Providence, Aug. 14, 1794.
The thirty members whom Robeſpierre intended to ſacrifice, might perhapſ have formed ſome deſign of reſiſting, but it appears evident that the Convention in general acted without plan, union, or confidence.*—
* The baſe and ſelfiſh timidity of the Convention is ſtrongly evinced by their ſuffering fifty innocent people to be guillotined on the very ninth of Thermidor, for a pretended conſpiracy in the priſon of St. Lazare.—A ſingle word from any member might at thiſ criſis have ſuſpended the execution of the ſentence, but that word no one had the courage or the humanity to utter.
—Tallien and Billaud were rendered deſperate by their ſituation, and it is likely that, when they ventured to attack Robeſpierre, they did not themſelves expect to be ſucceſſful—it was the conſternation of the latter which encouraged them to perſiſt, and the Aſſembly to ſupport them:
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"There is a tide in the affairs of men, "Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune." |
And to have been lucky enough to ſeize on this criſis, is, doubtleſs, the whole merit of the convention. There has, it is true, been many alluſions to the dagger of Brutus, and ſeveral Deputies are ſaid to have conceived very heroic projects for the deſtruction of the tyrant; but aſ he was dead before theſe projects were brought to light, we cannot juſtly aſcribe any effect to them.
The remains of the Briſſotin faction, ſtill at liberty, from whom ſome exertions might have been expected, were cautiouſly inactive; and thoſe who had been moſt in the habit of appreciating themſelves for their valour, were now conſpicuous only for that diſcretion which Falſtaff calls the better part of it.—Dubois Crance, who had been at the expence of buying a Spaniſh poniard at St. Malo, for the purpoſe of aſſaſſinating Robeſpierre, ſeems to have been calmed by the journey, and to have finally recovered his temper, before he reached the Convention.—Merlin de Thionville, Merlin de Douay, and others of equal note, were among the "paſſive valiant;" and Bourdon de l'Oiſe had already experienced ſuch diſaſtrous effects from inconſiderate exhibitions of courage, that he now reſtrained his ardour till the victory ſhould be determined. Even Legendre, who is occaſionally the Brutus, the Curtius, and all the patriots whoſe names he has been able to learn, confined his proweſs to an aſſault on the club-room of the Jacobins, when it was empty, and carrying off the key, which no one diſputed with him, ſo that he can at moſt claim an ovation. It is, in ſhort, remarkable, that all the memberſ who at preſent affect to be moſt vehement againſt Robeſpierre'ſ principles, [And where was the all-politic Sieyes?—At home, writing hiſ own eulogium.] were the leaſt active in attacking his perſon; and it iſ indiſputable, that to Tallien, Billaud, Louchet, Elie Lacoſte, Collot d'Herbois, and a few of the more violent Jacobins, were due thoſe firſt efforts which determined his fall.—Had Robeſpierre, inſtead of a querelous harangue, addreſſed the convention in his uſual tone of authority, and ended by moving for a decree againſt a few only of thoſe obnoxious to him, the reſt might have been glad to compound for their own ſafety, by abandoning a cauſe no longer perſonal: but his impolicy, not his wickedneſs, haſtened his fate; and it is ſo far fortunate for France, that it has at leaſt ſuſpended the ſyſtem of government which is aſcribed to him.
The firſt days of victory were paſſed in receiving congratulations, and taking precautions; and though men do not often adapt their claims to their merits, yet the members of the Convention ſeemed in general to be conſcious that none amongſt them had very decided pretenſions to the ſpoils of the vanquiſhed.—Of twelve, which originally compoſed the Committee of Public Welfare, ſeven only remained; yet no one ventured to ſuggeſt a completion of the number, till Barrere, after previouſly inſinuating how adequate he and his colleagues were to the taſk of "ſaving the country," propoſed, in his flippant way, and merely as a matter of form, that certain perſons whom he recommended, ſhould fill up the vacancies in the government.
This modeſt Carmagnole* was received with great coolneſs; the late implicit acquieſcence was changed to demur, and an adjournment unanimouſly called for.
* A ludicrous appellation, which Barrere uſed to give to his reportſ in the preſence of thoſe who were in the ſecret of his Charlatanry. The air of "La Carmagnole" was originally compoſed when the town of that name was taken by Prince Eugene, and was adapted to the indecent words now ſung by the French after the 10th of Auguſt 1792.
—Such unuſual temerity ſuſpriſed and alarmed the remains of the Committee, and Billaud Varennes ſternly reminded the Convention of the abject ſtate they were ſo lately releaſed from. This produced retort and replication, and the partners of Robeſpierre's enormities, who had hoped to be the tranquil inheritors of his power, found, that in deſtroying a rival, they had raiſed themſelves maſters.
The Aſſembly perſiſted in not adopting the members offered to be impoſed upon them; but, as it was eaſier to reject than to chooſe, the Committee were ordered to preſent a new plan for this part of the executive branch, and the election of thoſe to be entruſted with it was poſtponed for farther conſideration.
Having now felt their ſtrength, they next proceeded to renew a part of the committee of General Safety, ſeveral of its members being inculpated as partizans of Robeſpierre, and though this Committee had become entirely ſubordinate to that of Public Welfare, yet its functions were too important for it to be neglected, more eſpecially as they compriſed a very favourite branch of the republican government, that of iſſuing writſ of arreſt at pleaſure.—The law of the twenty-ſecond of Prairial is alſo repealed, but the Revolutionary Tribunal is preſerved, and the neceſſity of ſuſpending the old jury, as being the creatures of Robeſpierre, haſ not prevented the tender ſolicitude of the Convention for a renovated activity in the eſtabliſhment itſelf.
