FOOTNOTES:
[242] See among other authorities:
(a) E. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, Paris, 3 vols. 1900, 1904 (cited as Aymonier).
(b) A. Barth, Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge (Notices et extraits des MSS. de la Bibliot. Nat.), Paris, 1885 (cited as Corpus, I.).
(c) A. Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanscrites de Campâ et du Cambodge (in same series), 1893 (cited as Corpus, II.).
(d) L. Finot, "Buddhism in Indo-China," Buddhist Review, Oct. 1909.
(e) G. Maspéro, L'Empire Khmèr, Phnom Penh, 1904 (cited as Maspéro).
(f) P. Pelliot, "Mémoires sur les Coutumes de Cambodge par Tcheou Ta-kouan, traduits et annotés," B.E.F.E.O. 1902, pp. 123-177 (cited as Pelliot, Tcheou Ta-kouan).
(g) Id. "Le Founan," B.E.F.E.O. 1903, pp. 248-303 (cited as Pelliot, Founan).
(h) Articles on various inscriptions by G. Coedès in J.A. 1908, XI. p. 203, XII. p. 213; 1909, XIII. p. 467 and p. 511.
(i) Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l'Indochine, 1908 onwards.
(j) Le Bayon d'Angkor Thom, Mission Henri Dufour, 1910-1914. Besides the articles cited above the Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême Orient (quoted as B.E.F.E.O.) contains many others dealing with the religion and archaeology of Camboja.
(k) L. Finot, Notes d'Epigraphie Indo-Chinoise, 1916. See for literature up to 1909, G. Coedès, Bibliothèque raisonnée des travaux relatifs à l'Archéologie du Cambodge et du Champa. Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1909.
[243] See especially P.W. Schmitt, Die Mon-Khmer Völker. Ein Bindeglied zwischen Völkern Zentral-Asiens und Austronesiens. Braunschweig, 1906.
[244] Cambodge is the accepted French spelling of this country's name. In English Kamboja, Kambodia, Camboja and Cambodia are all found. The last is the most usual but di is not a good way of representing the sound of j as usually heard in this name. I have therefore preferred Camboja.
[245] See the inscription of Bàksĕ, Càṃkró̆ṇ, J.A. XIII. 1909, pp. 468, 469, 497.
[246] The Sui annals (Pelliot, Founan, p. 272) state that "Chên-la lies to the west of Lin-yi: it was originally a vassal state of Fu-nan.... The name of the king's family was Kshatriya: his personal name was Citrasena: his ancestors progressively acquired the sovereignty of the country: Citrasena seized Fu-nan and reduced it to submission." This seems perfectly clear and we know from Cambojan inscriptions that Citrasena was the personal name of the king who reigned as Mahendravarman, c. 600 A.D. But it would appear from the inscriptions that it was his predecessor Bhavavarman who made whatever change occurred in the relations of Camboja to Fu-nan and in any case it is not clear who were the inhabitants of Fu-nan if not Cambojans. Perhaps Maspéro is right in suggesting that Fu-nan was something like imperial Germany (p. 25), "Si le roi de Bavière s'emparait de la couronne impériale, rien ne serait changé en Allemagne que la famille régnante."
[247] It is remarkable that the Baudhâyana-dharma-sûtra enumerates going to sea among the customs peculiar to the North (I. 1, 2, 4) and then (II. 1, 2, 2) classes making voyages by sea as the first of the offences which cause loss of caste. This seems to indicate that the emigrants from India came mainly from the North, but it would be rash to conclude that in times of stress or enthusiasm the Southerners did not follow their practice. A passage in the second chapter of the Kautilîya Arthaśâstra has been interpreted as referring to the despatch of colonists to foreign countries, but it probably contemplates nothing more than the transfer of population from one part of India to another. See Finot, B.E.F.E.O. 1912, No. 8. But the passage at any rate shows that the idea of the King being able to transport a considerable mass of population was familiar in ancient India. Jâtaka 466 contains a curious story of a village of carpenters who being unsuccessful in trade built a ship and emigrated to an island in the ocean. It is clear that there must have been a considerable seafaring population in India in early times for the Rig Veda (II. 48, 3; I. 56, 2; I. 116, 3), the Mahabharata and the Jâtakas allude to the love of gain which sends merchants across the sea and to shipwrecks. Sculptures at Salsette ascribed to about 150 A.D. represent a shipwreck. Ships were depicted in the paintings of Ajanta and also occur on the coins of the Andhra King Yajñaśrî (c. 200 A.D.) and in the sculptures of Boroboedoer. The Dîgha Nikâya (XI. 85) speaks of sea-going ships which when lost let loose a land sighting bird. Much information is collected in Radhakumud Mookerji's History of Indian Shipping, 1912.
