NOTES.
NOTES FOR SONG I.
The song is an allegory, portraying the soul-life of the poet. By the flowers which he sets forth to seek, we are to understand the songs which he desires to compose. He asks himself where the poetic inspiration is to be sought, and the answer is the same as was given by Wordsworth, that it is to the grand and beautiful scenes of Nature that the poet must turn for the elevation of soul which will lift him to the sublimest heights of his art. But this exaltation bears with it the heavy penalty that it disqualifies for ordinary joys. As in medieval tales, he who had once been admitted to fairyland, could nevermore conquer his longing to return thither, so the poet longs for some other condition of existence where the divine spirit of song may forever lift him above the trials and the littleness of this earthly life.
There is no sign of Christian influence in the poem, and it is probably one handed down from a generation anterior to the Conquest.
1. The word peuhcayotl from peua, to begin, intimates that this was a song chanted at the beginning of a musical entertainment. The verses are longer, and the phraseology plainer than in many of those following. There is also an absence of interjections and lengthened vowels, all of which indicate that the time was slow, and the actions of the singer temperate, as was the custom at the beginning of a baile. (See Introd., p. 20.)
1. Ninoyolnonotza, a reflexive, frequentative form from notza, to think, to reflect, itself from the primitive radicle no, mind, common to both the Nahuatl and Maya languages. The syllable yol is for yollotl, heart, in its figurative sense of soul or mind. The combination of yolnonotza is not found in any of the dictionaries. The full sense is, "I am thinking by myself, in my heart."
ahuiaca, an adverbial form, usually means "pleasant-smelling," though in derivation it is from the verb ahuia, to be satisfied with.
quetzal, for quetzalli, a long, handsome blue feather from the quetzal bird, often used figuratively for anything beautiful or precious.
chalchiuh for chalchiuitl, the famous green-stone, jade or emerald, so highly prized by the Mexicans; often used figuratively for anything noble, beautiful and esteemed.
huitzitzicatin, a word not found in the dictionaries, appears to be from tzitzilca, to tremble, usually from cold, but here applied to the tremulous motion of the humming bird as it hovers over a flower.
zacuan, the yellow plumage of the zacuan bird, and from similarity of color here applied to the butterfly. The zacuan is known to ornithologists as the Oriolus dominicensis. These birds are remarkably gregarious, sometimes as many as a hundred nests being found in one tree (see Eduard Mühlenpfort, Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mexiko, Bd. I, p. 183).
acxoyatzinitzcanquauhtla; composed of acxoyatl, the wild laurel; tzinitzcan, the native name of the Trogon mexicanus, renowned for its beautiful plumage; quauhtli, a tree; and the place-ending tla, meaning abundance.
tlauquecholxochiquauhtla; composed of tlauquechol, the native name of the red, spoon-billed heron, Platalea ajaja; xochitl, flower; quauhtli, tree; and the place-ending tla.
tonameyotoc, the root is the verb tona, to shine, to be warm; tonatiuh, the sun; tonameyotl, a ray of the sun, etc. As warmth and sunlight are the conditions of growth and fertility, many derivatives from this root signify abundance, riches, etc.
mocehcemelquixtia; mo is the reflexive pronoun, 3d sing., often used impersonally; cehcemel, is a reduplicated form of the numeral ce, one; it conveys the sense of entire, whole, perfect, and is thus an interesting illustration of the tendency of the untutored mind to associate the idea of unity with the notion of perfection; quixtia is the compulsive form of quiza, to go forth.
onechittitique; 3d person plural, preterit, of the causative form of itta, to see; ittitia, to cause to see, to show; nech, me, accusative form of the pronoun.
nocuexanco; from cuexantli, the loose gown worn by the natives, extending from the waist to the knees. Articles were carried in it as in an apron; no-cuexan-co, my-gown-in, the terminal tli being dropped on suffixing the postposition.
tepilhuan; from pilli, boy, girl, child, young person, with the relative, indefinite, pronominal prefix te, and the pronominal plural termination huan, to take which, pilli drops its last syllable, li; hence, te-pil-huan, somebody's children, or in general, the young people. This word is of constant occurrence in the songs.
teteuctin, plural with reduplication of teuctli, a noble, a ruler, a lord. The singer addresses his audience by this respectful title.