This aſſumption of power has become every day more confirmed, and the addreſſes which are received by the Aſſembly, though yet in a ſtrain of groſs adulation,* expreſs ſuch an abhorrence of the late ſyſtem, as muſt ſuffice to convince them the people are not diſpoſed to ſee ſuch a ſyſtem continued.
* A collection of addreſſes, preſented to the Convention at variouſ periods, might form a curious hiſtory of the progreſs of deſpotiſm. Theſe effuſions of zeal were not, however, all in the "ſublime" ſtyle: the legiſlative dignity ſometimes condeſcended to unbend itſelf, and liſten to metrical compoſitions, enlivened by the accompaniment of fiddles; but the manly and ferocious Danton, to whom ſuch ſprightly interruptions were not congenial, propoſed a decree, that the citizens ſhould, in future, expreſs their adorations in plain proſe, and without any muſical acceſſories.
Billaud Varennes, Collot, and other members of the old Committee, view theſe innovations with ſullen acquieſcence; but Barrere, whoſe frivolouſ and facile ſpirit is incapable of conſiſtency, even in wickedneſs, perſeveres and flouriſhes at the tribune as gaily as ever.—Unabaſhed by detection, inſenſible to contempt, he details his epigrams and antitheſeſ againſt Catilines and Cromwells with as much ſelf-ſufficiency as when, in the ſame tinſel eloquence, he promulgated the murderous edicts of Robeſpierre.
Many of the priſoners at Paris continue daily to obtain their releaſe, and, by the exertions of his perſonal enemies, particularly of our quondam ſovereign, Andre Dumont, (now a member of the Committee of General Safety,) an examination into the atrocities committed by Le Bon is decreed.—But, amidſt theſe appearances of juſtice, a verſatility of principle, or rather an evident tendency to the decried ſyſtem, iſ perceptible. Upon the ſlighteſt alluſion to the revolutionary government, the whole Convention riſe in a maſs to vociferate their adherence to it:* the tribunal, which was its offſpring and ſupport, iſ anxiouſly reinſtalled; and the low inſolence with which Barrere announceſ their victories in the Netherlands, is, as uſual, loudly applauded.
* The moſt moderate, as well as the moſt violent, were always united on the ſubject of this irrational tyranny.—"Toujours en menageant, comme la prunelle de ſes yeux, le gouvernement revolutionnaire."— "Careful always of the revolutionary government, as of the apple of their eye." Fragment pour ſervir a l'Hiſt. de la Convention, par J. J. Duſſault.
The brothers of Cecile Renaud, who were ſent for by Robeſpierre from the army to Paris, in order to follow her to the ſcaffold, did not arrive until their perſecutor was no more, and a change of government waſ avowed. They have preſented themſelves at the bar of the Convention, to entreat a reviſal of their father's ſentence, and ſome compenſation for his property, ſo unjuſtly confiſcated.—You will, perhaps, imagine, that, at the name of theſe unfortunate young men, every heart anticipated a conſent to their claims, even before the mind could examine the juſtice of them, and that one of thoſe burſts of ſenſibility for which thiſ legiſlature is ſo remarkable inſtantaneouſly accorded the petition. Alaſ! this was not an occaſion to excite the enthuſiaſm of the Convention: Coupilleau de Fontenay, one of the "mild and moderate party", repulſed the petitioners with harſhneſs, and their claim was ſilenced by a call for the order of the day. The poor Renauds were afterwards coldly referred to the Committee of Relief, for a pittance, by way of charity, inſtead of the property they have a right to, and which they have been deprived of, by the baſe compliance of the Convention with the caprice of a monſter.
Such relapſes and aberrations are not conſolatory, but the times and circumſtances ſeem to oppoſe them—the whole fabric of deſpotiſm iſ ſhaken, and we have reaſon to hope the efforts of tyranny will be counteracted by its weakneſs.
We do not yet derive any advantage from the early maturity of the harveſt, and it is ſtill with difficulty we obtain a limited portion of bad bread. Severe decrees are enacted to defeat the avarice of the farmers, and prevent monopolies of the new corn; but theſe people are invulnerable: they have already been at iſſue with the ſyſtem of terror— and it was found neceſſary, even before the death of Robeſpierre, to releaſe them from priſon, or riſk the deſtruction of the harveſt for want of hands to get it in. It is now diſcovered, that natural cauſes, and the ſelfiſhneſs of individuals, are adequate to the creation of a temporary ſcarcity; yet when this happened under the King, it was alwayſ aſcribed to the machinations of government.—How have the people been deceived, irritated, and driven to rebellion, by a degree of want, leſs, much leſs, inſupportable than that they are obliged to ſuffer at preſent, without daring even to complain!
I have now been in confinement almoſt twelve months, and my health iſ conſiderably impaired. The weather is oppreſſively warm, and we have no ſhade in the garden but under a mulberry-tree, which is ſo ſurrounded by filth, that it is not approachable. I am, however, told, that in a few days, on account of my indiſpoſition, I ſhall be permitted to go home, though with a proviſo of being guarded at my own expence.—My friends are ſtill at Arras; and if this indulgence be extended to Mad. de la F____, ſhe will accompany me. Perſonal accommodation, and an opportunity of reſtoring my health, render this deſirable; but I aſſociate no idea of freedom with my reſidence in this country. The boundary may be extended, but it is ſtill a priſon.—Yours.