FOOTNOTES:
[10] E.g. Burma in the reign of Anawrata and later in the time of Chapaṭa about 1200, and Siam in the time of Sûryavaṃsa Râma, 1361. On the other hand in 1752 the Sinhalese succession was validated by obtaining monks from Burma.
[11] Geiger, Literatur und Sprache der Singhalesen, p. 91.
[12] Compare the history of Khotan. The first Indian colonists seem to have introduced a Prakrit dialect. Buddhism and Sanskrit came afterwards.
[13] Literally demons, that is wild uncanny men. I refrain from discussing the origin and ethnological position of the Vaeddas for it hardly affects the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. For Vijaya's conquests see Mahâvaṃsa VII.
[14] IX. 26.
[15] Dîpavaṃsa I. 45-81, II. 1-69. Mahâvaṃsa I. 19-83. The legend that the Buddha visited Ceylon and left his footprint on Adam's peak is at least as old as Buddhaghosa. See Samanta-pâsâdikâ in Oldenburg's Vinaya Pitaka, vol. III, p. 332 and the quotations in Skeen's Adam's Peak, p. 50.
[16] Dîpa. V. x. 1-9. Mahâvaṃsa VIII. 1-27, IX. 1-12.
[17] Mahâvaṃsa X. 96, 102.
[18] For the credibility of the Sinhalese traditions see Geiger introd. to translation of Mahâvaṃsa 1912 and Norman in J.R.A.S. 1908, pp. 1 ff. and on the other side R.O. Franke in W.Z.K.M. 21, pp. 203 ff., 317 ff. and Z.D.M.G. 63, pp. 540 ff.
[19] Grünwedel, Buddhist art in India, pp. 69-72. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 302.
[20] The Jâtaka-nidâna-kathâ is also closely allied to these works in those parts where the subject matter is the same.
[21] This section was probably called Mahâvaṃsa in a general sense long before the name was specially applied to the work which now bears it.
[22] See introduction to Oldenburg's edition, pp. 8, 9.
[23] Perhaps this is alluded to at the beginning of the Mahâvaṃsa itself, "The book made by the ancients (porvâṇehi kato) was in some places too diffuse and in others too condensed and contained many repetitions."
[24] The Mahâvaṃsa was continued by later writers and brought down to about 1780 A.D.
[25] The Mahâvaṃsatîkâ, a commentary written between 1000 and 1250 A.D., has also some independent value because the old Aṭṭhakathâ-Mahâvaṃsa was still extant and used by the writer.
[26] Son according to the Sinhalese sources but according to Hsüan Chuang and others, younger brother. In favour of the latter it may be said that the younger brothers of kings often became monks in order to avoid political complications.
[27] The modern Mahintale.
[28] The Mahâvaṃsa implies that he had already some acquaintance with Buddhism. It represents him as knowing that monks do not eat in the afternoon and as suggesting that it would be better to ordain the layman Bhandu.
[29] The chronicles give with some slight divergences the names of the texts on which his preaching was based. It is doubtless meant that he recited the Sutta with a running exposition.
[30] Mahâvaṃ. xx. 17.
[31] Many other places claimed to possess this relic.
[32] Of course the antiquity of the Sinhalese Bo-tree is a different question from the identity of the parent tree with the tree under which the Buddha sat.
[33] Mahâvaṃ. XVIII.; Dîpavaṃ. XV. and XVI.
[34] But he says nothing about Mahinda or Sanghamittâ and does not support the Mahâvaṃsa in details.
[35] Duṭṭha, meaning bad, angry or violent, apparently refers to the ferocity shown in his struggle with the Tamils.
[36] Dîpavaṃsa XIX. 1. Mahâvaṃsa XXVII. 1-48. See Fergusson, Hist. Ind. Architecture, 1910, pp. 238, 246. I find it hard to picture such a building raised on pillars. Perhaps it was something like the Sat-mahal-prasâda at Pollanarua.
[37] Parker, Ancient Ceylon, p. 282. The restoration of the Ruwanweli Dagoba was undertaken by Buddhists in 1873.
[38] Mahâvaṃsa XXVIII.-XXXI. Duṭṭhagâmaṇi died before it was finished.