2. ixochicuicatzini; i, poss. pron. 3d sing.; xochitl, flower; cuicatl, song; tzin, termination signifying reverence or affection; "their dear flower-songs."
yuhqui tepetl, etc. The echo in the Nahuatl tongue is called tepeyolotl, the heart or soul of the mountain (not in Simeon's Dictionnaire, but given by Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, p. 202).
meyaquetzalatl; from meya, to flow slowly, to trickle; quetzalli, beautiful; atl, water.
xiuhtotoameyalli; the root xiuh meant originally green (or blue, as they were not distinguished apart); hence xiuitl, a leaf or plant, the green herbage; as where the Nahuas then were this was renewed annually, xiuitl came to mean a year; as a comet seems to have a bunch of fiery flames growing from it, this too was xiuitl, and a turquoise was called by the same term; in the present compound, it is employed adjectively; xiuh-totol, turquoise-bird, is the Guiaca cerulea, Linn.; ameyalli, from atl, water, meya, to trickle, and the noun ending.
mo-motla; to throw one's self, to dash one's self against something, etc.
centzontlatolli; literally," four hundred speeches." The numeral four hundred was employed, like the Greek "myriad," to express vaguely any extraordinary number. The term may be rendered "the myriad-voiced," and was the common name of the mocking-bird, called by ornithologists Turdus polyglottus, Calandria polyglotta, and Mimus polyglotta.
coyoltototl, literally, "the rattle-bird," so called from its peculiar notes (coyolli = a rattle), is one of the Tanegridae, probably the Piranga hepatica.
ayacachicahuactimani; composed of ayacachtli, the rattle (see ante, page 24); and icahuaca, to sing (of birds); to the theme of this verb is added the connective syllable ti, and the verb mani, which, in such connection, indicates that the action of the former verb is expended over a large surface, broadly and widely (see Olmos, Gram. de la Langue Nahuatl, p. 155, where, however, the connective ti is erroneously taken for the pronoun ti).
hueltetozcatemique; composed of huel, good or well; tetozca, from tozquitl, the singing voice; and temo, to let fall, to drop; que is the plural verbal termination.
3. ma n-amech-ellelti, vetative causative from elleloa, to cause pain.
cactimotlalique, appears to be a compound of caqui, to listen, to hear, and tlalia, to seat, to place.
amohuampotzitzinhuan, a compound based on the pronoun of the second person plural, amo, the particle po, which means similarity or likeness, and the reduplicated reverential plural termination. The same particle po, appears a few lines later in toquichpohuan; potli = comrade, compeer.
4. Tepeitic, from tepetl, mountain, ititl, belly, from which is derived the proposition itic, within, among. The term is applied to a ravine or sequestered valley.
5. quauhtliya ocelotl, the expression quauhtli, ocelotl, is of frequent occurrence in the ancient Nahuatl writers. The words mean literally "eagle, tiger." These were military titles applied to officers commanding small bodies of troops; figuratively, the words mean control, power, and dignity; also, bravery and virtue. Comp. Agustin de Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, Tratado II, cap. 3.
6. in tloque in nahuaque; this expression, applied by the ancient Nahuas to the highest divinity, is attributed by some to Nezahualcoyotl (see above, p. 36). It is composed of two postpositions tloc and nahaac, and in the form given conveys the meaning "to whom are present and in whom are immanent all things having life." See Agustin de la Rosa, Analisis de la Platica Mexicana sobre el Mislerio de la Santisima Trinidad, p. 11 (Guadalajara, 1871). The epithet was applied in heathen times to the supreme divinity Tonacateotl; see the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mexico, Vol. VI, p. 107.
8. ximoayan; this word does not appear in the dictionaries of Molina or Simeon, and is a proof, as is the sentiment of the whole verse, that the present poem belongs to a period previous to the Conquest. The term means "where all go to stay," and was the name of the principal realm of departed souls in the mythology of the ancient Nahuas. See Bartholome de Alva, Confessionario en Lengua Mexicana, fol. 13 (Mexico, 1634); Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, cap. 55; D.G. Brinton; The Journey of the Soul (in Aztec and Aryan Myths), Philadelphia, 1883.
yhuintia, causative form of ihuinti, to make drunk. The Nirvana of the Nahuas was for the soul to lie in dense smoke and darkness, filled with utter content, and free from all impressions ("en lo profundo de contento y obscuridad," Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, cap. 55).
NOTES FOR SONG II.
On the signification of the titles given to this poem see the Introduction, § 3.
1. yehnan Dios; literally "who are God;" the introduction of the Spanish Dios, God, is in explanation of in tloque in nahuaque; so far from proving that this song is of late date, this vouches for its genuine ancient character, through the necessity for such explanation.
