JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
Thomas Jefferson,Virginia,September 26,1789,Secretaries of State.
Edmund Randolph,Virginia,January 2,1794,
Timothy Pickering,Pennsylvania,December 10,1795,
Alexander Hamilton,New York,September 11,1789,Secretaries of Treasury.
Oliver Wolcott,Connecticut,February 3,1795,
Henry Knox,Massachusetts,September 12,1789,Secretaries of War.
Timothy Pickering,Pennsylvania,January 2,1795,
James M'Henry,Maryland,January 27,1796,
Samuel Osgood,Massachusetts,September 26,1789,Postmasters General.
Timothy Pickering,Pennsylvania,November 7,1791,
Joseph Habersham,Georgia,February 25,1795,
Edmund Randolph,Virginia,September 26,1789,Attorneys General.
William Bradford,Pennsylvania,January 27,1794,
Charles Lee,Virginia,December 10,1795,
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg,Pennsylvania,First Congress,1789.
Jonathan Trumbull,Connecticut,Second do.1791.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg,Pennsylvania,Third  do.1793.
Jonathan Dayton,New Jersey,Fourth  do.1795.

To the traveller whose lot has led him to traverse inhospitable deserts—encounter fierce storms, and stem angry floods—it is delightful, at length, to enter a region where such obstacles no longer impede his progress—where he breathes with freedom—where he pauses to repose and refresh himself, without the anticipation of similar immediate toil and fatigue. It may not, indeed, be the end of his journey—and he may not know with certainty the future issue of that journey; but the aspect is less forbidding—the prospect is even inviting—and he passes on, animated with the hope of still better things to come.

Some such change we realize at the point at which we have arrived, in following down the great events of American history. Casting an eye upon the scenes of the past, little besides toil, agitation, and conflict, are to be seen.

The Pilgrim Fathers land on these western shores. Immediately, a wide-spread wilderness is before them, and the task of clearing it is begun; savage foes—subtle, secret, and sanguinary—prowl about their habitations, and for years agitate and distress them. The mother-country becomes involved in continental wars—America is the theatre of the contest, and American soldiers must fight her battles. But, like the palm-tree, the colonists rise under the burdens imposed on them. As they prosper and expand, England becomes jealous, and bears herself lordly towards them, in measures of oppression—in prohibitions and exactions. War ensues—a long and exhausting war; their fields lie neglected; their cities are captured; their families are impoverished, and their sons are slain; but they conquer, and are free. But, as a nation, they have no sufficient bond of union—no efficient government to guide their future destiny in safety. National and state debts rest as an incubus upon their efforts, and no adequate power exists by which to provide for their liquidation. A convention meets: different plans are proposed—different constitutions are discussed. Obstacles to the adoption of any arise, which appear insurmountable, and the convention is on the eve of dissolving—leaving the problem still unsolved, whether human wisdom is adequate to devise a constitution which shall harmonize the conflicting interests of thirteen free and independent states.

Once more Providence rallies to our aid—moving upon untractable spirits, as in days of yore the spirit had moved upon the troubled waters, and now, as then, there "is a calm." Deliberations are resumed—asperities wear away—harmony succeeds—the final vote is taken—a constitution is adopted, and sent abroad among the people of the states.

But again the waters become tumultuous—angry conflict is waged in almost every state-house in the land—hundreds and thousands lift up their voices against this constitution, and refuse to sanction it—ill-boding doubts swell up like clouds gathering from the sea, and for a time exclude all hope of a constitutional ratification.

But another becalming influence from on high moves upon the mental mass; jarring strifes are suspended—angry discord ceases—harmonious action succeeds—the constitution is ratified, and George Washington is elected president of the United States!

On the ratification of the constitution, the attention of the people was at once directed to General Washington, as the first president of the United States. Communications, expressive of this general desire, were made to him. "We cannot," said Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, "do without you, and I and thousands more can explain to any body but yourself, why we cannot do without you." "I have ever thought," said Governeur Morris, "and have said, that you must be president; no other man can fill that office." In a letter on the subject, addressed to Washington by Colonel Hamilton, the latter said, "You will permit me to say, that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its [the government's] first operations."

Washington had serious objections to becoming a candidate. He sincerely wished for retirement. "It is my great and sole desire"—so he expressed himself to a friend, who had written him—"to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm."

But the voice of the nation demanded a further sacrifice from the noble and disinterested patriot. He alone was believed to fill so prëeminent a station in public opinion, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy. He alone possessed the requisite confidence of the nation.

By the constitution, the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of March, 1789; but a quorum of representatives did not appear till the 1st, nor of senators till Monday, the 6th day of April.

