded. Accordingly, members of congress from the non-slave-holding states, strenuously advocated the restriction; while members from the slave-holding portion of the country as strenuously opposed it.

The long and earnest debates on the subject, were concluded, only by the parties accepting a compromise, in consequence of which, slavery was to be tolerated in Missouri, but forbidden in all that part of Louisiana as ceded by France, lying north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, except so much as was embraced within the limits of the state. The vote in the house of representatives was several times given for excluding slavery; but the senate disagreed, and would not yield to the house. When the house yielded, at length, to the opinion of the senate, it was by a majority of four only, in favor of the bill, omitting the clause of exclusion, and containing that of the interdiction of slavery elsewhere, as already defined. The compromise happily averted whatever danger there might have been to the union of the states.

When Missouri, by a solemn act of her legislature, had accepted the fundamental condition imposed by congress, that she would not authorize the passage of any laws excluding citizens of other states from enjoying the privileges to which they were entitled by the constitution of the United States, she was declared a member of the Union. This occurred August 10th, 1821.

Provision for indigent Officers and Soldiers.—In 1818, a law was passed by congress, granting pensions to the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary war, which included all who had served nine months in the continental army at any period of the war, provided it was at one term of enlistment. Another act of congress, following at the expiration of two years, modified, and in some degree restricted this law, by confining the pension to those who were in destitute circumstances. Still, under this condition, the number who received the bounty, or rather the justice of their country, was very large, not less than thirteen thousand having experienced the grateful relief. Through the inability of the government, soon after the war, these soldiers who had so largely contributed to the liberties of their country, had never been duly compensated. They now received a welcome, though late remuneration.

Rëelection of Mr. Monroe.—In March, 1821, Mr. Monroe entered upon his second term of office, having been rëelected president by nearly an unanimous vote. Mr. Tompkins was also continued in the vice-presidency. The following table exhibits the vote of the several electoral colleges:

Key: A.James Monroe, of Virginia.
B.John Q. Adams, of Massa'tts.
C.D. D. Tompkins, of New York.
D.Rich'd. Stockton, of New Jersey.
E.Robt. G. Harper, of Maryland.
F.Richard Rush, of Pennsylv'a.
G.Daniel Rodney, of Delaware.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.PRESIDENT.VICE-PRESIDENT.
A.B.C.D.E.F.G.
8New Hampshire,7171
15Massachusetts,1578
4Rhode Island,44
9Connecticut,99
8Vermont,88
29New York,2929
8New Jersey,88
25Pennsylvania,2424
4Delaware,44
11Maryland,11101
25Virginia,2525
15North Carolina,1515
11South Carolina,1111
8Georgia,88
12Kentucky,1212
8Tennessee,77
8Ohio,88
3Lousiana,33
3Indiana,33
3Mississippi,22
3Illinois,33
3Alabama,33
9Maine,99
3Missouri,33
235Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 11823112188114

No president, since Washington, has received so decided an expression of the public will. His popularity seemed to be the result of his moderation in politics, his candid temper, and his wise and useful measures. His administration throughout was the era of good feeling.

Seminole War.—Within the southern limits of the United States, but mostly in Florida, lived a tribe, or confederacy of Indians, named Seminoles. They consisted, originally, of fugitives from the northern tribes, resident within the limits of the United States. To these fugitives, additions were made from the Creek Indians, numbers of whom were dissatisfied with the provisions of the treaty of 1814, and negroes, who had absconded from their masters. The resentments enkindled in the breasts of these miserable people, are believed to have been fanned by foreign emissaries, of whom the most noted were two Englishmen, Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister. The consequence was, that outrages were committed upon the inhabitants of the states on our southern borders, the progress of which it became necessary to arrest.

General Gaines, the United States' officer in that quarter, made a demand to deliver up the authors of these outrages, but the Indians refused to comply. In consequence of this refusal, the Indians, who were still on the lands ceded to the United States by the Creeks, in 1814, were placed at the disposal of General Gaines, to remove them or not, as he should see fit.