[39] Mahâvaṃsa XXIX. 37. Yonanâgarâlasanda. The town is also mentioned as situated on an Island in the Indus: Mil. Pan. III. 7. 4.
[40] According to the common reckoning B.C. 88-76: according to Geiger B.C. 29-17. It seems probable that in the early dates of Sinhalese history there is an error of about 62 years. See Geiger, Trans. Mahâvaṃsa, pp. XXX ff. and Fleet, J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 323-356.
[41] For the site see Parker's Ancient Ceylon, pp. 299 ff. The Mahâvaṃsa (XXXIII. 79 and X. 98-100) says it was built on the site of an ancient Jain establishment and Kern thinks that this tradition hints at circumstances which account for the heretical and contentious spirit of the Abhaya monks.
[42] Mahâv. XXXIII. 100-104. See too the Ṫîkâ quote by Turnour in his introduction, p. liii.
[43] A work on ecclesiastical history written about 1395. Ed. and Trans. Colombo Record Office.
[44] The probable error in Sinhalese dates mentioned in a previous note continues till the twelfth century A.D. though gradually decreasing. For the early centuries of the Christian era it is probable that the accepted dates should be put half a century later
[45] Mahâvaṃsa XXXVI. 41. Vetulyavâdam madditvâ. According to the Nikâya Sang, he burnt their Piṭaka.
[46] On Kathâ-vat. XVIII. 1 and 2. Printed in the Journal of the Pali Text Soc. for 1889.
[47] Watters, II. 234. Cf. Hsüan Chuang's life, chap. IV.
[48] Mahâvaṃ. XXXVI. iii. ff. Goṭhâbhaya's date was probably 302-315 and Mahâsena's 325-352. The common chronology makes Goṭhâbhaya reign from 244 to 257 and Mahâsena from 269 to 296 A.D.
[49] Quoted by Turnour, Introd. p. liii. The Mahâvaṃ. V. 13, expressly states that the Dhammaruci and Sâgaliya sects originated in Ceylon.
[50] I.e. as I understand, the two divisions of the Sutta Vibhanga.
[51] It was written up to date at various periods. The chapters which take up the history after the death of Mahâsena are said to be the work of Dhammakitti, who lived about 1250.
[52] He was a contemporary of the Gupta King Samudragupta who reigned approximately 330-375 A.D. See S. Lévi in J.A. 1900, pp. 316 ff, 401 ff. This synchronism is a striking confirmation of Fleet and Geiger's chronology.
[53] E.g. the tomb of Râmânuja at Srîrangam.
[54] For a somewhat similar reason the veneration of relics is prevalent among Moslims. Islam indeed provides an object of worship but its ceremonies are so austere and monotonous that any devotional practices which are not forbidden as idolatrous are welcome to the devout.
[55] Dig. Nik. XVI. v. 27.
[56] Plutarch mentions a story that the relics of King Menander were similarly divided into eight portions but the story may be merely a replica of the obsequies of the Buddha.
[57] IV. 3, 24. The first text is from Mahâparinibbâna Sutta, V. 24. The second has not been identified.
[58] Journal des Savants, Oct. 1906.
[59] See Norman, "Buddhist legends of Asoka and his times," in J.A.S. Beng. 1910.
[60] Just as the Tooth was considered to be the palladium of Sinhalese kings.
[61] Record of Buddhist kingdoms. Legge, pp. 34, 35. Fa-Hsien speaks of the country not the town of Peshawar (Purûshapura).
[62] Ibid. p. 109. Fa-Hsien does not indicate that at this time there was a rival bowl in Ceylon but represents the preacher as saying it was then in Gandhara.
[63] Watters, I. pp. 202, 203. But the life of Hsüan Chuang says Benares not Persia.
[64] Marco Polo trans. Yule, II. pp. 320, 330.
[65] For the history of the tooth see Mahâvaṃsa, p. 241, in Turnour's edition: the Dathavaṃsa in Pali written by Dhammakitti in 1211 A.D.: and the Sinhalese poems Daladapujavali and Dhatuvansaya. See also Da Cunha, Memoir on the History of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon, 1875, and Yule's notes on Marco Polo, II. pp. 328-330.
