The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 2

by E. K. Chambers

FOOTNOTES:

[1] E. J. L. Scott, Letter Book of Gabriel Harvey (Camden Soc.), 67.

[2] Cf. App. D, No. lxxviii.

[3] Cf. ch. xi.

[4] G. Dugdale, Time Triumphant (1604), sig. B, ‘Nay, see the beauty of our all kinde soveraigne! not onely to the indifferent of worth, and the worthy of honor, did he freely deale about thiese causes, but to the meane gave grace, as taking to him the late Lord Chamberlaines servants, now the Kings acters; the Queene taking to her the Earle of Worsters servants, that are now her acters; and the Prince, their sonne, Henry, Prince of Wales full of hope, tooke to him the Earle of Nottingham his servants, who are now his acters.’

[5] Cf. ch. xvi, introd., and App. C, No. lviii.

[6] Flecknoe (App. I) perhaps exaggerates the share of moral sentiment in bringing to an end the formal connexion of the choirs with plays (cf. p. 52).

[7] De la Boderie, in 1608 (cf. vol. i, p. 327), speaks of five companies in London. These would be the King’s, Queen’s, Prince’s, Revels, and King’s Revels.

[8] Archaeologia, lxii. 1. 216, from statutes collected in the decanate of Ralph of Baldock (1294–1304), ‘Cantoris officium est ... pueros introducendos in chorum et ad cantum intitulatos examinare ... Magistrum Scolae Cantus in ecclesia Sancti Gregorii, salva Decano et Capitulo ipsius collacione, preficere’; Dugdale, St. Paul’s (1818), 347, from fifteenth-or early sixteenth-century manuscript of statutes, ‘Magistrum Scholae Cantus constituit Cantor. Ad eum pertinet eos qui canere nequeunt instruere, pueros diligenter docere, eis non solum magistrum Cantus, sed etiam bonorum morum esse.’

[9] Archaeologia, lxii. 1. 215, from statutes collected in decanate of Ralph de Diceto (1181–99), ‘Cotidie pascat ... duos pueros elemosinarios ... et secum ad Ecclesiam media nocte panem et cervisiam pro iunioribus chorum frequentantibus defer[r]i faciat, et quolibet quarterio semel vel bis post matutinas iunioribus gentaculum unum in domo sua faciat’. A thirteenth-century statute required the pueri de elemosinaria to sit humbly upon the ground when feeding in the house of a canon. Cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 355, for Diceto’s statute about the Boy Bishop, with its mention of the return of the boys ‘ad Elemosinariam’, and the reforming statute of 1263.

[10] Archaeologia, lxii. 1. 220.

[11] Ibid. 217, 220 (c. 1263; c. 1310) ‘Elemosinarius ... habeat insuper continuo secum octo pueros ad Ecclesiae ministerium ydoneos, quos per seipsum vel alium magistrum in spectantibus ad ministerium ecclesiae et litteratura ac bonis moribus diligenter faciat informari.... Quociens vero dicti pueri ad scolas vel spaciatum ire debent....’; Dugdale, 349 [Elemosinarius] ‘octo pueros bonae indolis et honestae parentelae habeat; quos alat et educat in morum disciplina; videat etiam instruantur in cantu et literatura, ut in omnibus apti ad ministerium Dei in Choro esse possent’.

[12] There was a bequest to the almoner to maintain boys, apparently at the University, after they had changed their voices, as early as 1315 (Archaeologia, lxii. 1. 219–22).

[13] Hennessy, 61; W. S. Simpson, Charter and Statutes of the College of Minor Canons in St. Paul’s Cathedral (Archaeologia, xliii. 165; cf. Trans. of London and Midd. Arch. Soc. (1st series), iv. 231). The statutes of c. 1521 note a dispensation of that year for Thomas Hikeman ‘peticanon and amner’ and for ‘all and euery peticanon which shalbe Amneur hear-after’ to bring a stranger to meals.