The general availed himself of his discretionary power to take an Indian village called Fowl Town, near the Florida line. In this undertaking, one man and one woman were killed, and two women made prisoners. It was executed by a detachment under Major Twiggs. A few days after, a second detachment, who were on a visit to the town to obtain property, were fired upon, and a skirmish ensued, in which there was a loss of several on both sides. Shortly after, a large party of Seminole Indians formed an ambuscade upon the Appalachicola river, attacked one of the American boats, ascending near the shore, and killed, wounded, and took the greater part of the detachment, consisting of forty men, commanded by Lieutenant R. W. Scott, of the seventh infantry. There were also on board, killed or taken, seven women, the wives of soldiers. Six of the detachment only escaped, four of whom were wounded.[76]

Attack of the Seminoles on Lieutenant Scott's Boats.

This event led to increased hostilities. Fort Scott, in which General Gaines with about six hundred regular soldiers was confined for a time, was openly attacked by a large force of the enemy. General Andrew Jackson was directed, December 26, to take the field. In connection with this, he was authorized, if he deemed the force of General Gaines to be insufficient to carry on the war, "to call on the executives of the neighboring states for such an additional militia force as he might deem requisite." General Jackson varied from the order addressed to him, by sending out a circular to the patriots of West Tennessee, inviting them, to the number of one thousand, to take up arms with him against the Indians. The General's call was promptly responded to, and the thousand volunteers were, in due time, gathered to his standard.

In this affair, General Jackson was widely censured for departing from the letter and spirit of his instructions; although the apology offered, was the delay that would have been caused, had the governor of Tennessee, who was either at Knoxville or in the Cherokee nation, been first called upon. The account of his proceedings, which he sent to the secretary of war, seems to have met with favor by the public authorities at Washington. The troops thus raised, were joined by a number of friendly Creeks under General M'Intosh. Meanwhile, it appears from the instructions of the president to General Gaines, that the war was to be prosecuted in Florida, only in the event of the Indians fleeing into that country, and, in that case, the Spanish authority was to be respected wherever it was maintained. Jackson, however, did not conform to these instructions, and particularly in regard to the interdiction not to attack a Spanish fort, should any Indians take shelter under one, which was also a matter of instruction. He justified his non-compliance, in this case, on the ground that, orders issued to one officer, could not be construed as orders to his successor, without a special reference to the first—that his orders were general and discretionary, and that the circumstances contemplated by the orders to General Gaines, never existed. The Indians were found sheltered within a fort, and not merely under the protection of its guns on the outside.

On the plan of warfare, which the American general deemed it justifiable to act, he not only entered Florida in pursuit of the Indians as they fled thither, but he forcibly seized the Spanish garrison, St. Marks. While at St. Marks, information was imparted to General Jackson, that the governor of Pensacola was favoring the Indians; upon which, although the executive had given instruction not to attack a Spanish fort, he took up his march for the fort at Pensacola, before which, after twenty days, he appeared prepared to subdue it, at whatever expense it might cost. The fortress was invested on the 25th of May, and, after a bombardment and cannonading for two days, the garrison surrendered prisoners of war. The officers of the government, civil and military, were transported to Havana, and a new government established for the province. These matters being settled, General Jackson announced to the secretary of war that the Seminole war was terminated, and returned to his house at Nashville.

Taking the Fort at Pensacola.

The conduct of the general, in transcending his orders, was made a subject of inquiry in the house of representatives, and a report made disapproving of some parts of it as arbitrary, unjustifiable, and dangerous in principle; and the report was ably supported by Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, and Mr. Johnson, of Virginia, and others, but opposed by many other members. The inquiry disclosed several highly arbitrary acts. Mr. Monroe caused the instructions given on this occasion to be laid before Congress; and he also gave orders immediately for the restoration of the forts and places to the Spanish authorities.

General Jackson was, also, charged with undue severity, in the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the Englishmen before alluded to, whom he took in the territory. The former he caused to be hung, and the other to be shot. The punishment was summary, and without law; but the executive found cause to excuse these acts on the consideration of the peculiar exigency of the case. The great popularity of the military commander was supposed to have furnished a reason for no further proceedings or inquiries into this affair.

