FOOTNOTES
[1] For biographical data see [p. 652].
[2] The members of this staff, with the previous training and experience of each, are listed in the Appendix, [p. 653].
[3] In the final revision of the report, the Commission decided that the police statistics were, as a rule, too unreliable to be made a basis of conclusions.
[4] Pages infra.
[5] Carl Sandburg, The Chicago Race Riots, chap, i, p. 1. Harcourt, Brace & Howe.
[6] Thirty-first, Thirty-fifth, and Thirty-ninth streets are chosen for special notice because these are transfer points for north and south cars to east and west lines. The figures given are for the first three days of the riot only. Other days showed too few injuries to allow accurate conclusions.
[7] Figures compiled from police reports, state's attorney reports, hospital reports, and Olivet Baptist Church reports.
[8] Testimony before the coroner's jury.
[9] Chief of Police Garrity was out of the city at the time the riot began on Sunday, but returned on Monday.
[10] For brief description of cases see [Appendix].
[11] Redding had admitted having shot Rose, and evidence against others for their participation in the killing, while not conclusive, was rather convincing.
[12] At the trial of these men six months later, Grover Cleveland Redding and Oscar McGavick were sentenced to hang for the murder of Rose and Hoyt. The others held for trial were released. Redding has since been hanged.
[13] This statement is based mainly upon the report of this special committee appointed by Congress to investigate the East St. Louis riots and upon the stenographic report of the testimony taken by it. This testimony, comprising 6,000 typewritten pages, was placed at the disposal of the Commission through the courtesy of the chairman of the Committee, Representative Ben Johnson, of Kentucky, and the interest and co-operation of Representative James R. Mann, of Illinois.
[14] Negro migration in 1916-17, U.S. Department of Labor Report, p. 67.
[15] In 1,055 counties.
[16] See "[Contacts in Public Schools]."
[17] Colored Missions, January, 1921.
[18] Johnson, Migration to Chicago.
[19] See "Negro Population of Chicago," [p. 107].
[20] See ["Gangs" and "Clubs"] under "Racial Clashes."
[21] See ["Clashes."]
[23] See "Family Histories," [p. 170].
[24] See discussion of non-adjusted neighborhoods, [p. 113], and of bombings, [p. 122].
[26] See "Contested Neighborhoods," [p. 116].
[27] Olcott's "Land Value Maps," 1910 and 1920.
[28] Civil-rights cases are: Williams v. Chicago & Northwestern Railroad Co., 55 Ill. 185; Baylies v. Curry, 128 Ill. 287; Cecil v. Green, 161 Ill. 265; People v. Forest Home Cemetery Co., 258 Ill. 36; Grace v. Moseley, 112 Ill. App. 100; Dean v. Chicago & N.W. R.R. Co., 183 Ill. App. 317; Thorne v. Alcazar Amusement Co., 210 Ill. App. 173; White v. Pasfield, 212 Ill. App. 73.
[29] White v. Pasfield, 212 Ill. App. 73; 1918. A Negro filed a bill in equity to enjoin the lessees of a public pavilion and swimming-pool from excluding him therefrom. It was held that a court of equity had no jurisdiction to enjoin such a violation of the Civil Rights Act, but left the party to his statutory remedies of either an action for damages or criminal prosecution.
Thorne v. Alcazar Amusement Company, 210 Ill. App. 173, 1918, was an action to recover the penalty provided by the Civil Rights Act for refusing to permit a Negro woman to occupy a theater seat for which she had purchased a ticket. Judgment in favor of the plaintiff in the municipal court was reversed in the appellate court on the ground that the municipal court had no jurisdiction to impose penalties for criminal acts occurring outside the city limits.
[30] School cases in Illinois are as follows: Chase v. Stephenson, 71 Ill. 383; People v. Board of Education of Quincy, 101 Ill. 308; People v. McFall and Board of Education of Quincy, 26 Ill. App. 319, affirmed, 124 Ill. 642; People v. Board of Education of Upper Alton School District, 127 Ill. 613; Bibb v. Mayor of Alton, 179 Ill. 615; 193 Ill. 309; 209 Ill. 461; 221 Ill. 275; 233 Ill. 542.
[31] Negro Education, I, 33. Bulletin No. 38, 1916. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Education. 2 vols.
[32] Negro Education, II, 14.
[33] Ibid., I, 23.
[34] Ibid., I, 28.
[35] Ibid., II, 15.
[36] Data obtained from Directory of the Public Schools of the City of Chicago, 1919-20, published by the Board of Education.
[37] The figures after the name of the school throughout this section refer to the percentage of Negro children in the school in 1919-20.
[38] A preponderance of complaints from Negro parents could easily be accounted for by a high proportion of Negro pupils.
[39] The figures in this column represent children who were listed as being in "ungraded classes" in the Board of Education records. They are not included with the column of "Retarded" children because the grades of the "Retarded" children were given in the board of Education records and were used in determining the amount these children were retarded (see Table XIV). The "Retarded Ungraded" children are included with the "Retarded" children in determining the percentage of retarded children.
[40] Many so-called southern "colleges" include elementary and high school, as well as college work. The term is general and does not mean necessarily an institution of the same academic standing as a northern college.
[41] See [illustration] facing this page.
[42] Missing
[43] Of these 19,000 about 200 use the beaches, 4,100 the playgrounds, 700 the recreation centers, and 14,000 the large parks.
[45] See Report of Chicago Crime Commission, p. 8.
[46] See "Racial Contacts"—"Physical Equipment of Schools," [p. 241].
[47] City Council Crime Committee Report, pp. 40-41.
[48] See "Recreation," [p. 272].