[66] I.e. about 361 or 310, according to which chronology is adopted, but neither Fa-Hsien or Hsüan Chuang says anything about its arrival from India and this part of the story might be dismissed as a legend. But seeing how extraordinary were the adventures of the tooth in historical times, it would be unreasonable to deny that it may have been smuggled out of India for safety.
[67] Various accounts are given of the disposal of these teeth, but more than enough relics were preserved in various shrines to account for all. Hsüan Chuang saw or heard of sacred teeth in Balkh, Nagar, Kashmir, Kanauj and Ceylon. Another tooth is said to be kept near Foo-chow.
[68] Plausibly supposed to be Puri. The ceremonies still observed in the temple of Jagannath are suspected of being based on Buddhist rites. Dantapura of the Kâlingas is however mentioned in some verses quoted in Dîgha Nikâya XIX. 36. This looks as if the name might be pre-Buddhist.
[69] They are called Ranmali and Danta in the Râjâvaliya.
[70] There is a striking similarity between this rite and the ceremonies observed at Puri, where the images of Jagannâtha and his relatives are conveyed every summer with great pomp to a country residence where they remain during some weeks.
[71] See Tennent's Ceylon, vol. II. pp. 29, 30 and 199 ff. and the Portuguese authorities quoted.
[72] Fortune in Two Visits to Tea Countries of China, vol. II. pp. 107-8, describes one of these teeth preserved in the Ku-shan monastery near Foo-chow.
[73] This practice must be very old. The Vinaya of the Mûlasarvâstivâdins and similar texts speak of offering flowers to a tooth of the Buddha. See J.A. 1914, II. pp. 523, 543. The Pali Canon too tells us that the relics of the Buddha were honoured with garlands and perfumes.
[74] Chap. XXXVII.
[75] Both probably represent the tradition current at the Mahâvihâra, but according to the Talaing tradition Buddhaghosa was a Brahman born at Thaton.
[76] The Mahâvaṃsa says he composed the Jñânodaya and Atthasâlinî at this time before starting for Ceylon.
[77] Fa-Hsien is chary of mentioning contemporary celebrities but he refers to a Well-known monk called Ta-mo-kiu-ti (? Dhammakathi ) and had Buddhaghosa been already celebrated he would hardly have omitted him.
[78] In the Coms. on the Dîgha and Dhammasangani.
[79] See Rhys Davids and Carpenter's introduction to Sumangalavi, I. p. x.
[80] In the Journal of Pali Text Soc. 1891, pp. 76-164. Since the above was written the first volume of the text of the Visuddhi magga, edited by Mrs. Rhys Davids, has been published by the Pali Text Society, 1920.
[81] Bhagavato Sâsanam. See Buddhaghosuppatti, chap. I.
[82] It appears to be unknown to the Chinese Tripitaka. For some further remarks on the Sinhalese Canon see Book III. chap. XIII. § 3.
[83] That is according to Geiger 386-416 A.D. Perhaps he was the Ta-mo-kiu-ti mentioned by Fa-Hsien.
[84] The tendency seems odd but it can be paralleled in India where it is not uncommon to rewrite vernacular works in Sanskrit. See Grierson, J.R.A.S. 1913, p. 133. Even in England in the seventeenth century Bacon seems to have been doubtful of the immortality of his works in English and prepared a Latin translation of his Essays.
[85] It is reported with some emphasis as the tradition of the Ancients in Buddhaghosuppatti, chap. VII. If the works were merely those which Buddhaghosa himself had translated the procedure seems somewhat drastic.
[86] Mahâv. XXXIII. Dhammasokova so kasi Piṭakattaye Saṇgahan. Dhâtusena reigned from 459-477 according to the common chronology or 509-527 according to Geiger.
[87] Mahâv. XLII. 35 ff.
[88] Mahâv. LXXVIII. 21-23.
[89] Mahâv. XXXVIII. Akâsi patimâgehe bahumangalacetiye boddhisatte ca tathâsun. Cf. Fa-Hsien, chap. XXVIII. ad fin.
[90] Or Parakkama Bâhu. Probably 1153-1186.
[91] Mahâvaṃsa LX. 4-7.
[92] Mahâvaṃsa LXXVIII. 21-27.
[93] Mahâv. LXXXIV. If this means the region of Madras, the obvious question is what learned Buddhist can there have been there at this period.