Revision of the Tariff.—A law was passed by congress, on the subject of the tariff, in May, 1824, embracing the revision and alteration of the tariff which had heretofore existed. Except a slight protection to coarse cotton cloths, nothing had been done to encourage the manufactures of the country. The attention of the people had been, for a long time, turned towards the subject, and congress had debated it at different periods, but very little had been effected. Such was the state of things from 1816 to 1824. On the part of many citizens, great zeal had been manifested in favor of manufactures among us. Numbers, especially in the Northern and Eastern states, owing to the impediments which existed in the prosecution of commerce and navigation, by the restrictive measures of the government, as well as by the war, had engaged in the business of manufacturing. By their energy, perseverance, and economy, they had attained to a measure of success; but still, some public enactments were wanting to give due encouragement to the general interests of manufactures. The well-known favorable opinion of the president, as also the growing interest felt by the people on the subject, produced their effect in calling to it the attention of the national legislature, to some practical purpose.

At the period above named, congress imposed higher duties on several articles of import, chiefly of the description of those then manufactured in the United States. On several articles, a duty of five per cent. was laid, in addition to that before imposed, though the act met a very powerful opposition. The debate on the bill occupied the house of representatives more than ten weeks, and the bill was passed by a majority of only five. It was opposed by those who were concerned in commerce, on the ground that it would prove detrimental to their particular interests. It was opposed by those who were concerned in agriculture, from the consideration that an undue profit was secured by it to the manufacturers. On the part of some, it was a ground of opposition that it would greatly diminish imports, and thus lessen the public revenue. A portion of the national legislature, who were professedly in favor of encouraging manufactures, believed that they were already sufficiently protected. This opposition was principally by members from the Southern states, where no manufactures were established, and who believed that additional duties on imports would operate unequally in different parts of the union.

But notwithstanding the strong opposition to the measure, the bill of the house passed the senate with several alterations, by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-one. The measure, when put to the test of experiment, proved effectual in affording the desired protection to the articles which it embraced; but the same legislation was wanted in regard to others, perhaps equally important to the comfort, defence, and independence of the country.

Visit of Lafayette.—The arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette into the United States, signalized the year 1824. It was an event of great interest to the people of the country. As the friend, benefactor, and ally of the Americans during the Revolution, he was remembered with lively gratitude after his return to his native land, and his subsequent history had been traced by many among us with deep concern, as well as admiration. Nearly half a century had elapsed, since he came as a youthful, devoted adventurer to our shores, in the cause of freedom, and age was now stealing over him with its usual effects on the human frame. Before the close of life, he wished once more to revisit the scenes of his early conflicts; and, having intimated his intention of coming to this country, the people were prepared to give him a welcome and enthusiastic reception.

Landing of Lafayette at Castle Garden.

He landed at New York, on the 16th of August, accompanied by his son, and M. L. Vasseur, his secretary. His entrance into the city was more than a Roman triumphal procession. Splendid as it was, it was more remarkable as the tribute of the concentrated heart of America, in its great commercial capital. He was met by one universal burst of grateful enthusiasm.

In the course of about a year, he visited each of the twenty-four states, and most of the principal cities of the land, and was every where received with the like spirit of enthusiasm and gratitude.

Lafayette laying the Corner-stone.

He was present on the occasion of laying the corner-stone of the Bunker hill monument, and assisted, as was most befitting he should, in laying its corner-stone. His presence added greatly to the interest of the occasion, and long will it be remembered with what enthusiasm his presence was greeted.

"When the time arrived which he had fixed as the termination of his visit, it was thought most fitting that his departure from the country should take place from the capital. A frigate was prepared at that place, and named, in compliment to him, the Brandywine, to transport him to his native country. The few weeks spent, upon the invitation of the president, as the guest of the nation, in the national palace, were appropriated to taking leave of those venerable men who had shared with him, both in establishing the independence of the country, and in receiving all the appropriate honors which the people could bestow. He had previously visited and taken leave of the venerable Adams; he now in succession took leave of the other ex-presidents, the illustrious author of the declaration of independence; the able supporter and advocate of the federal constitution; and the soldier of the Revolution, who had shed his blood in the same cause with Lafayette."