[14] Stowe, Survey, ii. 19; cf. the Hollar engraving in Baker, 95.

[15] Stowe, i. 327; Archaeologia, xliii. 171. By c. 14 of the statutes the college gates were shut at meals.

[16] Leach, Journal of Education (1909), 506, cites the Registrum Elemosinariae (ed. M. Hacket from Harl. MS. 1080), ‘If the almoner does not keep a clerk to teach the choristers grammar, the schoolmaster of St. Paul’s claims 5s. a year for teaching them, though he ought to demand nothing for them, because he keeps the school for them, as the Treasurer of St. Paul’s once alleged before the Dean and Chapter is to be found in ancient deeds’. Mr. Leach adds, ‘It is to be feared the Treasurer invented or misrepresented the ancient deed’. William de Tolleshunt, almoner, appears from his will of 1329 in the same register to have taught his boys himself (Archaeologia, lxii. 1. 220), ‘Item lego pueris ecclesiae quos ego educavi senioribus in Elemosinaria existentibus cuilibet xij^d et iunioribus cuilibet vj^d’. He also left his grammar books ‘et omnes quaternos sermonum de Festo Sanctorum Innocencium, quos tempore meo solebant Episcopi Puerorum pronuntiare, ad remanendum in Elemosinaria praedicta imperpetuum, ad usum fructum puerorum in eadem degencium’. His logic and physic books are to be lent out ‘pueris aptis ad scolatizandum, cum ab elemosinaria recesserint’.

[17] Mediaeval Stage, i. 356. The sermon written by Erasmus is headed Concio ... pronunciata ... in nova schola Iohannis Coleti, but Erasmus may not have known the exact procedure at St. Paul’s. The earlier sermon printed by Wynkyn de Worde has ‘whyche often times I radde whan I was Querester, in the Marteloge of Poulis’.

[18] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 380.

[19] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 196, 215, 219. Wallace, i. 88, points out that the performers of the Menaechmi before Wolsey in 1527 were not the Paul’s boys, but the Cardinal’s gentlemen.

[20] Chamber Accounts (1545).

[21] Nichols, Eliz. i. xxxv, ‘By Sebastian, scolemaister of Powles, a boke of ditties, written’.

[22] Household Accounts of Princess Elizabeth, 1551–2 (Camden Misc. ii), 37, ‘Paid in rewarde to the Kinges Maiesties drommer and phipher, the xiij^th of Februarye, xx^s; M^r. Heywoodde, xxx^s; and to Sebastian, towardes the charge of the children with the carriage of the plaiers garmentes iiij^li, xix^s. In thole as by warraunte appereth, vij^li, ix^s’.

[23] F. Madden, Expenses of Lady Mary, 62 (March 1538), ‘Item geuen to Heywood playeng an enterlude with his children bifore my lades grace, xl^s’.

[24] Wallace, i. 77, goes against the evidence when he asserts that Heywood wrote for the Chapel. Why he asserts that Heywood ‘had grown up in the Chapel under Cornish’, to whom, by the way, he wantonly transfers the authorship of The Four P. P., The Pardoner and the Frere, and Johan Johan, I do not know. There is nothing to show that Heywood was a Chapel boy, and the absence of his name from the Chapel list of 1509 (cf. p. 27), when he would have been about twelve, may be taken as disposing of the notion. He is first discoverable at Court in December 1514, for which month he received wages at the rate of viij^d a day in some undefined capacity (Chamber Account in Addl. MS. 21481, f. 178), which was shared by one John Mason, who was a Yeoman of the Crown by March 1516 (Brewer, ii. 475). By 1520 Heywood himself was a Yeoman of the Crown (Brewer, iii. 1. 499), and during 1519–21 the Chamber Accounts show him as also a ‘singer’ at £5 a quarter. Later he became player of the virginals, and has 50s. a quarter as such in the Accounts for 1529–31, 1538–41, and 1547–9. He was Sewer of the Chamber at the funeral of Edward in 1553. It occurs to me as just possible that Heywood’s ‘children’ may have been neither the Chapel nor the Paul’s boys, but the boys taken up by Philip Van Wilder for the musical establishment of the Household; cf. p. 31. But I think it is more likely that Heywood wrote for the Paul’s boys throughout, as he almost certainly did in 1559. There is another hint of his connexion with them in the fact that at the coronation of Mary in 1553 he sat under a vine against the grammar school and made speeches (Holinshed (1808), iv. 6). A. W. Reed (1917, 3 Library, viii. 247) adds facts, and thinks the Yeoman was distinct.