On this latter day, the president of the senate, elected for the purpose of counting the votes, declared to the senate, that the senate and house of representatives had met, and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes for the electors for president and vice-president of the United States; whereby it appeared that George Washington was unanimously elected president. The following table exhibits the votes of the several electoral colleges:

ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

ELECTION FOR THE FIRST TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1793.
Key: A.George Washington, of Virginia.
B.John Adams, of Massachusetts.
C.Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut.
D.John Jay, of New York.
E.John Hancock, of Massachusetts.
F.R. H. Harrison, of Maryland.
G.George Clinton, of New York.
H.John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
I.John Milton, of Georgia.
J.James Armstrong, of Georgia.
K.Edward Telfair, of Georgia.
L.Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.A.B.C.D.E.F.G.H.I.J.K.L.
5New Hampshire,55
10Massachusetts,1010
7Connecticut,752
6New Jersey,615
10Pennsylvania,1082
3Delaware,33
6Maryland,66
10Virginia,105113
7South Carolina,716
5Georgia,52111
69Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 3569342946362111

Whereupon, a certificate and letter—the one prepared by a committee of the senate, the other by its president—were communicated to General Washington, setting forth his election, and expressing the cordial wish, that so auspicious a mark of public confidence would meet his approbation.

This certificate and letter were received by Washington, at Mount Vernon, on the 4th of April. He doubtless appreciated the honor done him, and was grateful to the people for the confidence reposed in him; but he would have declined the office, had the convictions of duty allowed. That, however, was not permitted; and, yielding to the wishes of the nation, he took leave of Mount Vernon on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, and proceeded to New York, at that time the seat of government—"bidding adieu," as he wrote in his diary, "to private life and domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express."

The state of the public business required his immediate presence at the seat of government; but the desire to see the first president of the United States—the zeal and enthusiasm which were kindled up along the whole route he was to take, rendered it impossible to proceed with haste. Crowds flocked around him, wherever he stopped; and corps of militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him through their respective streets.

On reaching New York, April 23d, he was received with due ceremony by the governor of that state, and conducted with military honors through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the man, who had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic.

INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON.

On Thursday, the 30th of April, the new president was inaugurated. The oath of office was administered by the chancellor of the state of New York, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, and an immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and repeated acclamations. From the open gallery adjoining the senate-chamber, which had been the scene of this new but imposing scene, the assembly returned to the senate-chamber, where the president delivered an inaugural address; in which, after alluding to the "anxieties" occasioned by his election to the chief magistracy, and the fond hope he had indulged of spending the remainder of his days in the "retreat" to which he had retired, after years of military toil and strife, he proceeded in terms alike honorable to himself as a Christian and a patriot: "It would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe—who presides in the councils of nations—and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute, with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence."

Such were the sentiments of the patriot—the sage—the Christian statesman, as he was about to enter upon the duties of an office, upon the faithful or unfaithful discharge of which, was to depend the perpetuity or speedy annihilation of a constitution of government, which had cost thousands of lives and millions of revenue—besides involving the happiness of unborn millions. Washington had surveyed the wide field of responsibility. He came to the high and sacred office reluctantly indeed, but in reliance upon that Divine arm which had been his stay in the dark and stormy days of the Revolution. Having put his hand to the plough, he was not the man to look back. Having passed the Rubicon, his march was forward. Immediately following the delivery of the above address, the president, with the members of both houses, attended divine service at St. Paul's chapel. Thus did Washington, and thus did the national assembly, commence the government with a devout recognition of its dependence upon Divine Providence for success. Happy for the country, if the same spirit of piety, and the same acknowledgments to the Divine Author of all good, had descended to after years.

The acts and events which signalized the administration of Washington relate to—

A System of Revenue.Indian War.
Regulation of Departments.Rëelection of Washington.
Amendments of the Constitution.Difficulties with France.
Establishment of a Judiciary.Insurrection in Pennsylvania.
Assumption of Debts.Jay's Treaty.
Removal of the Seat of Government.Election of Mr. Adams.
National Bank.Farewell Address.

System of Revenue.—The first duty, under the federal constitution, to which congress was called, was to provide a revenue for the support of the government. For this purpose duties were laid on imported merchandize and on the tonnage of vessels; thus drawing into the national treasury funds, which had before been collected and appropriated by the individual states. To counteract the commercial regulations of foreign nations, and encourage American shipping, higher tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than on American vessels, and ten per cent. less duty on goods imported in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States than the same goods brought in those owned by foreigners.

Regulation of Departments.—Three executive departments were created, designed to aid the president in the management of the government. These were styled departments of war, of foreign affairs, and of the treasury. The heads of these departments were to be called secretaries, and to receive a salary of three thousand five hundred dollars. They were intended to constitute a council, to be consulted by the president at his pleasure; and their opinions, on all important questions, he was authorized to require in writing.