2. nelhuayotl, the essence or source of something, its true nature; probably from nelli, true.
teoquecholme; the prefix teotl, divine, is often added as an expression of admiration. Sahagun mentions the teoquechol as a bird of brilliant plumage.
NOTES FOR SONG III.
The poet recalls a recent attendance on the obsequies of an acquaintance, and seeks to divert his mind from the gloomy contemplation of death and the ephemeral character of mortal joys by urging his friend to join in the pleasure of the hour, and by suggesting the probability of an after life.
1. xochicalco; compounded of xochitl, flower; calli, house; and the postposition, co. The term was applied to any room decorated with flowers; here, to the mortuary chamber, which Tezozomoc tells us was decked with roses and brilliant feathers.
ipalnemohuani, literally "the one by whom life exists." The composition is i, possessive pronoun, third person, singular; pal, postposition, by; nemoani, singular of the present in ni of the impersonal form of the verb nemi, to live, with the meaning to do habitually that which the verb expresses. It is an ancient epithet applied to the highest divinity, and is found in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough's Mexico, Vol. VI, p. 128, note.
tolquatectitlan, from toloa, to lower, to bow; quatequia, to immerse the head; tlan, place ending. In the ancient funeral ceremonies the faces of the assistants were laved with holy water. On this rite see the note of Orozco y Berra to his edition of the Cronica Mexicana of Tezozomoc, p. 435 (Mexico, 1878).
xoyacaltitlan; from xoyaui, to spoil, to decay, whence xoyauhqui, rank, unpleasant, like the odor of decaying substances.
xochicopal tlenamactli, "the incense of sweet copal," which was burned in the funeral chamber (see Tezozomoc's description of the obsequies of Axayaca, Cron. Mex., cap. 55).
2. The translation of this verse offers some special difficulties.
NOTES FOR SONG IV.
A poem of unusually rich metaphors is presented, with the title "A Song of the Mexicans, after the manner of the Otomis." It is a rhapsody, in which the bard sings his "faculty divine," and describes the intoxication of the poetic inspiration. It has every inherent mark of antiquity, and its thought is free from any tincture of European influence.
2. miahuatototl, literally, "the corn-silk bird," miahua being the term applied to the silk or tassel of the maize ear when in the milk. I have not found its scientific designation.
6. poyomatl; the poyomatli is described by Sahagun (Hist. de la Nueva España, Lib. X, cap. 24) as a species of rose, portions of which were used to fill the cane tubes or pipes used for smoking. He names it along with certain fungi employed for the same purpose, and it probably produced a narcotic effect.
NOTES FOR SONG V.
From the wording, this appears to be one of the lost songs of Nezahualcoyotl, either composed by him or sung before him. (See the Introduction, p. 35.) It is a funeral dirge, dwelling on the fact of universal and inevitable death, and the transitoriness of life. There is in it no hint of Christian consolation, no comfortable hope of happiness beyond the grave. Hence it dates, in all likelihood, from a period anterior to the arrival of the missionaries.
1. tonequimilol; I take this to be a derivative from quimiloa, to wrap up, especially, to shroud the dead, to wrap the corpse in its winding sheets, as was the custom of the ancient Mexicans. The word, however, seems an archaic form, as it does not lend itself readily to analysis.
The expression in Dios, I explain as in the note to II, 1, and do not consider that it detracts from the authentic antiquity of the poem.
2. yoyontzin; on the significance of this appellation of Nezahualcoyotl, see Introduction, p. 35.
3. ti Nezahualcoyotl; "thou Nezahualcoyotl." The princely poet may have addressed himself in this expression, or we may suppose the song was chanted before him.
5. Nopiltzin; the reference is to Quetzalcoatl, the famous "fair God" of the Nahuas, and in myth, the last ruler of the Toltecs. See D.G. Brinton, American Hero Myths (Philadelphia, 1882). The term means "my beloved Lord." On Tezozomoc, see Introduction, p. 35.
6. The text of the latter part or refrain of verses 5 and 6 is corrupt, and my translation is doubtful.
NOTES FOR SONG VI.
Most of the poems in this collection are not assigned to any author, but this, and apparently the one following, are recorded as the compositions of Tetlapan Quetzanitzin. He is evidently the personage spoken of by Sahagun as "King of Tlacopan," as present with Montezuma on the occasion of his first interview with Cortez. Later in the struggle Tetlapan appears as the associate of Quauhtemoctzin, the "King of Mexico." (See Sahagun, Hist. de la Nueva España, Lib. XII, cap. 16 and 40.) M. Rémi Simeon explains the name to mean "he who deceives the people by magic;" deriving it from quetza, he places; te, the people, tlepan, on the fire. A simpler derivation seems to me possible from tetlapanqui, miner, or quarryman (literally, stone-breaker), and quetzalli, red; quetzatzin, the lord or master of the miners.