[248] Voyages are still regularly made in dhows between the west coast of India and Zanzibar or Mombasa and the trade appears to be old.
[249] See Jâtaka 339 for the voyage to Baveru or Babylon. Jâtakas 360 and 442 mention voyages to Suvaṇṇabhûmi or Lower Burma from Bharukaccha and from Benares down the river. The Milinda Pañha (VI. 21) alludes to traffic with China by sea.
[250] Râm. iv. 40, 30.
[251] Pelliot, Founan, p. 254. The Western and Eastern Tsin reigned from 265 to 419 A.D.
[252] Pelliot, Founan, p. 254. Most of the references to Chinese annals are taken from this valuable paper.
[253] The inscription of Mi-son relates how Kauṇḍinya planted at Bharapura (? in Camboja) a javelin given to him by Aśvatthâman.
[254] This is the modern reading of the characters in Peking, but Julien's Méthode justifies the transcription Kau-ḍi-nya.
[255] See S. Lévi in Mélanges Charles de Harlez, p. 176. Deux peuples méconnus. i. Les Murunḍas.
[256] Nanjio Catalogue, p. 422.
[257] I-Tsing, trans. Takakusu, p. 12.
[258] Corpus, I. p. 65.
[259] Corpus, I. pp. 84, 89, 90, and Jour. Asiatique, 1882, p. 152.
[260] When visiting Badami, Paṭṭadkal and Aihole in 1912 I noted the following resemblances between the temples of that district and those of Camboja. (a) The chief figures are Harihara, Vâmana and Nṛisiṃha. At Paṭṭadkal, as at Angkor Wat, the reliefs on the temple wall represent the Churning of the Sea and scenes from the Râmâyana. (b) Large blocks of stone were used for building and after being put in their positions were carved in situ, as is shown by unfinished work in places. (c) Medallions containing faces are frequent. (d) The architectural scheme is not as in Dravidian temples, that is to say larger outside and becoming smaller as one proceeds towards the interior. There is generally a central tower attached to a hall. (e) The temples are often raised on a basement. (f) Mukhalingas and kośhas are still used in worship. (g) There are verandahs resembling those at Angkor Wat. They have sloping stone roofs, sculptures in relief on the inside wall and a series of windows in the outside wall. (h) The doors of the Linga shrines have a serpentine ornamentation and are very like those of the Bayon. (i) A native gentleman told me that he had seen temples with five towers in this neighbourhood, but I have not seen them myself.
[261] E.g. Mahendravarman, Narasinhavarman, Parameśvaravarman, etc. It may be noticed that Paṭṭadkal is considerably to the N.W. of Madras and that the Pallavas are supposed to have come from the northern part of the present Madras Presidency. Though the Hindus who emigrated to Camboja probably embarked in the neighbourhood of Madras, they may have come from countries much further to the north. Varman is recognized as a proper termination of Kshatriya names, but it is remarkable that it is found in all the Sanskrit names of Cambojan kings and is very common in Pallava names. The name of Aśvatthâman figures in the mythical genealogies of both the Pallavas and the kings of Champa or perhaps of Camboja, see B.E.F.E.O. 1904, p. 923.
[262] Some authorities think that Kaundinya is meant by the wicked king, but he lived about 300 years before I-Ching's visit and the language seems to refer to more recent events. Although Bhavavarman is not known to have been a religious innovator he appears to have established a new order of things in Camboja and his inscriptions show that he was a zealous worshipper of Śiva and other Indian deities. It would be even more natural if I-Ching referred to Iśânavarman (c. 615) or Jayavarman I (c. 650), but there is no proof that these kings were anti-buddhist.
[263] Schiefner, p. 262.
[264] See Maspéro, L'Empire Khmèr, pp. 24 ff.
[265] Perhaps a second Bhavavarman came between these last two kings; see Coedès in B.E.F.E.O. 1904, p 691.
[266] See Mecquenem in B.E.F.E.O. 1913, No. 2.
[267] But the captivity is only an inference and not a necessary one. Finot suggests that the ancient royal house of Fu-nan may have resided at Javâ and have claimed suzerain rights over Camboja which Jayavarman somehow abolished. The only clear statements on the question are those in the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, Khmer text c. 72, which tell us that Camboja had been dependent on Javâ and that Jayavarman II instituted a special state cult as a sign that this dependence had come to an end.
It is true that the Hindu colonists of Camboja may have come from the island of Java, yet no evidence supports the idea that Camboja was a dependency of the island about 800 A.D. and the inscriptions of Champa seem to distinguish clearly between Yavadvîpa (the island) and the unknown country called Javâ. See Finot, Notes d'Epig. pp. 48 and 240. Hence it seems unlikely that the barbarous pirates (called the armies of Java) who invaded Champa in 787 (see the inscription of Yang Tikuh) were from the island. The Siamese inscription of Râma Khomhëng, c. 1300 A.D., speaks of a place called Chavâ, which may be Luang Prabang. On the other hand it does not seem likely that pirates, expressly described as using ships, would have come from the interior.