In framing the acts establishing these departments, a question arose of serious magnitude, viz: "In what manner, and by whom, these important officers could be removed from office?" The constitution was explicit in regard to their appointment, giving the power of nominating to the president, and that of confirming or rejecting the nomination to the senate; but it was silent as to removal. Some few maintained that they could be removed only by impeachment; but the principal question was, "whether they were removable by the president alone, or by the president with the concurrence of the senate?"

The debate on this question was long and animated. It was claimed, by one portion of the members, that as the senate had a voice in the appointment of these officers, they should have a voice in case of their removal; that such power entrusted to one man might be abused—if not by Washington, by some of his successors.

On the other hand, it was contended that, as it was made the duty of the president to see the laws faithfully executed, he ought to have the power of dismissing those agents who were unfaithful; otherwise, how, in many supposable cases, could he secure a faithful execution of the laws? It was further urged, that the mal-conduct of an officer might require his immediate dismission, before the senate—a body scattered over the states—could be convened. True, the power might be abused, and, in the hands of an ambitious man, perhaps would be; but such abuse would, in due time, be rebuked by the people, and the abuser of this delegated power, be displaced with dishonor. "The danger," said Mr. Madison, "consists in this: the president can displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be continued in it. What will be the motives which the president can feel for such abuse of his power, and the restraints to operate to prevent it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before the senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend, that the wanton removal of meritorious officers, would subject him to impeachment, and removal from his own high trust."

The difference of opinion on this great question, gave rise to warm and protracted debates. A majority of both houses, however, at length decided, that the power of removal is in the president alone. Several who had been members of the convention which framed the constitution, were, at this time, members of the house of representatives. They were equally divided on the question—Mr. Madison and Mr. Baldwin, supporting the construction finally adopted by congress: Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Gerry, opposing it.

Amendments of the Constitution.—The states of New York and Virginia, although they ratified the constitution, were solicitous to have certain amendments adopted, which, in separate memorials, they presented to congress, and urged that body to call another convention for their adoption. Congress, however, had no authority to call a convention. Mr. Madison submitted to the house several amendments, which, together with those presented by several of the states, were referred to a committee, consisting of one member from each state. This committee, at length, reported several amendments; twelve of which, after various alterations, were agreed to by both branches of congress, and sent to the states. These amendments related to religion—keeping or bearing arms in time of war—quartering soldiers, citizens, &c., &c. Ten of these articles were at length ratified by the state legislatures, and became a part of the constitution.

Establishment of a Judiciary.—"A national judiciary was also established during this session, consisting of a supreme court, circuit, and district courts. The bill for carrying this part of the constitution into effect, originated in the senate, and was drawn up by a committee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman. The district courts were to consist of one judge in each state. The states were divided into circuits, in each of which, one of the judges of the supreme court, and the district judge of the state in which the court was held, constituted the circuit courts. In certain cases, this court had original jurisdiction, and also took cognizance of appeals from the district courts. The supreme court was composed of a chief justice and five associate judges, and was to hold two sessions annually, at the seat of government. This court had exclusive jurisdiction in certain cases, and appellative jurisdiction from the circuit courts, and also from the state courts, in cases where the validity of treaties, and the laws of the United States were drawn in question. This organization of the federal judiciary, has remained nearly the same to the present time, except for a short period, when a different system, relative to the circuit courts, was established, but which was soon abolished, and the old system restored."[62] John Jay was appointed chief justice; John Rutledge, James Wilson, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, associate judges of the supreme court, and Edmund Randolph, attorney general.[63]

Assumption of Debts.—The second session of the first congress began on the 6th of January, 1790. At the close of the preceding session, the secretary of the treasury had been directed to prepare a plan for providing for the adequate support of the public credit, and to report the same at the next meeting of congress. On the 15th, in obedience to the foregoing requisition, Mr. Hamilton submitted his report. Having dwelt with great ability upon the importance of a nation maintaining the public credit, he proposed, as the means of supporting that of the United States, a system of assuming or funding not only the public debt, but also the state debts, and of making provision for the payment of the interest by taxes imposed on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the United States.

The debates on this report were exciting beyond precedent. While not much difference existed as to funding the foreign debt, a strong opposition arose, on the part of the democratic party, against discharging, in full, the domestic debt, and the assumption of the state debts. The federalists advocated the measure. The contest between the two rival parties was strong, spirited, and even virulent. The very foundations of the government were shaken; and a writer has justly remarked, that to the differences which were then created, and the excitement which sprung up during the debates, may be ascribed "the origin of that violent spirit which for years arrayed one part of the American community against the other."

The division of sentiment among the members of congress in relation to the full, or only a partial payment of the domestic debt, arose from this. A considerable proportion of the original holders of public securities had been compelled to sell them at greatly reduced prices—even as low as two or three shillings on the pound. These securities had been purchased by speculators, with the expectation of ultimately receiving the full amount. "The federalists were with Hamilton, in favor of making no difference between the present and original holders of the continental bills, maintaining that the government ought not to interfere with transfers. The republican party advocated the discrimination; contending that it was unjust to the veterans of the Revolution, who had been obliged to receive this paper in lieu of gold and silver, and were afterwards compelled to part with it at a small part of its nominal value, now to be condemned to poverty, while the speculator was receiving the reward of their blood and service."

