CHAPTER VIII.
[1] For an excellent account of this inconstant prince see his biography by Aelius Spartianus, who preserves other poems of his.
[2] Cf. Dom. 12, Interfuisse me adolescentulum memini cum inspiceretur senex (a Domitiano). From Gram. 4, Ner. 57, as compared with this, we should infer that he was about fifteen in the year 90.
[3] Ep. i. 18.
[4] Ep. iii. 8.
[5] Paneg. Traj. 95.
[6] Ep. i. 24.
[7] E.g. Fronto writing under Antoninus mentions him as still living.
[8] Hist. Var. 6, 874-896 (Roth).
[9] De Spect. 5.
[10] Ad Aen. 7, 612: Tria suntgenera trabearum; nuum diis sacratum, quod est tantum de purpura; aliud regum, quod est purpureum, habet tanem album aliquid; tertium augurale de purpura et cocco. The other passage (Ad Aen. 2, 683) describes the different priestly caps, the apex, the tubulus, and the galerus.
[11] Etym. 18, 2, 3.
[12] Perhaps the word Stemma should be supplied before syngenikon.
[13] In one MS. is appended to Suetonius's works a list of grammatical observations called Differentiae sermonum Remmi Palaemonis ex libro Suetoni Tranquilli qui inscribitur Pratum. Roth prints these, but does not believe them genuine.
[14] It will be found Ner. 47-49.
[15] Qualis artifex pereo.
[16] Many of these ejaculations are in Greek. On this see note i. p. 37.
[17] Usually (from the Cod. Bamberg.) Julius Florus; but Mommsen considers this a corruption.
[18] Riese, Anthol. Lat. p. 168-70; ib. No. 87, p. 101. Some have ascribed the Pervigilium Veneris to him.
[19] ii. 1.
[20] See back page 331.
[22] Dio. xl. 5, 20.
[23] For these writers, see Teuff. § 345.
[24] i. 4, 1.
[25] He speaks of having learnt from him to epistasthai oti hae turannikae baskania kai poikilia kai hypokrisis kai oti os epipan oi kaloumenoi outoi par aemin Eupatridai astorgoteroi pos eisin.
[26] Paneg. Constant. 14.
[27] Sat. V. 1.
[28] Siccum. This shows more acumen than we should have expected from Macrobius.
[29] Ep. ad M. Caes ii. 1.
[30] In complaining of fate, he suddenly breaks off with the words: Fata a fando appellata aiunt; hoccine est recte fari? § 7.
[31] On this see a fuller account, pp. 478, 474.
[32] Some of the more interesting chapters in his work may be referred to:—On religion, i. 7; iv. 9; iv. 11; v. 12; vi. 1. On law, iv. 3; iv. 4; iv. 5; v. 19; vii. 15; x. 20. On Virgil, i. 23; ii. 3; ii. 4; v. 8; vi. 6; vii. 12; vii. 20; ix. 9; x. 16; xiii. 1; xiii. 20. On Sallust, i. 15; ii. 27; iii. 1; iv. 15; x. 20. On Ennius, iv. 7; vii. 2; xi. 4; xviii. 5.
[33] And those often rare ones, as solitavisse.
[34] E.g. in vii. 17, where he poses a grammarian as to the signification of obnoxius. Compare also xiv. 5, on the vocative of egregius.
[35] See xiv. 6.
[36] See iv. 9.
[37] See esp. xix. 9.
[38] E.g. iv. 1.
[39] Especially iv. 7; v. 21; vii. 7, 9, 11; xvi. 14; xviii. 8, 9.
[40] xviii. 5.
[41] Civ. Dei. ix. 4.
[42] Teuffel, § 356.
[43] Note 1, p. 466.
[44] xix. 11.
[45] The personal taste of the emperors now greatly helped to form style. This should not be forgotten in criticising the works of this period.
[46] Such is Teuffel's opinion, following Büchelor, L. L. § 358.
[47] P. 1414.
[48] This date is adopted by Charpentier. Teuffel (L. L. § 362, 2) inclines to a later date, 125 A.D.
[49] Apol. 23.
[50] Sometimes called De Magia.
[51] The word paupertas must be used in a limited sense, as it is by Horace, pauperemque dives me petit; or else we must suppose that Apuleius had squandered his fortune in his travels.
[52] The case was tried before the Proconsul Claudius Maximus.
[53] It will be found Metam. iv. 28—vi. 24.
[54] Apuleius himself (i. 1) calls it a Milesian tale (see App. to ch. 3). These are very generally condemned by the classical writers. But there is no doubt they were very largely read sub rosa. When Crassus was defeated in Parthia, the king Surenas is reported to have been greatly struck with the licentious novels which the Roman officers read during the campaign.
[55] St Augustine fully believed that he and Apollonius of Tyana were workers of (demoniacal) miracles.