[268] For these annals see F. Garnier, "La Chronique royale du Cambodje," J.A. 1871 and 1872. A. de Villemereuil, Explorations et Missions de Doudard de Lagrée, 1882. J. Moura, Le Royaume de Cambodje, vol. II. 1883. E. Aymonier, Chronique des Anciens rois du Cambodje. (Excursions et reconnaissances. Saigon, 1881.)
[269] E.g. Ang Chan (1796-1834) received his crown from the King of Siam and paid tribute to the King of Annam; Ang Duong (1846-1859) was crowned by representatives of Annam and Siam and his territory was occupied by the troops of both countries.
[270] The later history of Camboja is treated in considerable detail by A. Leclerc, Histoire de Cambodge, 1914.
[271] Inscrip. of Moroun, Corpus, II. 387.
[272] Other local deities may be alluded to, under the names of Śrî Jayakshetra, "the field of victory" adored at Basset Simâdamataka, Śrî Mandareśvara, and Śrî Jalangeśvara. Aymonier, II. p. 297; I. pp. 305, 306 and 327.
[273] Inscrip. of Lovek.
[274] Prea Eynkosey, 970 A.D. See Corpus, I. pp. 77 ff.
[275] This compound deity is celebrated in the Harivamsa and is represented in the sculptures of the rock temple at Badami, which is dated 578 A.D. Thus his worship may easily have reached Camboja in the sixth or seventh century.
[276] Jayato jagatâm bhûtyai Kritasandhî Harâcyutau, Parvatîśrîpatitvena Bhinnamûrttidharâvapi. See also the Inscrip. of Ang Chumnik (667 A.D.), verses 11 and 12 in Corpus, I. p. 67.
[277] The Bayang Inscription, Corpus, I. pp. 31 ff. which mentions the dates 604 and 626 as recent.
[278] Corpus, II. p. 422 Śaivapaśupatâcâryyau. The inscription fixes the relative rank of various Acâryas.
[279] See B.E.F.E.O. 1906, p. 70.
[280] See specially on this subject, Coedès in Bull. Comm. Archéol. de l'Indochine, 1911, p. 38, and 1913, p. 81, and the letterpress of Le Bayon d'Angkor Thorn, 1914.
[281] I have seen myself a stone lingam carved with four faces in a tank belonging to a temple at Maḥakut not far from Badami.
[282] Suvarṇamayalingagateśvare te sûkshmântarâtmani. Inscrip. of Prea Ngouk, Corpus, I. p. 157.
[283] E.g. see Epig. Indica, vol. III. pp. 1 ff. At Paṭṭadkal (which region offers so many points of resemblance to Camboja) King Vijayâditya founded a temple of Vijayeśvara and two Queens, Lokamahâdevî and Trailokyamahâdevî founded temples of Lokeśvara and Trailokyeśvara.
[284] Aymonier, II. pp. 257 ff. and especially Finot in B.E.F.E.O. 1915, xv. 2, p. 53.
[285] See above.
[286] Sammohana and Niruttara are given as names of Tantras. The former word may perhaps be the beginning of a compound. There are Pali works called Sammohavinodinî and S. vinâśinî. The inscription calls the four treatises the four faces of Tumburn.
[287] This shows that matriarchy must have been in force in Camboja.
[288] Jânapada as the name of a locality is cited by Böthlingck and Roth from the Gaṇa to Pâniṇi, 4. 2. 82.
[289] Possibly others may have held office during this long period, but evidently all three priests lived to be very old men and each may have been Guru for forty years.
[290] This place which means merely "the abode of Hari and Hara" has not been identified.
[291] Corpus, II. Inscrip. lvi. especially pp. 248-251.
[292] Veal Kantel. Corpus, I. p. 28.
[293] Inscr. of Prah Khan, B.E.F.E.O. 1904, p. 675.
[294] B.E.F.E.O. 1904, p. 677.
[295] Just as a Vedic sacrifice was performed in the court of the temple of Chidambaram about 1908.
[296] Aymonier, Cambodja, I. p. 442.
[297] Śâstâ sounds like a title of Śâkyamuni, but, if Aymonier is correct, the personage is described as a Bodhisattva. There were pagoda slaves even in modern Burma.
[298] See Coedès, "La Stèle de Tép Praṇaṃ," in J.A. XI. 1908, p. 203.
[299] Inscrip. of Ta Prohm, B.E.F.E.O. 1906, p. 44.