The assumption of the state debts was also violently opposed. The advocates of assumption claimed that the debts incurred by the state, were not for their own benefit, but for the promotion of the common cause, and that therefore it was right that the whole nation should be responsible. The debts of the states most active in the war, were the greatest: those of Massachusetts and Carolina amounted to ten millions and a half, while those of all the other states were not more than fifteen millions. Was it just to impose such a burden on the people of these two states? They had already been great sufferers in the privations they had endured and in the blood they had lost.

On taking the vote in the house of representatives, these two plans of Mr. Hamilton were lost by a majority of two; and, for a season, there was little prospect that a just financial system would be adopted, or that the respective parties could on any basis coalesce. But, fortunately, at this juncture, a question was exciting a deep interest, and with reference to which there was a wide difference, and deep feelings, between the northern and southern members, viz:

The Removal of the Seat of Government.—The debates on this subject were almost as exciting as on the fiscal project of Hamilton. A compromise, however, was at length effected in regard to the permanent location of the seat of government—the more important, as it led to a further compromise in relation to the assumption of the state debts. It was understood that should the seat of government be fixed for ten years at Philadelphia, and afterwards at a place to be selected on the Potomac, some of the members of the house of representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their opposition to Mr. Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were adopted. The debt funded amounted to a little more than seventy-five millions of dollars, upon a part of which an interest of three per cent. was paid, and upon the remainder six per cent.

National Bank.—During the third session of congress, Mr. Hamilton recommended the establishment of a national bank. To such an institution, the republican party were bitterly opposed, as aristocratical and unconstitutional. Besides, they considered banking institutions useless; the present bill, in several particulars, defective; but, more than all, it was maintained that the constitution had not vested the power in congress to charter a bank. The supporters of the measure, of course, held opposite doctrines, and were not less strenuous in maintaining them. The bill, however, at length passed both branches of the national legislature; but the different opinions entertained, and the asperity with which they had been expressed, led the president to give to the subject, as a constitutional question, more than ordinary attention. To aid him in his decision, he required opinions of his cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposed—Mr. Hamilton and General Knox sanctioned the bill. After mature deliberation, the president became satisfied of the constitutionality and utility of the bill; upon which, he gave it his signature.

The capital stock of the bank was ten millions of dollars, two millions to be subscribed for the benefit of the United States, and the residue by individuals. One-fourth of the sums subscribed by individuals was to be paid in gold and silver, and three-fourths in the public debt. By the act of incorporation, it was to be a bank of discount as well as deposit; and its bills, which were payable in gold and silver on demand, were made receivable in all payments to the United States. The bank was located at Philadelphia, with power in the directors to establish offices of discount and deposit only wherever they should think fit within the United States.

The duration of the charter was limited to the 4th of May, 1811; and the faith of the United States was pledged that, during that period, no other bank should be established under their authority. One of the fundamental articles of the incorporation was, that no loan should be made to the United States for more than one hundred thousand dollars; or to any particular state for more than fifty thousand; or to any foreign prince or state, unless previously authorized by a law of the United States. The books were opened for subscription in July, 1791, and a much larger sum subscribed than was allowed by the charter; and the bank went into successful operation.[64]

The establishment of a national bank, in connexion with the assumption of the state debts, contributed to the more complete organization of two great parties, which had their origin in difference of views regarding the constitution at the time of its adoption.

Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson, both eminent for their talents, and each with his adherents, were now openly opposed on points which, as matters of policy, were deemed of vital importance. The former was viewed, not only as the author of the funding system, the bank, and other measures, deemed either unconstitutional, or highly injurious to the public interest, but was charged with hostility to republican principles and to state rights. Mr. Jefferson, on the other hand, was considered hostile to the constitution, and was accused of being opposed to the administration of which he was a member, and of taking measures to reduce the powers of the general government within too narrow limits. To Washington, this determined hostility of his two principal secretaries was truly afflicting; and the more so, when he found it so deep-rooted, as in no degree to yield to his affectionate remonstrance.

Indian War.—While the public councils were engaged thus in matters of great national importance, the hostile movements of the Indian tribes on the frontier began to excite the anxious solicitude of all reflecting minds, especially that of Washington himself. The Creeks at the South had been at war with Georgia; but in 1790, their chief, M'Gillivray, the son of a white man, had been induced to go to New York, and conclude a treaty. This terminated the war in that quarter; but pacific arrangements, which had been attempted by the president with the tribes on the north-western frontier, had proved ineffectual. The use of other means for their pacification, therefore, became indispensably necessary.

