CHAPTER IV.

[1] The actors in the Atellanae not only wore masks but had the privilege of refusing to take them off if they acted badly, which was the penalty exacted from those actors in the legitimate drama who failed to satisfy their audience. Masks do not appear to have been used even in the drama until about 100 B.C.

[2] Second Philippic.

[3] Planipedes audit Fabios. Juv. viii. 190.

[4] "Or Jonson's learned sock be on." Milton here adopts the Latin synonym for comedy.

[5] The Pallium. This, of course, was not always worn.

[6] Ovid's account of the Mimus is drawn to the life, and is instructive as showing the moral food provided for the people under the paternal government of the emperors (Tr. ii. 497). As an excuse for his own free language he says, Quid si scripsissim Mimos obscaena iocantes Qui semper vetiti crimen amoris habent; In quibus assidue cultus procedit adulter, Verbaque dat stulto callida nupta viro? Nubilis haec virgo, matronaque, virque, puerque Spectat, et ex magna parte Senatus adest. Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures; Assuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati … Quo mimis prodest, scaena est lucrosa poetae, &c. The laxity of the modern ballet is a faint shadow of the indecency of the Mime.

[7] The passage is as follows (Ep. ii. 1, 185): Media inter carmina poscunt Aut ursum aut pugiles: his nam plebecula plaudit. Verum equitis quoque iam miravit ab aure voluptas Omnis ad incertos oculos … Captivum portator ebur, captiva Corinthus: Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves … Rideret Democritus, et … spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis Ut sibi pradientem mimo spectacula plura, etc. From certain remarks in Cicero we gather that things were not much better even in his day.

[8] This is what Gellius (xvii. 14,2) says.

[9] The whole is preserved, Macrob. S. ii. 7, and is well worth reading.

[10] Cic. ad Att. xii. 18.

[11] See App. note 2, for more about Syrus.

[12] Hor. Sat. i. x. 6, where he compares him to Lucilius.

[13] Examples quoted by Gellius, x. 24; xv. 25.

[14] vi. 21.

[15] We should infer this also from allusions to Pythagorean tenets, and other philosophical questions, which occur in the extant fragments of Mimes.

[16] Tr. ii. 503, 4.

[17] S. 1-3, et al.

[18] Vell. Pat. ii. 83, where Plancus dancing the character of Glaucus is described, cf. Juv. vi. 63.

[19] Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit (Ep. ii. 1, 82). Quintilian (Inst. Or. xi. 3) says, Roscius citatior, Aesopus gravior fuit, quod ille comoedias, hic tragoedias egit.

[20] Cic. de Or. i. 28, 130. As Cicero in his oration for Sextius mentions the expression of Aesopus's eyes and face while acting, it is supposed that he did not always wear a mask.

[21] Ep. ii. 1, 173.

[22] xiv. 15. Others again think the name expresses one of the standing characters of the Atellanae, like the Maccus, etc.

[23] Pro Sext. 58.

[24] See Book i. chapter viii.

[25] These were doubtless much the worst of his poetical effusions. It was in them that the much-abused lines O fortunam natam me Consule Romam, and Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi, occurred. See Forsyth, Vit. Cic. p. 10, 11. His gesta Marii was the tribute of an admiring fellow-townsman.

[26] In the preface to his Lucretius.

[27] E.g. Inferior paulo est Aries et flumen ad Austri Inclinatior. Atque etiam, etc. v. 77; and he gives countless examples of that break after the fourth foot which Lucretius also affects, e.g. Arcturus nomine claro. Two or three lines are imitated by Virgil, e.g. v. 1, ab Jove Musarum primordia; so v. 21, obstipum caput et tereti cervice reflexum. The rhythm of v. 3, cum caeloque simul noctesque diesque feruntur, suggests a well-known line in the eighth Aeneid, olli remigio noctemque diemque fatigant.

[28] Suet. J. C. 56.

[29] N. H. xix. 7.

[30] Suet. vit. Ter. see page 51.

[31] See Bernhardy Grundr. der R. L. Anm, 200, also Caes. Op. ed. S. Clarke, 1778.

[32] De Bell. Alex. 4.

[33] Whenever a ship touched at Alexandria, Euergetes sent for any MSS. the captain might have on board. These were detained in the museum and labelled to ek ton ploion.

[34] The museum was situated in the quarter of the city called Brucheium (Spartian. in Hadr. 20). See Don. and Müller, Hist. Gk. Lit. vol. ii. chap. 45.

[35] The school of Alexandria did not become a religious centre until a later date. The priestly functions of the librarians are historically unimportant.

[36] It is true Theocritus stayed long in Alexandria. But his inspiration is altogether Sicilian, and as such was hailed by delight by the Alexandrines, who were tired of pedantry and compliment, and longed for naturalness though in a rustic garb.