[300] See Senart in Revue Archéologique, 1883. As in many inscriptions it is not always plain who is speaking but in most parts it is apparently the minister promulgating the instructions of the king.
[301] Inscript. of Prasat Prah Khse, Corpus, I. p. 173.
[302] Buddhânâm agraṇîr api, J.A. XX. 1882, p. 164.
[303] See Coedès, "Inscriptions de Bàt Cuṃ," in J.A. XII. 1908, pp. 230, 241.
[304] The Bodhisattva corresponding to the Buddha Akshobhya. He is green or blue and carries a thunderbolt. It seems probable that he is a metamorphosis of Indra.
[305] An exceedingly curious stanza eulogizes the doctrine of the non-existence of the soul taught by the Buddha which leads to identification with the universal soul although contrary to it. Vuddho vodhîm vidaddhyâd vo yena nairâtmyadarśanaṃ viruddhasyâpi sâdhûktaṃ sâdhanaṃ paramâtmanaḥ.
[306] Aymonier, I pp. 261 ff. Senart, Revue Archéologique, Mars-Avril, 1883.
[307] Nanjio, 1244 and 1248.
[308] The common designation of Avalokita in Camboja and Java. For the inscription see B.E.F.E.O. 1906, pp. 44 ff.
[309] Stanza XLVI.
[310] The inscription only says "There are here (atra)." Can this mean in the various religious establishments maintained by the king?
[311] See also Finot, Notes d'Epig. pp. 332-335. The Mahâvaṃsa repeatedly mentions that kings founded hospitals and distributed medicines. See too, Yule, Marco Polo, I. p. 446. The care of the sick was recognized as a duty and a meritorious act in all Buddhist countries and is recommended by the example of the Buddha himself.
[312] Their somewhat lengthy titles are Bhaishajyaguruvaidûryaprabharâja, Sûryavairocanacaṇḍaroci and Candravairocanarohinîśa. See for an account of them and the texts on which their worship is founded the learned article of M. Pelliot, "Le Bhaiṣajyaguru," B.E.F.E.O. 1903, p. 33.
[313] His narrative is translated by M. Pelliot in B.E.F.E.O. 1902, pp. 123-177.
[314] Pelliot (B.E.F.E.O. 1902, p. 148) cites a statement from the Ling Wai Tai Ta that there were two classes of bonzes in Camboja, those who wore yellow robes and married and those who wore red robes and lived in convents.
[315] M. Finot conjectures that it represents the Siamese Chao (Lord) and a corruption of Guru.
[316] See chapter on Siam, sect. 1.
[317] Corpus, II. p. 422.
[318] The strange statement of Chou Ta-kuan (pp. 153-155) that the Buddhist and Taoist priests enjoyed a species of jus primæ noctis has been much discussed. Taken by itself it might be merely a queer story founded on a misunderstanding of Cambojan customs, for he candidly says that his information is untrustworthy. But taking it in connection with the stories about the Aris in Burma (see especially Finot, J.A. 1912, p. 121) and the customs attributed by Chinese and Europeans to the Siamese and Philippinos, we can hardly come to any conclusion except that this strange usage was an aboriginal custom in Indo-China and the Archipelago, prior to the introductions of Indian civilization, but not suppressed for some time. At the present day there seems to be no trace or even tradition of such a custom. For Siamese and Philippine customs see B.E.F.E.O. 1902, p. 153, note 4.
[319] The French Archæological Commission states that exclusive of Angkor and the neighbouring buildings there are remains of 600 temples in Camboja, and probably many have entirely disappeared.
[320] Maspéro, pp. 62-3.
[321] The food is prepared in the monasteries, and, as in other countries, the begging round is a mere formality.
[322] But in Chinese temples notices forbidding smoking are often posted on the doors.
[323] The word dhyâna is known, but the exercise is more commonly called Vipassanâ or Kammathâna.
[324] M.G. Coedès in Bull. Comm. Archéol. 1911, p. 220.
[325] Although there is no reason why these pictures of the future life should not be Brahmanic as well as Buddhist, I do not remember having seen them in any purely Brahmanic temple.
[326] After spending some time at Angkor Wat I find it hard to believe the theory that it was a palace. The King of Camboja was doubtless regarded as a living God, but so is the Grand Lama, and it does not appear that the Potala where he lives is anything but a large residential building containing halls and chapels much like the Vatican. But at Angkor Wat everything leads up to a central shrine. It is quite probable however that the deity of this shrine was a deified king, identified with Vishṇu after his death. This would account for the remarks of Chou Ta-kuan who seems to have regarded it as a tomb.
[327] See especially the inscription of Bassac. Kern, Annales de l'Extrème Orient, t. III. 1880, p. 65.
[328] Pali books are common in monasteries. For the literature of Laos see Finot, B.E.F.E.O. 1917, No. 5.