In 1790, congress, at the solicitation of Washington, authorized the raising of about fifteen hundred men, of whom three hundred were regulars, and the remainder Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The command of these was given to General Harmar, a veteran officer of the Revolution, whose instructions required him to penetrate to the Indian settlements on the Scioto and Wabash, and destroy them.

In the execution of his commission, in October, General Harmar detached Colonel Harden with six hundred militia to reconnoitre the Indian settlements, and, if possible, to bring them to an engagement; but the Indians, on the approach of the Americans, fired their principal villages, and fled to the woods. Thus foiled in his attempt to bring the Indians to action, Colonel Harden was a second time directed, with one hundred and eighty militia and thirty regulars, to spy out the position and intentions of the foe. Ten miles west of Chillicothe, sight was obtained of a considerable body of Indians; at which, the Kentucky militia suddenly became so alarmed as to flee. This evil example was soon after followed by the Pennsylvanians—thus leaving the thirty regulars to sustain an engagement with a greatly superior force. They displayed the greatest heroism; and maintained the action, until all but seven being overpowered, the latter effected their escape, and rëjoined the army at Chillicothe.

The Indian settlements bordering on the Scioto were now destroyed; which having been accomplished, Colonel Harden was a third time detached with three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars, under command of Major Wyllys. This force was attacked by a large body of Indians at the junction of the St. Joseph with the St. Mary. It was a most desperate contest. Here the militia retrieved their character; nor did they attempt to retreat till one hundred and nine men and officers lay dead on the field. Of the sixty regulars, only ten survived, and among the killed was their brave commander, Major Wyllys. Following this reverse, the survivors of the detachments joined the army, and retired to Fort Washington.

On the failure of General Harmar, Major General Arthur St. Clair, governor of the North-west territory, was appointed to succeed him. In 1791, at the head of two thousand men, the latter entered upon an expedition which had for its object the destruction of the Indian villages on the Miami. On the 3d of November, the army had proceeded within twelve or fifteen miles of the Indian villages, at which point the General formed his forces in two lines—the first, under command of General Butler, composed the right wing, and lay with a creek immediately in front of them. The left wing, under command of Colonel Drake, formed the second, and lay with an interval of some seventy yards between them and the first line. The militia occupied a post across the creek, a quarter of a mile in front.

On the following day, before sunrise, just after the troops had been dismissed from the parade, an unexpected attack was made on the militia, who fled in the utmost confusion, and, in their flight, deranged the continental troops, who were in the act of forming. The officers exerted themselves to the utmost to restore order; but were not entirely successful. The Indians fell upon them with savage impetuosity. The action instantly became extremely warm. The continental troops fought with spirit and determination; the Indians, with fearful desperation, advancing to the very mouth of the field-pieces.

At length, perceiving that the only hope of victory lay in the use of the bayonet, an impetuous charge was made under Lieutenant-colonel Drake, and the enemy driven several hundred yards. But not being able to pursue the advantage gained, the Indians turned, and renewed the attack. Meanwhile, General Butler was mortally wounded, and the right wing broken, the artillerists killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated by the enemy. At this critical moment, Major Drake was ordered to charge with the bayonet. This order he executed with great intrepidity and momentary success.

But the American troops, failing to keep their ranks, and flocking together in crowds, were, in several cases, shot down with but feeble resistance. At length, perceiving that his officers had suffered greatly, and the remnant of his army became more and more confused, General St. Clair ordered a retreat. For some miles, the Indians followed; but, fortunately for the surviving Americans, they at length turned back, to plunder the camp of such articles as the former had been obliged to abandon. The routed troops now continued their flight to Fort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their arms on the road. At this place, leaving their wounded, the army continued its retreat to Fort Washington.

The loss of the Americans was severe, amounting to thirty-eight commissioned officers killed, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates slain and missing. The wounded amounted to between two and three hundred officers and men, many of whom subsequently died. The loss of the Indians bore no comparison, it is thought, to that of the Americans. This reverse was as unexpected as unfortunate; yet want of neither ability, zeal, nor intrepidity was ascribed to the commander of the expedition, by a committee of congress, appointed to examine into the causes of its failure.

The subsequent history of this war is brief. In consequence of an anticipated adjustment of existing difficulties with the Indians, they having consented to a conference in the spring of 1794, hostilities were for a time suspended. But the proposed negotiations failing, General Wayne, with nearly one thousand men, was sent into their country, to reduce them to subjection. He engaged them in a sanguinary battle on the 20th of August, 1794, on the banks of the Miami, which resulted in their utter rout, and which was followed by laying waste their whole country. By means of this victory over the Miamies, a general Indian war was doubtless prevented. On the 3d of August, a treaty was concluded at Greenville, which established peace between the United States and the Indian tribes, and restored peace and tranquillity to the frontier settlements.