[37] This is the true ground of Aristophanes' rooted antipathy to Euripides. The two minds were of an incompatible order, Aristophanes represents Athens; Euripides the human spirit.

[38] He must have had some real beauties, else Theocritus (vii. 40) would hardly praise him so highly: "ou gar po kat' emdn noon oude ton eslon Sikelidan nikemi ton ek Samo oude Philetan Aeidon, batrachos de pot akridat hos tis erisdo."

[39] Even an epic poem was, if it extended to any length, now considered tedious; Epyllia, or miniature epics, in one, two, or three books, became the fashion.

[40] Others assign the poem which has come down to us to Germanicus the father of Caligula, perhaps with better reason.

[41] Cic. De Or. xvi. 69.

[42] Ovid (Amor. i, 15, 16) expresses the high estimate of Aratus common in his day: Nulla Sophocleo veniet iactura cothurno. Cum sole et luna semper Aratus erit. He was not, strictly speaking, an Alexandrine, as he lived at the court of Antigonus in Macedonia; but he represents the same school of thought.

[43] They are generally mentioned together. Prop IV. i. 1, &c.

[44] Nothing can show this more strikingly than the fact that the Puritan Milton introduces the loves of Adam and Eve in the central part of his poem.

[45] The Cantores Euphorionis and despisers of Ennius, with whom Cicero was greatly wroth. Alluding to them he says:—Ita belle nobis "Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites." Hunc spondeiazonta si cui vis to neoteron pro tuo vendita. Ad. Att. vii, 2, 1.

[46] The reader is referred to the introductory chapter of Sellar's Roman poets of the Republic, where this passage is quoted.

[47] The reader is again referred to the preface to Munro's Lucretius.

[48] Quem tu, dea, tempore in omni Omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.

[49] i, 41.

[50] Ep. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11. It seems best to read multis ingenii luminibus non multae tamen artis than to put the non before multis. The original text has no non; if we keep to that, tamen will mean and even.

[51] Lucr. had a great veneration for his genius, see ii. 723: Quae (Sicilia) nil hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se Nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. Carmina quinctiam divini pectoris eius Vociferantur, et exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.

[52] In his treatise de Poetica he calls him physiologon mallon i poiaeten.

[53] A French writer justly says "L'utilité c'est le principe créateur de la littérature romaine."

[54] Some one has observed that the martial imagery of Lucretius is taken from the old warfare of the Punic wars, not from that of his own time. He speaks of elephants, of Scipio and Hannibal, as if they were the heroes most present to his mind.

[55] The eros philosuphus, so beautifully described by Plato in the Symposium.

[56] A Scotch acquaintance of the writer's when asked to define a certain type of theology, replied, "An interminable argument."

[57] Philetas wore himself to a shadow by striving to solve the sophistic riddle of the "Liar." His epitaph alludes to this: Xeine, Philaetas eimi, logon d' o pseudomenos me olese kai nukton phrontides esperioi.

[58] iii. 3. "Te sequor, o Graiae gentis decus!"

[59] v. 8, where, though the words are general, the reference is to Epicurus.

[60] By Sulla, 84 B.C.

[61] He defined it as a leia kinaesis, or smooth gentle motion of the atoms which compose the soul.

[62] The doctrine of inherited aptitudes is a great advance on the ancient statement of this theory, inasmuch as it partly gets rid of the inconsistency of regarding the senses as the fountains of knowledge while admitting the inconceivability of their cognising the ultimate constituents of matter.

[63] Prof. Maudesley's books are a good example.

[64] Dux vitae, dia voluptas (ii. 171). So the invocation to Venus with which the poem opens.

[65] As where he invokes Venus, describes the mother of the gods, or deifies the founder of true wisdom.

[66] Nec sum animi dubius Graiorum obscura reperta Difficile inlustrare Latinis versibus esse; Multa novis verbis praesertim cum sit agendum Propter egestatem linguae et rerum novitatem (i. 130).

[67] i. 75.

[68] Lu. i. 56-95.

[69] Ib. i. 710-735; iii. 1-30.

[70] Ib. i. 912-941.

[71] Ib. ii. 1-60.

[72] Ib. ii. 354-366.

[73] Ib. iii. 1036 sqq.

[74] Ib. i. 32-40.

[75] Contrast him with Manilius, or with Ovid in the last book of the Metamorphoses, or with the author of Etna. The difference is immense.

[76] Lu. ii. 371.

[77] Ib. v. 18.

[78] Ib. Ib. v. 3.

[79] Ib. apatheia.

[80] Ib. v. 1201, sqq.

