Amiens, Nov. 29, 1794.
The ſelfiſh policy of the Convention in affecting to reſpect and preſerve the Jacobin ſocieties, while it deprived them of all power, and help up the individuals who compoſed them to abhorrence, could neither ſatiſfy nor deceive men verſed in revolutionary expedients, and more accuſtomed to dictate laws than to ſubmit to them.*
* The Jacobins were at this time headed by Billaud Varenne, Collot, Thuriot, &c.—veterans, who were not likely to be deceived by temporizing.
Supported by all the force of government, and intrinſically formidable by their union, the Clubs had long exiſted in defiance of public reprobation, and for ſome time they had braved not only the people, but the government itſelf. The inſtant they were diſabled from correſponding and communicating in that privileged ſort of way which rendered them ſo conſpicuous, they felt their weakneſs; and their deſultory and unconnected efforts to regain their influence only ſerved to complete itſ annihilation. While they pretended obedience to the regulations to which the Convention had ſubjected them, they intrigued to promote a revolt, and were ſtrenuouſly exerting themſelves to gain partizans among the idle and diſſolute, who, having ſubſiſted for months as members of revolutionary committees, and in other revolutionary offices, were naturally averſe from a more moderate government. The numbers of theſe were far from inconſiderable: and, when it is recollected that thiſ deſcription of people only had been allowed to retain their arms, while all who had any thing to defend were deprived of them, we cannot wonder if the Jacobins entertained hopes of ſucceſs.
The Convention, aware of theſe attempts, now employed againſt its ancient accomplices the ſame arts that had proved ſo fatal to all thoſe whom it had conſidered as its enemies. A correſpondence was "opportunely" intercepted between the Jacobins and the Emigrants in Switzerland, while emiſſaries inſinuated themſelves into the Clubs, for the purpoſe of exciting deſperate motions; or, diſperſed in public places, contrived, by aſſuming the Jacobin coſtume, to throw on the faction the odium of thoſe ſeditious exclamations which they were employed to vociferate.
There is little doubt that the deſigns of the Jacobins were nearly ſuch as have been imputed to them. They had, however, become more politic than to act thus openly, without being prepared to repel their enemies, or to ſupport their friends; and there is every appearance that the Swiſſ plots, and the inſurrections of the Palais Egalite, were the devices of the government, to give a pretext for ſhutting up the Club altogether, and to avert the real dangers with which it was menaced, by ſpreading an alarm of fictitious ones. A few idle people aſſembled (probably on purpoſe) about the Palais Egalite, and the place where the Jacobins held their meetings, and the exclamation of "Down with the Convention!" ſerved as the ſignal for hoſtilities. The ariſtocrats joined the partizans of the Convention, the Jacobins were attacked in their hall, and an affray enſued, in which ſeveral perſons on each ſide were wounded. Both partieſ accuſed each other of being the aggreſſor, and a report of the buſineſſ was made to the Aſſembly; but the Aſſembly had already decided—and, on the ninth of November, while the Jacobins were endeavouring to raiſe the ſtorm by a recapitulation of the rights of man, a decree was paſſed, prohibiting their debates, and ordering the national ſeal to be put on their doors and papers. The ſociety were not in force to make reſiſtance, and the decree was carried into execution as quietly aſ though it had been levelled againſt the hotel of ſome devoted ariſtocrat.
When the news of this event reached the departments, it occaſioned an univerſal rejoicing—not ſuch a rejoicing as is ordered for the ſucceſſeſ of the French arms, (which always ſeems to be a matter of great indifference,) but a chearfulneſs of heart and of countenance; and many perſons whom I do not remember to have ever ſeen in the leaſt degree moved by political events, appeared ſincerely delighted at thiſ—
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"And thoſe ſmile now, who never ſmil'd before, "And thoſe who always ſmil'd, now ſmile the more." Parnell's Claudian. |
The armies might proceed to Vienna, pillage the Eſcurial, or ſubjugate all Europe, and I am convinced no emotion of pleaſure would be excited equal to that manifeſted at the downfall of the Jacobins of Paris.
Since this diſgrace of the parent ſociety, the Clubs in the departmentſ have, for the moſt part, diſſolved themſelves, or dwindled into peaceable aſſemblies to hear the news read, and applaud the convention.—The few Jacobin emblems which were yet remaining have totally diſappeared, and no veſtige of Jacobiniſm is left, but the graves of its victims, and the deſolation of the country.