[25] Addl. MS. 15233; cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 454. Thomas Tusser, in the Autobiography printed with the 1573 edition of his Points of Good Husbandry, is the authority for placing Redford at Paul’s:

But mark the chance, myself to ’vance,

By friendship’s lot, to Paul’s I got.

So found I grace a certain space

Still to remain

With Redford there, the like nowhere

For cunning such and virtue much

By whom some part of musicke art

So did I gain.

From Paul’s Tusser passed to Eton, before he matriculated at Cambridge in 1543. In other manuscripts compositions by Redford and Thomas Mulliner are associated, and one of these, Addl. MS. 30513, is inscribed ‘Sum liber Thomae Mullineri, Johanne Heywoode teste’. Stafford Smith, on what authority is unknown, stated (cf. D. N. B.) that Mulliner was Master of St. Paul’s School. If so, he may have come between Redford and Westcott. On 3 March 1564 he was admitted as organist in Corpus Christi College, Oxford (Fowler, Hist. of C.C.C. 426).

[26] Feuillerat, E. and M. 145; Wallace, i. 84. The mention of ‘xij cottes for the boyes in Heywoodes play’ does not justify the assumption that the players were the Chapel. The ten established boys of the St. Paul’s choir could be supplemented by probationers or the grammar school.

[27] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 196.

[28] Machyn, 206. ‘M^r Philip’ was organist of Paul’s in 1557 (Nichols, Illustrations, iii). Fleay, 57, guesses that the play was Nice Wanton, which is not likely, if Heywood had a hand in it.

[29] Hennessy, 61.

[30] Flood cites a Vatican record of 1561 from Catholic Record Soc. i. 21, ‘Sebastianus, qui organa pulsabat apud D. Paulum Londini, cum vellet eiici, tamen tum ita charus Elizabethae fuit, ut nihil schismatice agens locum suum in ea ecclesia retineat’; also Grindal’s letter of 1563 to Dudley in Strype, Grindal (ed. 1821), 113. Hillebrand adds from Libri Vicarii Generalis (Huick 1561–74), iii, f. 77, that in July 1563 Westcott failed to appear before the Consistory Court and was excommunicated as ‘contumacem’, and from St. Paul’s records (A. Box 77, 2059) that on 8 Nov. 1564 he gave a bond to conform or resign by the following Easter. Gee, 230, gives a list of deprived clergy from N. Sanders, De Visibili Monarchia (1571), 688, which includes among Magistri Musices ‘Sebastianus in Cathedrali ecclesia Londinensi’.

[31] Fleay, 15, 60, has some inaccuracies in these dates, and conjectures that among the early Paul’s plays were a revival of Udall’s Ralph Roister Doister and Ulpian Fulwell’s Like Will to Like, and that these contained satire of Richard Edwards and the Chapel.

[32] Dasent, ix. 56.

[33] Hillebrand from Repertory, xix, f. 18, ‘For asmoche as this Court ys enformed that one Sebastian that wyll not communicate with the Church of England kepe the playes and resorte of the people to great gaine and peryll of the coruptinge of the Chyldren wyth papistrie And therefore master Morten ys appoynted to goe to the Deane of Powles and to gyve him notyce of that dysorder, and to praye him to gyve suche remeadye therein, within his iurysdyccion, as he shall see meete, for Christian Relygion and good order’.