Both this and the following are war songs, and have marked similarity in thought and wording. The introduction of the Spanish Dios was doubtless substituted by the scribe, for the name of some native god of war, perhaps Huitzilopochtli.
1. Aua; this word I take to be a form of the interjection yahue, or, as Olmos gives it in his Grammar, aa.
2. nepohualoyan; "the place of counting or reckoning," from pohua, to count. The reference is not clear, and the translation uncertain. In some parts of ancient Mexico they used in their accounting knotted cords of various colors, like the Peruvian quipus. These were called nepohualtzitzin.
4. This verse is remarkable for its sonorous phrases and the archaic forms of the words. Its translation offers considerable difficulty.
xontlachayan, I take to be an imperative form from tlachia, to look, with the euphonic on.
teoatl tlachinolli, literally "the divine water (i.e. blood), the burning," and the expression means war, battle. In one of his sermons Fray Juan Bautista describes the fall of Jericho in the words, otlaltitechya in altepetl teuatl tlachinolli ye opoliuh, and explains it, "the town was destroyed with fire and blood" (Sermones en Lengua Mexicana, p. 122). The word tlachinolli is from chinoa, to burn.
quetzalalpilo; a compound of quetzalli, a beautiful feather, and tlalpiloni, the band which passed around the head to keep the hair in place.
5. melchiquiuhticaya; "he who presented his breast," an imperfect, reflexive form. Molina gives melchiquiuh petlauhqui, with the translation despechugado. Vocabulario Mexicana, s.v.
NOTES FOR SONG VII.
The second specimen from the muse of Tetlapan Quetzanitzin is the noblest war song in the collection. It is an appeal to his friends to join in a foray to Chiapas. The intoxication of the battle field is compared to that produced by the strong white wine prepared from maguey, which was drunk only on solemn occasions. The bard likens the exhaustion of his fellow warriors from previous conflicts, to the stupor which follows a debauch, and he exhorts them to throw it aside.
1. oamaxque, o, pret. am, you, axque, 2d pl. pret. from ay, to do.
octicatl, apparently an old form from octli, the intoxicating beverage prepared from the maguey.
oanquique, 2d pl. pret. from cui, to take.
ohuican, a place of difficulty and danger. The frequent addition of the terminal o in this and the succeeding verses is merely euphonic.
2. teoatl tlachinolli; see note VI, 4.
in maquiztli tlazotetl, the beloved jewels, a phrase which indicates that the broken stones and splintered emeralds referred to are the young warriors who fall in battle, the pride of their parents' hearts, who are destroyed in the fight.
The tizaoctli, white wine (tizatl, chalk, hence white, and octli, wine), referred to in this passage, is said by Sahagun to have been drunk especially at the feast of the god Papaztac, one of the many gods of the wine cup. Hist. de Nueva España. Lib. II, App. Tezozomoc mentions it as handed to the mourners at funeral ceremonies. Cronica Mexicana, cap. 55.
3. xochitlalticpacilhtuicacpao; in this long compound of xochitl, flower, tlalti, earth, and ilhuicatl, sky, with various postpositions and the euphonic terminal o, the final pa gives the sense of location, towards, in the direction of.
chimalxochiti; "the shield flower," the shield or buckler of the ancient warriors, ornamented with tassels and feathers, is not unaptly called the flower of war.
NOTES FOR SONG VIII.
The entire absence in this lament for the dead of any consolation drawn from Christian doctrines, points clearly to a date for its composition earlier than the teachings of the missionaries. Its cry of woe is hopeless, and the title attributes its authorship to one of the old chieftains, tlatoani, who held the power before the Spaniard arrived.
1. quetzalhuahuaciuhtoque, from quetzalli, huaqui; in teintoque, the splinters; the same simile is employed in VII, 2.
2. ximoayan, see note to I, 8. The occurrence of this term here and in verse 3 testifies to the fact of a composition outside of Christian influences.
NOTES FOR SONG IX.
The title does not necessarily mean that this song is a translation from the Otomi language, but merely that the time to which it was chanted was in the Otomi style; or, the term Otomi may have reference to the military officer so called. The word is perhaps a compound of otli, path, and mitl, arrow.
The bard sings the vanity of earthly pleasures, and the reality of earthly pains; he exhorts himself and his hearers not to neglect the duties of religion, and lauds his own skill in song, which he compares to the sweet voices of melodious birds. There is nothing in the poem which reflects European influence.