[94] J. Ant. 1893, pp. 40, 41.
[95] I take this statement from Tennent who gives references.
[96] See Ceylon Antiquary, I. 3, pp. 148, 197.
[97] Râjasinha I (1581) is said to have made Śivaism the Court religion.
[98] His reign is dated as 1679-1701, also as 1687-1706. It is remarkable that the Mahâvaṃsa makes both the kings called Vimala Dharma send religious embassies to Arakan. See XCIV. 15, 16 and XCVII. 10, 11.
[99] See for some details Lorgeou: Notice sur un Manuscrit Siamois contenant la relation de deux missions religieuses envoyées de Siam à Ceylon au milieu du xviii Siècle. Jour. Asiat. 1906, pp. 533 ff. The king called Dhammika by the Mahâvaṃsa appears to have been known as Phra Song Tham in Siam. The interest felt by the Siamese in Ceylon at this period is shown by the Siamese translation of the Mahâvaṃsa made in 1796.
[100] Râmañña is the part of Burma between Arakan and Siam.
[101] See Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, chap. VII.
[102] A translation by S.Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids has been published by the Pali Text Society. The author Anuruddha appears to have lived between the eighth and twelfth centuries.
[103] The Sinhalese had a special respect for the Abhidhamma. Kassapa V (c. A.D. 930) caused it to be engraved on plates of gold. Ep. Zeyl. I. p. 52.
[104] See Coomaraswamy in J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 283-297.
[105] For intercourse with Camboja see Epigr. Zeylanica, II. p. 74.
[106] A dubious legend relates that they were known in the north and suppressed by Harsha. See Ettinghausen, Harsha Vardhana, 1906, p. 86. Nil Sâdhana appears to be a name for tantric practices. See Avalon, Principles of Tantra, preface, p. xix.
[107] In the reigns of Vohâratissa, Goṭhâbhaya, Mahâsena and Ambaherana Salamevan. The kings Matvalasen and Mungayinsen are also known as Sena I and II.
[108] Secret Vinaya.
[109] Epigraphia Zeylan. I. p. 4.
[110] One of the king's inscriptions says that he reconciled the clergy of the three Nikâyas. Ep. Zeyl. I. p. 134.
[111] See Bowden in J.R.A.S. 1893, pp. 159 ff. The account refers to the Malwatte Monastery. But it would appear that the Pâtimokkha is recited in country places when a sufficient number of monks meet on Uposatha days.
[112] Even the poets were mostly Bhikkhus. Sinhalese literature contains a fair number of historical and philosophical works but curiously little about law. See Jolly, Recht und Sitte, p. 44.
[113] E.g. in the Aṭânâṭiya sutta (Dig. Nik. XXXII.) friendly spirits teach a spell by which members of the order may protect themselves against evil ones and in Jâtaka 159 the Peacock escapes danger by reciting every day a hymn to the sun and the praises of past Buddhas. See also Bunyiu, Nanjios Catalogue, Nos. 487 and 800.
[114] See for an account of the Maha Saman Devale, Ceylon Ant. July, 1916.
[115] So a mediæval inscription at Mahintale of Mahinda IV records the foundation of Buddhist edifices and a temple to a goddess. Ep. Zeyl. I. p. 103.
[116] Similarly in a religious procession described in the Mahâvaṃsa (XCIX. 52; about 1750 A.D.) there were "men in the dress of Brahmâs."
[117] Rock Edicts, II. and XIII. Three inscriptions of Asoka have been found in Mysore.
[118] The Manimegalei even mentions six systems of philosophy which are not the ordinary Darśanas but Lokâyatam, Bauddham, Sâṇkhyam, Naiyâyikam, Vaiśeshikam, Mîmâmsakam.
[119] Kan-chih-pu-lo. Watters, Yüan Chuang, II. 226. The identification is not without difficulties and it has been suggested that the town is really Negapatam. The Life of the pilgrim says that it was on the coast, but he does not say so himself and his biographer may have been mistaken.
[120] See art. by Rhys Davids in E.R.E.
[121] See Forchhammer, Jardine Prize Essay, 1885, pp. 24 ff.
[122] Author of the Abhidhammattha-sangaha.
[123] Some have been published by the P.T. Society.