[34] Dasent, x. 127. Cath. Record Soc. i. 70 gives the date of Westcott’s committal ‘for papistry’ from S. P. D. Eliz. cxl. 40, as 21 Dec. 1577, and that of release as 19 March 1578. According to S. P. D. Eliz. cxviii. 73, Westcott was Master of the Children in 1577 and valued at £100 in goods.

[35] Gosson, P. C. 188.

[36] Flood (Mus. Ant. iv. 187) gives an abstract of his will, dated on 3 April and proved on 14 April 1582. He describes himself as almoner of St. Paul’s, dwelling in the almonry and born at Chimley in Devonshire; appoints Henry Evans overseer and Justinian Kyd executor, and leaves legacies to relatives (apparently he had no children or wife), to members of the Redford family, to ‘Gyles Clothier’, to the ten choristers, to ‘sometimes children of the said almenerey’, by name Bromeham, Richard Huse, Robert Knight, Nicholas Carleton, Baylye, Nasion, and Gregory Bowringe, to ‘Shepard that keepeth the door at playes’, and to Pole ‘the keper of the gate’. Wallace, i. 171, cites the will from P. C. C. 14 and 31, Tirwhite, giving the date of confirmation as 3 July 1582. One name may be added to Westcott’s list of boys from a Court Minute of Christ’s Hospital on 5 March 1580 (Musical Times, 1 Jan. 1907), ‘M^r. Sebastian, of Paulls, is appointed to have Hallawaie the younger out of this House to be one of the singing children of the Cathedral Church of Paulls in this Citie’.

[37] Gosson (1582) speaks of the plays as ‘at Paules’; and Rawlidge (1628) mentions a house ‘nigh Pauls’ as one of those pulled down by the City, apparently in 1596 (cf. ch. xvi). The Paul’s boys, however, can hardly have been playing for some years before that date. Howes (1629) definitely specifies the singing school (cf. ch. xvi). On the other hand, Flecknoe, a late authority and in a passage dealing (inaccurately) with Jacobean rather than Elizabethan conditions, assigns the plays to ‘behinde the Convocation-house in Paul’s’ (App. I). This is expanded by Malone (Variorum, iii. 46) into ‘in S^t. Paul’s school-room, behind the Convocation-house’, and Baker, 45, suggests that they used a small yard or cloister before the doors of the Convocation House and shut off by a high wall from the main churchyard (cf. Hollar’s prints in Baker, 95, 115). But I doubt if Flecknoe had anything in mind except St. Gregory’s, which stood just west of the Convocation House. The hall of the College of Minor Canons is perhaps also a possibility; but neither this nor the church is likely to have afforded a circular auditorium (cf. ch. xviii). Can they have used the Convocation House itself?

[38] McDonnell, 27, argues for the participation of the grammar school in the plays. Obviously the phrase ‘children of Paul’s’, ordinarily used of the playing-boys, proves nothing one way or the other. That the plays were mainly an affair of the choir is a fair inference from the fact that they were presented at Court by the song-school masters. But there is no reason to doubt that the mediaeval give and take between the two schools continued through the sixteenth century. Hunter, Chorus Vatum, v. 542, quotes a manuscript life of Sir Thomas Offley, ‘This Thomas Offley became a good grammarian under Mr. [William] Lillie and understood the Latin tongue perfectly; and because he had a sweet voice he was put to learn prick-song among the choristers of St. Paul’s, for that learned Mr. Lillie knew full well that knowledge in music was a help and a furtherance to all arts’. On the other hand, Dean Nowell (Churton, Life of A. Nowell, 190) instructed Thomas Giles in 1584 to teach the choristers catechism, writing, and music, and then to ‘suffer them to resort to Paul’s School that they may learn the principles of Grammar’. Some seventeenth-century performances by the grammar school, after the regular Paul’s plays ceased, are upon record.