1. xotlacueponi; the meaning of this compound is obscure. It is not found in the dictionaries.
2. The terminal o is inserted several times in the passage to express emotion and fill the metre.
mixitl tlapatl. A phrase signifying the stupor or drunkenness that comes from swallowing or smoking narcotic plants. See Olmos, Grammaire de la Langue Nahuatl, pp. 223, 228; oquiqueo is from i, to drink, or cui, to take, the o terminal being euphonic.
NOTES FOR SONG X.
The poet expresses his grief that his songs all dwell on painful topics; he exhorts his hearers of the vanity of fame and skill in handicrafts, and of the uncertainty of life; closing, he appeals especially to those of Tezcuco and Atecpan to listen and believe his warnings.
In spite of the introduction of the Spanish word Dios, and the exhortation to "believe," in the last line, it is possible that the substance of this song was due to purely native inspiration; yet it may have been, like Song XIX, one of those written at an early period for the converts by the missionaries.
NOTES FOR SONG XI.
In a similar strain as in the last poem, the bard bewails the briefness of human life and friendships. He closes with an appeal to the Master of Life, of whom no mortal tongue can speak in worthy and appropriate terms.
6. ihuiti, apparently a form of ihuintia.
tonan; the reference appears to be to Tonantzin, Our Mother, otherwise known as Cihuacoatl, the Serpent Woman. She was the mythical mother of the human race, and dispensed afflictions and adverse fortune. See Sahagun, Hist. de la Nueva España, Lib. I, cap. 6. The name is a proof of the antiquity of the poem, which is throughout in the spirit of the ancient religion.
NOTES FOR SONG XII.
As stated in the Introduction (§ 10), a note prefixed to this song introduces it as a translation from the Otomi into the Nahuatl tongue. It admirably illustrates the poetic flexibility of the Nahuatl.
3. epoyhuayan, from epoalli, sixty; teoquauhtli ocelott, "divine eagles, tigers." These terms refer to the warriors bearing these titles.
tlazomaquiztetl, "beloved, precious stones," a figure of speech referring to the youths who go to war. The same or similar metaphors are used in previous songs.
5. The fifth and sixth verses present serious difficulties of construction which I do not flatter myself I have overcome.
NOTES FOR SONG XIII.
The inhabitants of Huexotzinco were in frequent strife with those of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and on various occasions the latter captured many prisoners. The present poem is represented to be a composition of one of these prisoners when he and his companions were confined in Tlatilolco, one of the suburbs of Tenochtitlan. It breathes hatred against his captors and an ardent thirst for vengeance. The latest date at which I find captives from Huexotzinco detained in Mexico is 1511, and it is to this year, therefore, that I assign the composition of the poem.
5. Atloyantepetl; this name possibly means "the mountain of the place of the water-falcons" (atl, water; tlatli, falcon; yan, place-ending; tepetl, mountain). I have not found it in other writers. (See Index.)
8. tlaylotlaqui; Siméon, on the authority of Aubin, explains this term as the name of a tribe living near Tezcuco. In derivation it appears to be a term of contempt, "workers in filth or refuse," scum, offscourings. It also appears in Song XV.
10. The construction of this verse is so obscure, or the text so imperfect, that the translation is doubtful.
NOTES FOR SONG XIV.
This poem, chanted in 1551 before the Governor of Azcapotzalco, by Francisco Placido, a native of Huexotzinco, is a Christian song in the style and metre of the ancient poetry. See the Introduction, p. 51.
1. impetlatl; the ordinary meaning of petlatl is a mat or rug; it is here to be taken in its figurative sense of power or authority, chiefs and other prominent persons being provided with mats at the councils, etc.
NOTES FOR SONG XV.
This extremely difficult composition seems to be a war song, in which the bard refers to the traditional history of the Nahuas, names some of their most prominent warriors, and incites his hearers to deeds of prowess on the battle field. I do not claim for my version more than a general correspondence to the thought of the original. In several parts, especially verse 18, the text is obviously defective.
1. tzihuactitlan; "the land of the tzihuac bushes." The tzihuactli is a small kind of maguey which grows in rocky localities. The tenth edifice of the great temple at Tenochtitlan was a wall surrounding an artificial rockery planted with these bushes. Sahagun, who mentions this fact, adds that the name of this edifice was Teotlalpan, which literally means "on holy ground." (Hist. de la Nueva España, Lib. II, App.) The mizquitl is the common Mimosa circinalis.