[49] In 1910 the number of Negroes gainfully occupied was 27,317, or 61.94 per cent of the total Negro population. The percentage gainfully occupied in 1920 would be higher because of the large number of men without families who migrated from the South.
[50] Census Bureau, Negro Population in the United States, 1790 to 1915, p. 503.
[51] Negro Population in the United States, 1790 to 1915, p. 90.
[52] Ibid., p. 503. Negroes gainfully occupied in the South, 4,592,353; in agriculture, 2,845,163.
[53] Emmett J. Scott, Negro Migration during the War, p. 92. "Carnegie Economic Studies," No. 16.
[54] "In many cases the Negro does not dare ask for a settlement. Planters often regard it as an insult to be required even by the courts 'to go to their books.' A lawyer and planter cited to me the planter's typical excuse: 'It is unnecessary to make a settlement when the tenant is in debt.' As to the facts in the case, the landlord's word must suffice." From report by W. T. B. Williams in Negro Migration in 1916-17, p. 104. Bulletin of the U.S. Department of Labor, Division of Negro Economics.
[55] Thirteenth Census, 1910, Vol. IV, Table VIII, pp. 544-47.
[56] The total number of establishments (manufacturing and non-manufacturing) reported but not considered is fifty-nine, employing a total of 111 Negroes, or less than ½ per cent of the total number reported.
[57] This company formerly employed 200 Negroes.
[58] One mail-order establishment employing 350 Negroes is omitted from this table owing to incomplete return of total employees.
[59] This includes the following: public service, warehouse storage, taxicab up-keep, telegraph, etc.
[60] Seven manufacturing establishments omitted on account of insufficient returns.
[61] Two packing establishments employing 2,218 Negroes in 1920 have been omitted. They reported a large increase since 1914 but gave no definite figures.
[62] Five foundries employing a total of fifty men in 1920 have been omitted owing to failure to report figures for preceding years.
[63] Establishments omitted owing to insufficient returns.
[64] These figures include skilled and semi-skilled in three packing establishments reporting that Negroes were employed under each classification but giving no separate figures.
[65] Three establishments (lamp-shade, auto-cushion manufacturing) not included. Failed to classify the employees but reported that they had hand sewers and machine operators, including skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled.
[66] Figures quoted for 1910 are taken from the Thirteenth Census, 1910, Vol. IV, Table VIII, pp. 544-47.
[67] The contrast between these high wages and the wages which Negroes coming from the South had previously earned is shown in the study of family histories of migrant Negroes.
[68] The importation of these girls from the British West Indies was noticed by the Commission after its period of investigation had ended.
[69] Includes a scattering list of industries represented by one to three establishments—Negro labor not important factor in these industries.
[70] Includes three paper-box manufacturing plants with ten, twenty, and 113 Negro employees, largely women; and cooperage plant with ninety-six Negro employees and one sausage-casing plant with ten Negro employees. These plants reported Negro labor "slow," "lazy," or "unreliable."
[71] Representatives of a number of the 101 establishments visited did not feel able to make a comparison between the Negro and white workers.
[72] Of the eighty-seven establishments (employing five or more Negroes) covered by the investigation but omitted from this table, forty-two had no Negro women employees and forty-five failed to classify Negro workers by sex.
[73] Missing
[74] One establishment failed to report total employees.
[75] F. E. Wolfe, Admission to American Trade Unions, pp. 113-17.
[76] It was impossible to get in communication with others of the smaller scattered independent internationals besides those mentioned. No directory is yet published.
[77] U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations, Final Report and Testimony (1916), p. 111.
[78] F. E. Wolfe, op. cit., p. 128, n. 3.
[79] James Harvey Robinson, Mind in the Making.
[81] The Messenger is pronounced in its stand for woman suffrage.
[83] Prospectus issued in 1921.
[84] "Statistical Statement of Negro Progress in Fifty-three Years," from Negro Year Book, 1918-19.
[85] "Statistical Statement of Negro Progress in Fifty-three Years," from Negro Year Book, 1918-19.
[86] "Statistical Statement of Negro Progress in Fifty-three Years," from Negro Year Book, 1918-19.
[87] Circulation figures as of 1920.
[88] This statement is based upon the available files. The February file of the Chicago Herald-Examiner for 1919 was unavailable at the time this study was made.
[92] See coroner's statement, [p. 32].
[94] Charles S. Johnson, The Migration of Negroes to Chicago.
[95] "Reaction Time with Reference to Race," Psychological Review, II, 475-86.
[96] "A Study in Race Psychology," Popular Science Monthly, L, 354-60.
[97] See "1. Primary Beliefs—Criminality," p. 440. In questionnaire, return to question: "What subjects of discussion most frequently lead to the Negro?" The reply is given: "Lynching, lying, stealing, and attacking of little girls."
In commenting on the proposition: "Prejudice has its principal basis in fear," the statement is made: "I believe this is true among women; not particularly among men. This is partly due to the publicity given to all acts against women by Negroes, in my judgment."
[98] Does not include the Negroes killed in East St. Louis.
[99] Congressional Committee on Immigration.
[101] See Barrett case, [p. 64].
[102] See discussion of this campaign in section on "Bombings," pp. [115]-[22].
[103] The coroner's jury found that Williams had drowned from fear of stone-throwing which kept him from the shore.
[104] The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh, published in 1918 under the supervision of the School of Economics, University of Pittsburgh; U.S. Department of Labor Bulletin, Negro Migration in 1916-17, published in 1919.
[105] These do not embrace the whole of each area commonly included under such designations. The population figures are those of 1920.
[106] The standard in Chicago is Grade 1 for children six years of age.