[39] Cf. infra (Chapel, Oxford’s); ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[40] R. Churton, Life of Alexander Nowell, 190, from Reg. Nowell, ii, f. 189; Nichols, Eliz. ii. 432; Collier, i. 258; Hazlitt, 33; Wallace, ii. 67, from original warrant under the Signet in Sloane MS. 2035^b, f. 73:

‘By the Queene,

Elizabeth.

‘Whereas we haue authorysed our servaunte Thomas Gyles M^r. of the children of the Cathedrall Churche of S^t. Pauls within our Cittie of London to take vpp suche apte and meete Children as are most fitt to be instructed and framed in the arte and science of musicke and singinge as may be had and founde out within anie place of this our Realme of England or Wales, to be by his education and bringinge vp made meete and hable to serve vs in that behalf when our pleasure is to call for them. Wee therefore by the tenour of these presentes will and require you that ye permitt and suffer from henceforthe our saide servaunte Thomas Gyles and his deputie or deputies and every of them to take vp in anye Cathedral or Collegiate Churche or Churches and in everye other place or places of this our Realme of England and Wales, suche Childe and Children as he or they or anye of them shall finde and like of and the same Childe and Children by vertue hereof for the vse and service afouresaide, with them or anye of them to bringe awaye, withoute anye your lettes contradiccions staye or interruptions to the contrarie Charginge and commaundinge you and everie of you to be aydinge helpinge and assisting vnto the aboue named Thomas Gyles and his deputie and deputies in and aboute the due execucion of the premisses for the more spedie effectuall & bettar accomplisshing thereof from tyme to tyme as you and everie of you doe tendar our will and pleasure and will aunswere for doinge the contrarye at your perilles. Youen vnder our Signet at our Manour of Grenewich the 26^th Day of Aprill in the 27^th yere of our reign.

To all and singuler Deanes, Provostes, Maisters and Wardens of Collegies and all Ecclesiasticall persons and mynisters and to all other our officers mynisters and subiectes to whome in this case it shall apperteyne and to everye of them greetinge.’

No other commission for the Paul’s choir is extant, but their rights are reserved in the commission for Windsor (q.v.) of 8 March 1560.

[41] Harvey, Advertisement for Pap-Hatchet (Works, ii. 212). Lyly was still Oxford’s man but writing for Paul’s, c. Aug. 1585 (M. L. R. xv. 82.).

[42] Cf. ch. ix and App. C, No. xl, especially Pappe with an Hatchet (Oct. 1589).

[43] Have With You to Saffron Walden (Works, iii. 46). I do not think the reference to a twelvemonth’s silence, due to envy, in the prologue to Nashe’s Summer’s Last Will and Testament (c. Oct. 1592) affords any justification for ascribing that play to the Paul’s boys. Murray, i. 330; ii. 284, records a payment at Gloucester in 1590–1 ‘to the children of powles’. I am sceptical about this, especially as I observe in the next year a payment for a breakfast to the Queen’s men ‘at M^r. Powelles’. Murray’s only other municipal record for the company, at Hedon, Yorkshire, on some quite unknown date, ‘Item, payd to the —— pawll plaiers’ (ii. 286), is even less satisfactory. But if the boys did travel on their suppression, they may well have gone to Croydon.

[44] Rimbault, 4. Giles must have resigned, if he was the Thomas Giles who, on 18 April 1606, was paid 100 marks a year as instructor to Henry in music (Devon, 35). He was instructor to Charles in 1613 (Reyher, 78) and figures in masks (cf. ch. vi). Fellowes, 184, 190, has two songs set by Pearce, one from Blurt Master Constable.

[45] 1 A. and M. IV. i. 30, ‘Enter Andrugio, Lucio, Cole, and Norwood’. Bullen thinks that the two boys played the parts named, but the action requires at least one page, who sings.