Lafayette at the tomb of Washington.

His departure, which was from the seat of government, on the 7th of September, 1825, was affecting in the highest degree, but it needs not here to be described. Suffice it to say, that in passing down the Potomac, he landed to pay a farewell visit to the tomb of Washington; then, proceeding on his way, he made a safe and prosperous voyage to France.

General Review of Mr. Monroe's Administration, his Character, &c.—As has been already remarked, under the administration of Mr. Monroe, there existed a propitious state of things. The wisdom and practical foresight of Mr. Monroe were manifested in the measures of his administration. Profound peace continued through the whole of it, the amicable relations of the country with other nations having been carefully cherished. Of the national debt, not less than sixty millions were paid. The Floridas were not only peaceably acquired, but the western boundaries of our country were so settled as to give it the width of a continent. He effected the repeal of the internal taxes, reduced the military establishment to the smallest compass consistent with safety, and brought the army under an efficient organization. The asperity of party spirit yielding in a great degree, he was enabled to carry most of those measures which he deemed necessary to the public welfare. Progress was made in the suppression of the slave-trade, the civilization of the Indians advanced, and the independence of the South American nations recognized.

As to the character of President Monroe, there seems to be scarcely a dissenting opinion. His feelings, manners, and principles, appeared to be adapted eminently for conciliation. Nearly all united under him and with him in carrying out the public enactments. "He was not so great a philosopher as Jefferson, nor so learned as Madison; but he possessed a more practical knowledge, or was more desirous of pursuing that which was useful, than of adopting new theories, or of supporting his own speculative views in opposition to public opinion. He faithfully strove to defend and promote the great interests of the republic; but sought not for impracticable good in ways discovered only to his contemplative imagination." Fisher Ames' lively, but perhaps too severe, remark concerning Mr. Jefferson, that "he strains his optics to look beyond its (the world's) circumference, and contemplates invisibility till he thinks nothing else is real," has no application to Mr. Monroe, though the latter was of the same school of politics. To continue the quotation first presented, "He (Mr. Monroe) had as much regard for humanity, and was as sincere a lover of his kind, as Mr. Jefferson; but he followed more truly the beaten path of common sense, and adhered more cautiously to the plain maxims sanctioned by experience, and shown by past history to be essential to the welfare of society."

Election of John Quincy Adams.—It being understood that, according to the example of his predecessors, Mr. Monroe would retire at the expiration of his second term, the subject of his successor was early introduced to the nation. Several candidates were put in nomination, and the claims of each were duly urged by their respective friends and supporters. The following was the electoral vote, according to the official count before the two houses of congress:

Key: A.Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee.
B.John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts.
C.Wm. H. Crawford, of Georgia.
D.Henry Clay, of Kentucky.
E.John C. Calhoun, of S. Carolina.
F.Nathan Sanford, of New York.
G.Nathaniel Macon, of N. Carolina.
H.Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee.
I.Martin Van Buren, of New York.
J.Henry Clay, of Kentucky.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.PRESIDENT.VICE-PRESIDENT.
A.B.C.D.E.F.G.H.I.J.
8New Hampshire,871
15Massachusetts,1515
4Rhode Island,43
8Connecticut,88
7Vermont,77
36New York,12654297
8New Jersey,88
28Pennsylvania,2828
3Delaware,1212
11Maryland,731101
24Virginia,2424
15North Carolina,1515
11South Carolina,1111
9Georgia,99
14Kentucky,1477
11Tennessee,1111
16Ohio,1616
5Lousiana,325
5Indiana,55
3Mississippi,33
3Illinois,213
5Alabama,55
9Maine,99
3Missouri,33
261Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 1319984413718230241392

[XI. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, PRESIDENT.]