The profligate, the turbulent, the idle, and needy, of various countrieſ in Europe, have been tempted by the ſucceſſes of the French Jacobins to endeavour to eſtabliſh ſimilar inſtitutions; but the ſame ſucceſſes have operated as a warning to people of a different deſcription, and the fall of theſe ſocieties has drawn two confeſſions from their original partizans, which ought never to be forgotten—namely, that they were formed for the purpoſe of ſubverting the monarchy, and that their exiſtence is incompatible with regular government of any kind.—"While the monarchy ſtill exiſted, (ſays the moſt philoſophic Lequinio, with whoſe ſcheme of reforming La Vendee you are already acquainted,) it waſ politic and neceſſary to encourage popular ſocieties, as the moſt efficacious means of operating its deſtruction; but now we have effected a revolution, and have only to conſolidate it by mild and philoſophic laws, theſe ſocieties are dangerous, becauſe they can produce only confuſion and diſorder."—This is alſo the language of Briſſot, who admires the Jacobins from their origin till the end of 1792, but after that period he admits they were only the inſtruments of faction, and deſtructive of all property and order.*
* The period of the Jacobin annals ſo much admired by Briſſot, compriſes the dethronement of the King, the maſſacres of the priſons, the baniſhment of the prieſts, &c. That which he reprobates begins preciſely at the period when the Jacobins diſputed the claims of himſelf and his party to the excluſive direction of the government.—See Briſſot's Addreſs to his Conſtituents.
—We learn therefore, not from the abuſes alone, but from the praiſeſ beſtowed on the Jacobins, how much ſuch combinations are to be dreaded. Their merit, it appears, conſiſted in the ſubverſion of the monarchical government, and their crime in ceaſing to be uſeful as agents of tyranny, the moment they ceaſed to be principals.
I am ſtill ſceptical as to the converſion of the Aſſembly, and little diſpoſed to expect good from it; yet whatever it may attempt in future, or however its real principles may take an aſcendant, this fortunate concurrence of perſonal intereſts, coalition of ariſtocrats and democrats, and political rivalry, have likewiſe ſecured France from a return of that exceſs of deſpotiſm which could have been exerciſed only by ſuch means. It is true, the ſpirit of the nation is ſo much depreſſed, that an effort to revive theſe Clubs might meet no reſiſtance; but the ridicule and opprobrium to which they have latterly been ſubject, and finally the manner of their being ſacrificed by that very Convention, of which they were the ſole creators and ſupport, will, I think, cool the zeal, and diminiſh the numbers of their partizans too much for them ever again to become formidable.
The conduct of Carrier has been examined according to the new forms, and he is now on his trial—though not till the delays of the Convention had given riſe to a general ſuſpicion that they intended either to exonerate or afford him an opportunity of eſcaping; and the people were at laſt ſo highly exaſperated, that ſix thouſand troops were added to the military force of Paris, and an inſurrection was ſeriouſly apprehended. Thiſ ſtimulated the diligence, or relaxed the indulgence, of the commiſſion appointed to make the report on Carrier's conduct; and it being decided that there was room for accuſation, the Aſſembly confirmed the deciſion, and he was ordered into cuſtody, to be tried along with the Revolutionary Committee of Nantes which had been the inſtrument of his crimes.
It is a circumſtance worth noting, that moſt of the Deputies who explained the motives on which they thought Carrier guilty, were ſilent on the ſubject of his drowning, ſhooting, and guillotining ſo many thouſands of innocent people, and only declared him guilty, as having been wanting in reſpect towards Trehouard, one of his colleagues, and of injuring the republican cauſe by his atrocities.
The fate of this monſter exhibits a practical expoſition of the enormouſ abſurdity of ſuch a government. He is himſelf tried for the exerciſe of a power declared to be unbounded when entruſted to him. The men tried with him as his accomplices were obliged by the laws to obey him; and the acts of which they are all accuſed were known, applauded, and held out for imitation, by the Convention, who now declare thoſe very acts to be criminal!—There is certainly no way of reconciling juſtice but by puniſhing both chiefs and ſubordinates, and the hour for this will yet come.—Adieu.