Rëelection of Washington.—During the year 1792, as the time approached for the election of a chief magistrate, General Washington expressed his intention, to some of his most intimate friends, to decline a rëelection. His age and increasing infirmities rendered his retirement from the cares of political life most desirable. In view of such retirement, he had prepared a farewell address to the people. But, through the persuasion of Jefferson, Hamilton, Randolph, and others, he was induced to forego his private wishes, and was unanimously rëelected to the presidency. No such unanimity has since been manifested by the people of the United States, in relation to the choice of a chief magistrate; nor is such unanimity likely again to exist. And most conclusively does it show, not merely the gratitude of the nation to the man who had stood foremost in times of peril, but its deep and universal sense of the purity of his patriotism and the worth of his skill in moulding and shaping the government still in its infancy. Such harmony was alike honorable to the nation and to Washington. Mr. Adams was rëelected vice-president. The following is a statement of the votes of the several electoral colleges:

Key: A.G. Washington, of Virginia.
B.John Adams, of Massa'tts.
C.George Clinton, of New York.
D.Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia.
E.Aaron Burr, of New York.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.A.B.C.D.E.
6New Hampshire,66
16Massachusetts,1616
4Rhode Island,44
9Connecticut,99
3Vermont,33
12New York,1212
7New Jersey,77
15Pennsylvania,15141
3Delaware,33
8Maryland,88
21Virginia,2121
4Kentucky,44
12North Carolina,1212
8South Carolina,871
4Georgia,44
132Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 67132775041

Difficulties with France.—The rëelection of Washington may be justly considered as among the most signal favors conferred on the American people. A revolution in France was in progress, remarkable for the political changes it was affecting and the sanguinary scenes which marked it. Monarchy had been abolished, Louis XVI. had fallen by the guillotine, a republic had been proclaimed, and the national convention had made proclamation of war against England, Holland, and Spain.

It was not unnatural that a people, who had themselves just thrown off the yoke, and were beginning to taste the sweets of liberty, as was the case with the Americans, should deeply sympathize with a nation which was engaged in a similar struggle for independence. From the commencement of the French Revolution, in 1789, not only the Americans, but the friends of liberty throughout the world, were full of hope that the political condition of France might thereby be improved. And as that revolution progressed, the interest deepened; and when, at length, the Republic was proclaimed, "the affection of the American nation to its ancient ally, became devotion." The enthusiasm knew scarcely any bounds, and was frequently manifested in the most extravagant manner.

Nor was it unnatural that the French people should look to America for her sympathy and aid, in so important an enterprise. They had, at a former period, helped her through her struggle for independence, and now, that they were embarked in a similar effort, could she withhold her cöoperation and aid? They had reason to expect it, and were not long in adopting measures to secure it.

The news of the declaration of war by France, against the powers already named, reached the United States in April, and with this intelligence arrived a new minister from the French republic, Mr. Genet. Both these circumstances contributed to "increase to an extraordinary degree the excitement already existing in favor of France, and disposed a large portion of the nation to an actual cöoperation with their ally against the enemy."

Washington and his associates in power were friends to liberty, and were well-wishers to the cause of true freedom in France. But the Revolution was assuming a selfish and sanguinary character, which betokened any thing but the establishment of a free and enlightened constitutional government. The most unbridled ambition for power was beginning to show itself, and reason and religion were apparently being deprived of their legitimate sway. In addition to this, the United States were in no situation to embark in angry conflict with Great Britain and other continental powers. In such a conflict it was apparently the wish of France to involve the country, and, to a considerable portion of the American people—arising from their prejudices against Great Britain—such an event would not have been unacceptable. But Washington judged more wisely for the interests of the nation; and accordingly, on the 22d of April, issued his proclamation of neutrality.

This neutral and pacific policy of the American government had, however, no apparent influence upon the new French minister. "Sanguine in his temperament, of uncontrolled passions, excited to a degree of insanity by the newborn ideas which raged in France, possessed of the wildest dreams of national glory and aggrandizement—in a word, the very incarnation of Jacobinism, he was the fittest brand which the assembly could have selected to hurl into the magazine of political strife. His reception at Charleston, where he landed, was well fitted to encourage him. Public authorities, and private citizens, vied with each other in glorifying the representative of European democracy. On all sides he beheld the disposition he desired, and he did not delay in profiting by it. Vessels were at once fitted out and armed, men were enlisted, and commissions issued under her authority to cruise against the enemies of France." Similar demonstrations of regard were shown him in other places, as he proceeded towards Philadelphia, and the same arrogant and haughty spirit was manifested by him. Pursuing his design of involving the country in war, in despite of public executive prohibition, he issued commissions to capture, and to bring into American ports, the vessels belonging to countries with whom the French were at war.

