Amiens, Nov. 2, 1794.
Every poſt now brings me letters from England; but I perceive, by the ſuppreſſed congratulations of my friends, that, though they rejoice to find I am ſtill alive, they are far from thinking me in a ſtate of ſecurity. You, my dear Brother, muſt more particularly have lamented the tedious confinement I have endured, and the inconveniencies to which I have been ſubjected; I am, however, perſuaded that you would not wiſh me to have been exempt from a perſecution in which all the natives of England, who are not a diſgrace to their country, as well as ſome that are ſo, have ſhared. Such an exemption would now be deemed a reproach; for, though it muſt be confeſſed that few of us have been voluntary ſufferers, we ſtill claim the honour of martyrdom, and are not very tolerant towards thoſe who, expoſed by their ſituation, may be ſuppoſed to have owed their protection to their principles.
There are, indeed, many known revolutioniſts and republicans, who, from party diſputes, perſonal jealouſies, or from being compriſed in ſome general meaſure, have undergone a ſhort impriſonment; and theſe men now wiſh to be confounded with their companions who are of a different deſcription. But ſuch perſons are carefully diſtinguiſhed;* and the ariſtocrats have, in their turn, a catalogue of ſuſpicious people—that is, of people ſuſpected of not having been ſuſpicious.
* Mr. Thomas Paine, for inſtance, notwithſtanding his ſufferings, iſ ſtill thought more worthy of a ſeat in the Convention or the Jacobins, than of an apartment in the Luxembourg.—Indeed I have generally remarked, that the French of all parties hold an Engliſh republican in peculiar abhorrence.
It is now the faſhion to talk of a ſojourn in a maiſon d'arret with triumph; and the more decent people, who from prudence or fear had been forced to ſeek refuge in the Jacobin clubs, are now ſolicitous to proclaim their real motives. The red cap no longer "rears its hideouſ front" by day, but is modeſtly converted into a night-cap; and the bearer of a diplome de Jacobin, inſtead of ſwinging along, to the annoyance of all the paſſengers he meets, paces ſoberly with a diminiſhed height, and an air not unlike what in England we call ſneaking. The bonnet rouge begins likewiſe to be effaced from flags at the doors; and, as though this emblem of liberty were a very bad neighbour to property, itſ relegation ſeems to encourage the re-appearance of ſilver forks and ſpoons, which are gradually drawn forth from their hiding-places, and reſume their ſtations at table. The Jacobins repreſent themſelves aſ being under the moſt cruel oppreſſion, declare that the members of the Convention are ariſtocrats and royaliſts, and lament bitterly, that, inſtead of fiſh-women, or female patriots of republican external, the galleries are filled with auditors in flounces and anti-civic top-knots, femmes a fontanges.
Theſe imputations and grievances of the Jacobins are not altogether without foundation. People in general are ſtrongly impreſſed with an idea that the Aſſembly are veering towards royaliſm; and it is equally true, that the ſpeeches of Tallien and Freron are occaſionally heard and applauded by fair elegantes, who, two years ago, would have recoiled at the name of either. It is not that their former deeds are forgotten, but the French are grown wiſe by ſuffering; and it is politic, when bad men act well, whatever the motive, to give them credit for it, as nothing iſ ſo likely to make them perſevere, as the hope that their reputation iſ yet retrievable. On this principle the ariſtocrats are the eulogiſts of Tallien, while the Jacobins remind him hourly of the maſſacres of the prieſts, and his official conduct as Secretary to the municipality or Paris.*
* Tallien was Seecretary to the Commune of Paris in 1792, and on the thirty-firſt of Auguſt he appeared at the bar of the Legiſlative Aſſembly with an addreſs, in which he told them "he had cauſed the refractory prieſts to be arreſted and confined, and that in a few days the Land of Liberty ſhould be freed of them."—The maſſacres of the priſons began two days after!
As ſoon as a Repreſentative is convicted of harbouring an opinion unfavourable to pillage or murder, he is immediately declared an ariſtocrat; or, if the Convention happen for a moment to be influenced by reaſon or juſtice, the hopes and fears of both parties are awakened by ſuſpicions that the members are converts to royaliſm.—For my own part, I believe they are and will be juſt what their perſonal ſecurity and perſonal intereſt may ſuggeſt, though it is but a ſorry ſort of panegyric on republican ethics to conclude, that every one who manifeſts the leaſt ſymptom of probity or decency, muſt of courſe be a royaliſt or an ariſtocrat.
Notwithſtanding the harmony which appears to ſubſiſt between the Convention and the people, the former is much leſs popular in detail than in the groſs. Almoſt every member who has been on miſſion, is accuſed of dilapidations and cruelties ſo heinous, that, if they had not been committed by Repreſentans du Peuple, the criminal courts would find no difficulty in deciding upon them.—But as theft or murder does not deprive a member of his privileges, complaints of this nature are only cognizable by the Aſſembly, which, being yet in its firſt days of regeneration, is rather ſcrupulous of defending ſuch amuſements overtly. Alarmed, however, at the number, and averſe from the precedent of theſe denunciations, it has now paſſed a variety of decrees, which are termed a guarantee of the national repreſentation, and which in fact guarantee it ſo effectually, that a Deputy may do any thing in future with impunity, provided it does not affect his colleagues. There are now ſo many forms, reports, and examinations, that ſeveral months may be employed before the perſon of a delinquent, however notorious his guilt, can be ſecured. The exiſtence of a fellow-creature ſhould, doubtleſs, be attacked with caution; for, though he may have forfeited his claims on our eſteem, and even our pity, religion has preſerved him others, of which he ſhould not be deprived.—But when we recollect that all theſe merciful ceremonieſ are in favour of a Carrier or a Le Bon, and that the King, Madame Elizabeth, and thouſands of innocent people, were hurried to execution, without being allowed the conſolations of piety or affection, which only a mockery of juſtice might have afforded them; when, even now, prieſtſ are guillotined for celebrating maſſes in private, and thoughtleſs people for ſpeaking diſreſpectfully of the Convention—the heart is at variance with religion and principle, and we regret that mercy is to be the excluſive portion of thoſe who were never acceſſible to its dictates.*
* The denunciation being firſt preſented to the Aſſembly, they are to decide whether it ſhall be received. If they determine in the affirmative, it is ſent to the three Committees of Legiſlation, Public Welfare, and General Safety, to report whether there may be room for farther examination. In that caſe, a commiſſion of twenty-one members is appointed to receive the proofs of the accuſer, and the defence of the accuſed. Theſe Commiſſioners, after as long a delay as they may think fit to interpoſe, make known their opinion; and if it be againſt the accuſed, the Convention proceed to determine finally whether the matter ſhall be referred to the ordinary tribunal. All this time the culprit is at large, or, at worſt, and merely for the form, careleſſly guarded at his own dwelling.
I would not "pick bad from bad," but it irks one's ſpirit to ſee theſe miſcreants making "aſſurance doubly ſure," and providing for their own ſafety with ſuch ſolicitude, after ſacrificing, without remorſe, whatever was moſt intereſting or reſpectable in the country.—Yours, &c.