Chicomoztoc; "at the Seven Caves," a famous locality in Mexican legend, and the supposed birthplace of their race.
2. Colhuacan is probably for Acolhuacan; the early rulers of the latter were of the blood of the Chichimec chiefs of the Tepanecas.
4. Hueytlalpan, "at the ancient land," perhaps for Huetlapallan, a 1ocality often referred to in the migration myths of the Nahuas.
5. Atloyan; see note to XIII, 6.
9. The ceiba and cypress trees were employed figuratively to indicate protection and safeguard. See Olmos, Gram. de la Langue Nahuatl, p. 211.
12. On tlailotlaqui, see note to XIII, 8. The interjectional appendages to this and the following verse are increased.
15. Tepeyacan was the name of a mountain on which before the Conquest was a temple dedicated to the "Mother of our Life," Tonantzin.
16. tlapalcayocan, "the place of shards," of broken pieces, i.e., the field of battle.
19. The word totomihuacan, which has already occurred in vv. 3 and 7, I have translated as referring to the war captains of the Mexican armies, called otomi (see Bandelier, On the Art of War of the Ancient Mexicans, p. 117). I am quite open for correction however.
27. in ipetl icpal; in a translation of an ancient song, Ixtlilxochitl renders the expression in ipetl icpal in teotl, "en el trono y tribunal de Dios," Historia Chichimeca, cap. 32.
29. Mictlan; the place of departed souls in Aztec mythology.
NOTES FOR SONG XVI.
In this stirring war-song, the poet reproaches his friends for their lukewarmness in the love of battle. He reminds them that life is transitory, and the dead rise not again, and that the greatest joy of the brave is on the ringing field of fray where warriors win renown. It is in the spirit of the Scotch harper:—
"'Twere worth ten years of peaceful life,
One hour of such a day."
1. Each verse terminates with an interjectional refrain. The frequent introduction of the particle on is intended to add strength and gravity to the oration.
2. oppan piltihua. Compare this expression with that in v. 22, p. 44.
3. xochimicohuayan, should perhaps be translated, "where the captives to be immolated to the Gods are taken." The xochimique, "those destined to a flowery death" were the captives who were reserved for sacrifice to the gods. See Joan Bautista, Sermonario en Lengua Mexicana, p. 180.
4. yaoxochimiquiztica, "pertaining to the slaughter of the flowery war." This adjective refers to the peculiar institution of the "flowery war," guerra florida, which obtained among the ancient Mexicans. It appears to have been a contest without provocation, and merely for the display of prowess and to take captives to supply the demand for human sacrifices in the religious rites. On this see Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, cap. 96.
NOTES FOR SONG XVII.
In this long fragment—the closing strophes are missing in my MS.—the bard represents himself as a stranger appearing before the nobles of Huexotzinco at some festival. The first two verses appear to be addressed to him by the nobles. They ask him to bring forth his drum and sing. He begins with a laudation of the power of music, proceeds to praise the noble company present, and touches those regretful chords, so common in the Nahuatl poetry, which hint at the ephemeral nature of all joy and the certainty of death and oblivion. An appeal is made to the Master of Life who inspires the soul of the poet, and whose praises should be ever in mind.
The words Dios and angelotin, in verse 26th, indicate that the poem has received some "recension" by the Spanish copyist; but the general tone impresses me as quite aboriginal in character.
2. quauhtlocelotl, see note to I, 5.
3. In this verse, as frequently elsewhere, the syllable ya is introduced merely to complete the metre. Ordinarily it is the sign of the imperfect tense, and has other meanings (see the Vocabulary), but in many instances does not admit of translation.
8. noncoati, for ni-on-coatl, I am a guest.
18. The references in this verse are obscure, and I doubt if I have solved them.
20. "The house of spring;" compare the expression in v. 1, of Nezahualcoyotl's song, p. 42.
21. A long oration of Xicontecatl, lord of Tizatlan, may be found in Clavigero, Hist. Antica di Messico, Tom. III, p. 40. The expression in camaxochitzin, from camatl, mouth, xochitl, rose, flower, and the reverential tzin, is noteworthy.
24. petlacoatl, the centipede or scolopender; from petlatl, mat, and coatl, serpent, as they are said to intertwine with each other, like the threads of a mat (Sahagun, Lib. XII, cap. 4).
NOTES FOR SONG XVIII.
At this portion of the MS. several poems are preceded by a line of syllables indicating their accompaniment on the teponaztli (see Introduction, p. 32).