[46] Wallace, ii. 153, says he has evidence of playing at Paul’s in 1598, but he does not give it. It is perhaps rash to assume that Pearce originated the revival, as there is no proof that he came to Paul’s before 1600.

[47] Cf. ch. xi.

[48] V. i. 102.

[49] Collier, iii. 181. On the light thrown on the Paul’s stage by these plays, cf. ch. xxi. It is conceivable that some of them may have been originally written before 1590 (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Percy).

[50] Cf. ch. xxiv.

[51] Cf. infra (Queen’s Revels).

[52] Nichols, James, iv. 1073, from The King of Denmark’s Welcome (1606), ‘the Youthes of Paules, commonlye cald the Children of Paules, plaide before the two Kings, a playe called Abuses: containing both a Comedie and a Tragedie, at which the Kinges seemed to take delight and be much pleased’. The play is lost. Fleay, ii. 80, has no justification for identifying it with The Insatiate Countess. Wily Beguiled (ch. xxiv) might be a Paul’s play.

[53] C. W. Wallace, Nebraska University Studies (1910), x. 355; cf. infra (Queen’s Revels), ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[54] Constitutio Domus Regis (c. 1135) in Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii, i. 342, ‘Capellani, custos capellae et reliquiarum. Corridium duorum hominum, et quatuor servientes capellae unusquisque duplicem cibum, et duo summarii capellae unusquisque 1^d in die et 1^d ad ferrandum in mense’; cf. R. O. Ld. Steward’s Misc. 298 (1279); Tout, 278, 311 (1318); H. O. 3, 10 (1344–8); Life Records of Chaucer (Chaucer Soc.), iv. 171 (1369); Nicolas, P. C. vi. 223 (1454).

[55] H. O. 10. In 1318 he was ‘chief chapellain’.

[56] J. H. Wylie, Henry IV, iv. 208, from Household Accounts, ‘John Bugby our chaplain retained 3 years ago pur apprendre et enformer les enfants de notre chapelle en la science de gramaire at 100/-p. a. nothing yet paid, £15 due’. A grant to John Tilbery, a boy of the King’s chapel, was made on 12 Nov. 1405 (C. P. R., Hen. IV, iii. 96).

[57] Wallace, i. 12, 21, from P. R. The commission of 1420 was to John Pyamour ‘uni clericorum Capellae hospicii nostri’; another of 1440 was to John Croucher, Dean. When regular Masters were instituted, the commissions seem to have been made direct to them.

[58] Wallace, i. 14, quotes laudatory accounts of the singing of the chapel by two members of the suite of Leo von Ro[vz]mital, a Bohemian who visited the English Court in 1466.

[59] H. O. 49. There is nothing about plays, but ‘Memorandum, that the King hathe a songe before hym in his hall or chambre uppon All-hallowen day at the latter graces, by some of these clerkes and children of chappel in remembrance of Christmasse; and soe of men and children in Christmasse thorowoute. But after the songe on All-hallowen day is done, the Steward and Thesaurere of houshold shall be warned where it liketh the King to kepe his Christmasse’.

[60] At the coronation of James in 1603 (Rimbault, 127) there were a Sub-dean, 7 Ministers, the Master of the Children, an Organist, 22 ordinary Gentlemen, and a Clerk of the Check; also a Sergeant, 2 Yeomen, and a Groom of the Vestry. This agrees with the Elizabethan fee lists, which give the total number of Gentlemen as 32. The coronation list does not name Epistolers; but it is clear from the notices of appointments in Rimbault, 1, that a Gospeller and Epistoler were appointed, as next in succession to the Gentlemen’s places, although it does not appear that they were necessarily ex-Children. There were also Extraordinary Gentlemen (Rimbault, 31).

[61] Cf. ch. ii.