[81] The passage in which they are described is perhaps the most beautiful in Latin poetry, iii. 18, sqq. Cf. ii. 644.

[82] E.g. omoiomepeia, and various terms of endearment, iv. 1154-63.

[83] S. i. 10.

[84] E.g. frequently in Juvenal.

[85] E.g. terrai frugiferai: lumina sis oculis: indugredi, volta, vacefit, facie are on the analogy of Ennius's cere comminuit brum, salsae lacrimae, &c.

[86] See Appendix.

[87] Besides the passages quoted or referred to, the following throw light upon his opinions or genius. The introduction (i. 1-55), the attack on mythology (ii, 161-181, 591-650); that on the fear of death (iii. 943- 983), the account of the progress of the arts (v. 1358-1408), and the recommendation of a calm mind (v. 56-77).

[88] E.g. quocirca, quandoquidem, id ita esse, quod superest, Huc accedit ut, &c.

[89] Lu. i. 914.

[90] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[91] Ov. Am. i. 15, 23; Stat. Silv. ii. 7, 76.

[92] Hor. Deos didici securum agere aerom, S. i. v. 101.

[93] Georg. ii. 490. Connington in his edition of Virgil, points out hundreds of imitations of his diction.

[94] Tac. Ann. lv. 34.

[95] We cannot certainly gather that Furius was alive when Horace wrote Sat. ii. 5, 40,

"Furius hibernas cana nive conspuit Alpes."

[96] S. i. x. 36.

[97] See Virg. Aen. iv. 585; xii. 228; xi. 73l.

[98] Hor. S. i. x. 46, experto frustra Varrone Atacino.

[99] Ov. Am. i. xv. 21; Ep. ex. Pont. iv. xvi. 21.

[100] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[101] Trist. ii. 439. For some specimens of his manner see App. to chap. i. note 3.

[102] Ecl. ix. 35.

[103] Told by Ovid (Metam. bk. x.).

[104] Cat. xc. 1.

[105] Cic. (Brut.) lxxxii. 283.

[106] Romae vivimus; illa domus, lxviii. 34.

[107] See. C. xxxi.

[108] C. xxv.

[109] C. i.

[110] C. xlix.

[111] C. xciii. lvii. xxix.

[112] What a different character does this reveal from that of the Augustan poets! Compare the sentiment in C. xcii.:

"Nil nimium studeo Caesar tibi velle placere
Nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo."

[113] For the character of Clodia, see Cic. pro Cael. passim; and for her criminal passion for her brother, compare Cat. lxxix., which is only intelligible if so understood. Cf. also lviii. xci. lxxvi.

[114] The beautiful and pathetic poem (C. lxxvi.) in which he expresses his longing for peace of mind suggests this remark.

[115] C. lxv. and lxviii.

[116] C. xxxi.

[117] Compare, however, Lucr. iii. 606-8.

[118] C. vi. 15, quicquid habes boni malique Die nobis.

[119] See xix. 5-9, and lxxvi.

[120] Especially in the Attis.

[121] Ov. Amor. iii. 9, 62, docte Catulle. So Mart. viii. 73, 8. Perhaps satirically alluded to by Horace, simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum. S. I. x.

[122] The first foot may be a spondee, a trochee, or an iambus. The licence is regarded as duriusculum by Pliny the Elder. But in this case freedom suited the Roman treatment of the metre better than strictness.

[123] A trimeter iambic line with a spondee in the last place, which must always be preceded by an iambus, e.g. Miser Catulle desinas ineptire.

[124] E.g. in C. lxxxiv. (12 lines) there is not a single dissyllabic ending. In one place we have dictaque factaque sunt. I think Martial also has hoc scio, non amo te. The best instance of continuous narration in this metre is lxvi. 105-30, Quo tibi tum—conciliata viro, a very sonorous passage.

[125] E.g. Perfecta exigitur | una amicitia (see Ellis. Catull. Prolog.), and Iupiter ut Chalybum | omne genus percut, which is in accord with old Roman usage, and is modelled on Callimachus's Zeu kater, os chalybon pan apoloito genos.

[126] This has been alluded to under Aratus. As a specimen of Catullus's style of translation, we append two lines, Hae me Konon eblepsen en aeri ton Berenikaes bostruchon on keinae pasin ethaeke theois of translation, we append two lines, which are thus rendered, Idem me ille Conon caelesti munere vidit E Bereniceo vertice caesariem Fulgenlem clare, quam multis illa deorum Levia protendens brachia pollicitaest. The additions are characteristic.

[127] clxviii.

[128] Ca. clxi: lxii.

[129] The conceit in v. 63, 64, must surely be Greek.

[130] Epullion.

[131] C. 68.

[132] See Ellis, Cat. Prolegomena.