It is not necessary further to detail the conduct, nor the insolence of this infatuated man. Suffice it to add, that on the meeting of congress, December, 1793, the proclamation of neutrality was approved. Soon after, at the instance of Washington, Mr. Genet was rëcalled by the French government, which, at the same time, disapproved of his conduct.

Insurrection in Pennsylvania.—The summer of 1794, was signalized by an insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, commonly known as the "whiskey insurrection." It had its origin in a dissatisfaction with a law of congress, enacted in 1791, by which a duty was imposed upon spirits distilled in the United States. The inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania were chiefly foreigners, and consequently were less disposed to submit to the taxation necessary to the support of government. Strong opposition to the law was early manifested, and not a few outrages were committed upon the revenue officers while in the discharge of their duty—such as "whipping, tarring, and branding."

In consideration of these objections, in 1791-92, congress so modified the law, as to do away its most obnoxious features. But the law was now turned to party purposes, and the spirit of discontent was fostered and inflamed to an excessive degree. The consequence was, that outrages were renewed, and the wildest anarchy prevailed.

In September, 1792, the president issued his proclamation against unlawful combinations, and legal measures were adopted against such as refused to pay the tax imposed, and also against the rioters. But these measures were of no practical effect. The president's message was disregarded, and the violence and extent of the combination utterly prevented any enforcement of the law. The house of the collector of Fayette and Westmoreland, was, in November, 1793, entered at night by an armed party, and the officer forced, at the peril of his life, to surrender his commission and books.

After many fruitless efforts to appease the malcontents, the government decided that its officers should be protected, and the law, at all hazards, be sustained. Accordingly, in July, a number of writs were issued, and the marshal dispatched to serve them. In the performance of this duty in Allegany county, he was fired upon. The following day, the house of the inspector, General Neville, in the neighborhood of Pittsburg, was assaulted—but the rioters were repulsed. On the 17th, the attack was renewed, and, though defended by a detachment from the garrison at Pittsburg, it was taken and burned. The marshal and inspector were obliged to flee for their lives. The effect of this transaction was electrical. The whole of western Pennsylvania was in a blaze. All order was at an end. All law was prostrate.

It was now apparent that the interference of the general government would alone suffice to rule the storm. Neither the civil forces nor the local militia could be depended on. General Washington, therefore, on the 7th of August, made a requisition upon the governor of Pennsylvania and the adjacent states for quotas of militia. Meanwhile, a proclamation was issued to the insurgents to disperse, and a general amnesty promised on condition of a peaceable submission. These measures, however, had no effect. On the 25th of September, the army was ordered to proceed. On its approach, the principal leader fled. This removed the great obstacle to a pacification, and a general submission ensued on the arrival of the militia. Thus terminated a rebellion which, for a time, threatened the most disastrous consequences to the union. The enemies of the government were not unwilling that it should spread wider and wider; nor was foreign intrigue wanting to give it impulse. Through the forbearing policy of Washington, in the first instance, and his subsequent firm and decided measures, the insurrection was quelled. A number of arrests were made, and a few persons convicted. But all were at length pardoned.

Jay's Treaty.—For some time, the relations subsisting between the United States and Great Britain had been far from amicable. The original difficulties arose from the non-execution of the treaty of peace—each nation charging the other with the first infraction. The principal complaints were, on the one hand, the non-delivery of the ports held by the latter within the American lines, and the carrying off the slaves at the close of the war; on the other, the interposition, by the states, of legal impediments to the recovery of debts contracted before the war. Added to these sources of trouble, Great Britain was accused of exciting the hostility of the Indians on our northern frontier, of impressing our seamen, and, still more recently, of capturing our neutral vessels, retaliatory upon France, which had set the example.

For these reasons, a war between the United States and England was now a probable event. Nor were the friends of France slow in fanning the flame of discord. The latter, therefore, were greatly disappointed on learning that Great Britain had rescinded her orders in relation to the capture of neutral vessels. But it was a most fortunate circumstance for the peace of the two countries. Immediately, Washington, perceiving that an opportunity was presented for a probable settlement of existing difficulties, on the 16th of April, nominated John Jay, then chief justice, as envoy extraordinary to the British court.

On the 7th of March following, 1795, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, concluded by Mr. Jay, arrived. On the 8th, it was submitted to the senate.

The main feature of this treaty respected indemnity for unlawful captures, which was provided for, but no redress could be obtained for negroes carried away. The obstructions to collecting debts were to cease, and the ports on the frontiers were to be evacuated by the 1st of June, 1796. Other stipulations were embraced, and the treaty was limited to twelve years.