The present number is one of the most noteworthy songs of the collection. It belongs to the ancient cyclus of Quetzalcoatl myths, and gives a brief relation of the destruction of Tollan and the departure and disappearance of the Light God, Quetzalcoatl Ce Acatl. As I have elsewhere collated this typical myth at length, and interpreted it according to the tenets of modern mythologic science, I shall not dwell upon it here (see D.G. Brinton, American Hero Myths, Phila., 1882).
The text of the poem is quite archaic, and presents many difficulties. But my translation, I think, gives the general sense correctly.
1. huapalcalli; literally, "the house constructed of beams." This name was applied to the chief temple of the Toltecs; the ruins of an ancient structure at Tollantzinco were pointed out at the time of the Conquest as those of this building (see Sahagun, Hist. de la Nueva España, Lib. X, cap. 29).
coatlaquetzalli; this edifice, said to have been left incomplete by Quetzalcoatl, when he forsook Tollan, had pillars in the form of a serpent, the head at the base, the tail at the top of the pillar. (See Orozco y Berra, Hist. Antigua de Mexico, Tom. III, pp. 30 and 46.) The structure is mentioned as follows in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan:—
Auh iniquac nemia Quetzalcoatl quitzintica, quipeuahtica iteocal quimaman coatlaquetzali ihuan amo quitzonquixti, amo quipantlaz."
"And when Quetzalcoatl was living, he began and commenced the temple of his which is the Coatlaquetzali (Serpent Plumes), and he did not finish it, he did not fully erect it."
Nacxitl Topiltzin, "Our Lord the four-footed." Nacxitl appears to have been the name of Quetzalcoatl, in his position as lord of the merchants. Compare Sahagun, ubi supra, Lib. I, cap. 19.
2. Poyauhtecatl, a volcano near Orizaba, mentioned by Sahagun. Acallan, a province bordering on the Laguna de los Terminos. The myth reported that Quetzalcoatl journeyed to the shores of the Gulf about the isthmus of Tehuantepec and there disappeared.
3. Nonohualco; the reference is to the cerro de Nonoalco, which plays a part in the Quetzalcoatl myth. The words of the song are almost those of Tezcatlipoca when he is introduced to Quetzalcoatl. Asked whence he came, he replied, "Nihuitz in Nonohualcatepetl itzintla, etc." (Anales de Cuauhtitlan).
4. The occurrences alluded to are the marvels performed by Quetzalcoatl on his journey from Tulan. See my American Hero Myths, p. 115.
5. The departure of Quetzalcoatl was because he was ordered to repair to Tlapallan, supposed to be beyond Xicalanco.
8. quinti, for iquintia; the reference is to the magic draught given Quetzalcoatl by Tezcatlipoca.
9. In tetl, in quahuitl; literally, "stone and stick;" a very common phrase in Nahautl, to signify misfortunes.
NOTES FOR SONG XIX.
In this song we have avowedly a specimen of an early chant prepared probably by Bishop Zummarraga for the native converts. The accompaniment on the teponaztli is marked at the beginning. The language is noticeably different from the hymn to Quetzalcoatl just given (XVIII).
NOTES FOR SONG XX.
Another song of the antique Quetzalcoatl cyclus. It bewails the loss of Tulan, and the bard seeks in vain for any joyous theme to inspire his melody, reflecting on all that has bloomed in glory and now is gone forever.
3. Tetl-quahitl; see note to XVIII, 9.
NOTES FOR SONG XXI.
The occurrence to which this poem alludes took place about the year 1507. The chroniclers state that it was in the early period of the reign of Montezuma II, that the natives of Huexotzinco, at that time allies of the Mexicans, were severely harassed by the Tlascallans, and applied, not in vain, to their powerful suzerain to aid them. (See Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, cap. 97.)
The poet does not appear to make a direct petition, but indirectly praises the grandeur of Montezuma and expresses his own ardent love for his native Huexotzinco. The song would appear to be used as a delicate prelude to the more serious negotiations. It is one of the few historical songs in the collection. From the references in verses 1 and 3 we infer that this singer held in his hand the painted book from which he recited the couplets. This may explain the presentation of the piece.
1. huetzcani; one who laughs, a jester, perhaps the designation of one who sang cheerful songs.
chalchiuhatlaquiquizcopa; a. word of difficult analysis. I suspect an omission of an l, and that the compound includes tlaquilqui, one who fastens and puts together, a mason, etc.