On the 24th of June, the senate advised the ratification of the treaty by a vote of exactly two-thirds. It was well known that the President was not entirely satisfied with it, but he had determined to ratify it, if advised by the senate. The cabinet was divided. The country was also divided. Even the friends of England were disappointed in its provisions; while her enemies were loud in their complaints and threats. Boston and the other cities passed condemnatory resolutions. In several cities, mobs threatened personal violence to the supporters of the treaty. Mr. Jay was burned in effigy; the British minister was insulted; and Mr. Hamilton was stoned at a public meeting.

Contrary to the predictions of many, the treaty, thus ratified, settled the difficulties between the two countries, which were on the eve of war. It even proved advantageous to the United States.

Election of Mr. Adams.—As the presidential term of Washington was now drawing to a close, he signified his intention to retire from the duties of public life. During his administration, the people had become divided into two great political parties; at the head of one, was Mr. Adams; at the head of the other, Mr. Jefferson. The election was characterized by a zeal corresponding to the interest taken by the parties in their candidates, and their devotion to their respective political creeds. The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams, as may be seen in the following official canvass of the votes:

ELECTION FOR THE THIRD TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1797, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1801.
Key: A.John Adams, of Massachusetts.
B.Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia.
C.Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina.
D.Aaron Burr, of New York.
E.Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts.
F.Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut.
G.John Jay, of New York.
H. George Clinton, of New York.
I.S. Johnson, of North Carolina.
J.James Iredell, of North Carolina.
K.George Washington, of Virgina.
L.Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina.
M.John Henry, of Maryland.
Number of Electors from each State.STATES.A.B.C.D.E.F.G.H.I.J.K.L.M.
3Tennessee,33
4Kentucky,44
4Georgia,44
8South Carolina,88
12North Carolina,11116311
21Virginia,120111531
11Maryland,74432
3Delaware,33
15Pennsylvania,114213
7New Jersey,77
12New York,1212
9Connecticut,94
4Rhode Island,44
16Massachusetts,161312
4Vermont,44
6New Hampshire,66
139Whole No. of Electors, Majority, 707168593015115723212

Farewell Address.—Washington's administration closed on the 3rd of March, 1797. Shortly before, he held his last formal levee. It was an occasion of deep, and even solemn interest. The distinguished of all parties and opinions were there—veterans of the revolution, "weather-stained and scarred"—statesmen, bent with the cares and weight of years spent in the service of their country—executive counsellors, who had stood by their chief, and aided in giving shape, union, and strength to the youthful republic—ministers from foreign governments, whose veneration approached that of his countrymen—and finally, a long line of private citizens, who admired and delighted to do honor to the man. They had convened, not for the last time to honor the president of the United States—the permanency of the republic was no longer problematical—a successor had been appointed, and hopes were reasonably entertained that the bonds of union between the several states would be strengthened in future years; but they had come to bid "farewell" to Washington—to him, to whose valor and wisdom the nation was prëeminently indebted for its independence, and the prosperity of its government—in short, to "a soldier, without stain upon his arms—a ruler, without personal ambition—a citizen, of self-sacrificing patriotism—a man, pure, unblemished, and true in every relation he had filled—one, in short, to whom all ages should point as the testimony, that virtue and greatness had been and could be united."

To Washington, the occasion was no less solemn and affecting. On retiring from the army, he had taken leave of officers and soldiers, expecting to spend his future days in the shade of his beloved Mount Vernon. Again he was seeking that happy and peaceful retreat, and was glad to be released from the cares and responsibilities of office; but when he looked round upon faces long familiar, and grasped the hands of those who had helped him in times of anxiety and doubt, Washington's heart was affected. It is said there were few smiles, but many tears seen during the reception.

On leaving the seat of government, Washington presented a token of regard to the principal officers of government. His affection for them was sincere and abiding. Towards the entire American people, he bore the kindness and good-will of a father. He wished their happiness. He had spent years in their service, without emolument, and even at the sacrifice of a portion of his patrimony; but that was nothing, so long as he could see the government stable, and the republic "one and indivisible." There was, perhaps, no one subject which had occupied Washington's thoughts, more than the union of the states. And now that he was about to retire, he felt it to be befitting him to express his views on some subjects connected, as he thought, with the vital interests and the future glory of his country. These he embodied in a "Farewell Address," which, for purity of language, beauty of conception, and soundness of political sentiments, has never been equalled. It can never be read but to be admired. There are but two sentences which we shall cite from this address; but, in respect to the future glory and prosperity of our country, they are as the corner-stones to our national capitol:

"The unity of government, which now constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the mainspring in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize."

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness—these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens."

On other subjects connected with the future welfare of the country, he expressed opinions, of whose wisdom and practical value, revolving years have given ample proof. Against the spirit of innovation upon the principles of the constitution, he gave solemn warning—against the spirit of party, when bitter and exclusive, he uttered his solemn remonstrance. Public credit should be maintained; public economy practiced; and institutions for the education and improvement of the public mind, liberally endowed.

[VII. JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT.]