5. The sense is that the warriors of Montezuma when on the field of battle, shine in their deeds like beautiful flowers in a field, and win lasting fame by their exploits.
mopopoyauhtoc. The grammarian Olmos explains the reflexive verb mopopoyauhtiuh to signify "he leaves an honored memory of his exploits." See Siméon, Dictionaire de la Langue Nahuatl, sub voce.
7. Huexotzinco atzalan; "Huexotzinco amid the waters." This expression, repeated in verse 8, appears inappropriate to the town of Huexotzinco, which lies inland. In fact, the description in verse 7 applies to Tenochtitlan rather than the singer's own town. But the text does not admit this translation. Perhaps we should read "Huexotzinco and Atzalan," as there are yet two villages of that name in the state of Puebla (which embraced part of ancient Huexotzinco).
10. petiatolini, I have derived from petlatl, suspecting an error in transcription. The reference is to the rushes in the mat on which the singer stood.
NOTES FOR SONG XXII.
The ordinary sad burden of the Nahuatl poets is repeated with emphasis in this plaint. It is a variation of the Epicurean advice, "Eat, drink, and be merry, for to-morrow we die." Both the sentiment and the reference to Mictlan in verse 7, point it out as a production uninfluenced by Christian teaching.
7. The word ahuicaloyan, place of sweetness, would seem to be identical with ohuicaloyan, place of difficulty, in v. 8; I have regarded the latter as an error of transcription.
NOTES FOR SONG XXIII.
Although No. V. is probably one of the lost songs of Nezahualcoyotl, the present is the only one of the collection which is definitely attributed to him. The language is very archaic, and in the sentiment there is every mark of antiquity.
The text is apparently a dialogue, which was chanted as strophe and antistrophe, the one singer speaking for the King, the other for the bard himself.
The word teotl is used for divinity, and it is doubtless this word for which the copyists of some of the other songs have substituted the Spanish Dios, thus conveying an impression that the chants themselves were of late date.
The last verse, however, seems to be by one who lives after the time of the great poet-prince, and is calling him to memory.
NOTES FOR SONG XXIV.
It will be seen that there is a wearisome sameness in the theme of most of the short poems. Probably the bards followed conventional models, and feared for the popularity of their products, did they seek originality. Here again are the same delight in flowers and songs, and the same grief at the thought that all such joys are evanescent and that soon "death closes all."
I consider the poem one of undoubted antiquity and purely native in thought and language.
NOTES FOR SONG XXV.
The destruction of the Mexican state was heralded by a series of omens and prodigies which took place at various times during the ten years preceding the arrival of Cortes. They are carefully recorded by Sahagun, in the first chapter of the 12th book of his history. They included a comet, or "smoking star," as these were called in Nahuatl, and a bright flame in the East and Southeast, over the mountains, visible from midnight to daylight, for a year. This latter occurred in 1509. The song before us is a boding chant, referring to such prognostics, and drawing from them the inference that the existence of Mexico was doomed. It was probably from just such songs that Sahagun derived his information.
1. toztliyan, I suppose from tozquitl, the singing voice, in the locative; literally, "the quechol in the place of sweet-singing."
2. iquiapan, from i, possessive prefix, quiauatl, door, entrance, house, pan, in.
5. An obscure verse; tequantepec, appears to be a textual error; tequani, a ravenous beast, from qua to eat; tepec, a mountain; but tequantepehua occurring twice later in the poem induces the belief tequani should be taken in its figurative sense of affliction, destruction, and that tepec is an old verbal form.
7. Xochitecatl, "one who cares for flowers," is said by Sahagun to have been the name applied to a woman doomed to sacrifice to the divinities of the mountains (Hist. Nueva España, Lib. II, cap. 13).
8. amaxtecatl, or amoxtecatl, as the MS. may read, from amoxtli, a book.
NOTES FOR SONG XXVI.
This seems to be a song of victory to celebrate an attack upon Atlixco by the ruler of Tezcuco, the famous Nezahualpilli. This monarch died in 1516, and therefore the song must antedate this period, if it is genuine. It has every intrinsic evidence of antiquity, and I think may justly be classed among those preserved from a time anterior to the Conquest. According to the chronologies preserved, the attack of Nezahualpilli upon Atlixco was in the year XI tochtli, which corresponds to 1490, two years before the discovery by Columbus (see Orozco y Berra, Hist. Antigua de Mexico, Tom. III, p. 399).
NOTES FOR SONG XXVII.
My MS. closes with a Christian song in the style of the ancient poetry. It is valuable as indicating the linguistic differences between these later productions of the sixteenth century and those earlier ones, such as XXVI, which I have not hesitated to assign to an epoch before the Spaniards landed upon the shores of New Spain.