[62] H. O. 160. The hall and chapel are to be kept ‘at all times when his Highnesse shall lye in his castle of Windsor, his mannors of Bewlye, Richmond, Hampton Court, Greenwich, Eltham, or Woodstock’; but ‘in rideing journeys and progresses’, only the Master of the Children, six men, six children, and some officers of the vestry are to attend. In the seventeenth century ‘all removinge weekes’ were amongst the ‘auntient tymes of lyberty and playinge weekes’ (Rimbault, 73). But the practice may have varied. Stopes, 252, gives a Stable warrant of 1554 for a wagon ‘for the necessarie conveying and cariage of the Children of our Chapel and their man from place to place, at such seasons, as they by our commandment shall remove to serve where wee shall appointe them’.

[63] A chapel of St. Stephen existed in 1205. It was rebuilt and made a free collegiate chapel in 1348, and dissolved in 1547, and the building assigned as a chamber for the House of Commons (J. T. Smith, Antiquities of Westminster, 72; V. H. London, i. 566). It may have originated as a domestic chapel, but seems to be quite distinct from the Household Chapel by the sixteenth century. Thus its St. Nicholas Bishop had an old annual reward of £1 from the Exchequer (Devon, Issues of Exchequer, 222; R. Henry, Hist. of Great Britain³, xii. 459; Brewer, iv. 869), while the Household boys got their reward of £6 12s. 4d. from the Treasurer of the Chamber. Wallace, i. 22, notes that the Masters of the Children ‘all lived’ at Greenwich, which suggests that this was the Tudor head-quarters of the Chapel.

[64] Wallace, i. 22, 23, 26, 61, from patents of Masters; Fee List (passim).

[65] R. Henry, Hist. of Great Britain³, xii. 457; Brewer, ii. 873; iii. 364; iv. 868; Fee Lists (passim); Wallace, i. 21, 23, 24, 26, 33, 61, from patents and Exchequer of Receipt, Auditor’s Privy Seal Books. The Elizabethan fee for a Gentleman was only £30 (cf. p. 41, n. 3), but it was increased again to £40 by James in 1604 (Rimbault, 61).

[66] H. O. 169, 212. The Chamber Accounts for Aug. 1520 include a special payment to the Master for the diets of the boys when they accompanied the King to Calais, at 2d. a day each.

[67] The allowance was 6d. in 1575 (Collier, i. 175; Nagel, 29; from Harl. MS. 589, f. 220), but Hunnis’s petition of 1583 (cf. p. 37) implies that this rate was customary before Elizabeth’s reign.

[68] Chamber Accounts (passim); cf. p. 24, n. 6. For the feast of the Boy Bishop on St. Nicholas Day, cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 336, 359, 369.

[69] Stopes, 15, ‘40 surplices for the gentlemen and 16 for the children of the Chapel’ (Wardrobe warrant of 7 Oct. 1533); ‘for 10 children of the Kings Chapell, for gownes of Tawney Chamblett lined with black satin of Bruges, and Milan bonnettes for the said children, as in the same boke of apparel is declared xliii^li. iii^s. iiii^d. For two children of the Kings Chapell, for 2 gownes of Black Chamblett, lined with black satin of Bruges 2 cotes of yellow saten of Bruges lined with Coton, and 2 Millan bonnettes, and for making and lining of said gownes and cotes as in the said boke at large it duly apperes x^li xviii^s ... Item for twenty gentlemen of the King’s chapel, for 20 gownes of Black Damask for the said gentlemen, cxxvii^li. x^s.’ (Queen’s Remembrancia, Wardrobe Expenses, Hen. VIII, 52/10 A).

[70] Chamber Accounts (passim). From 1510 to 1513 Robert Fairfax had 2s. a week for the diet of William Alderson and Arthur Lovekyn, the King’s scholars, and £2 13s. 4d. for their teaching. In 1513 William Max, late a Child of the Chapel, had 40s. In 1514 Cornish was finding and apparelling Robert Philip and another Child of the Chapel, for £1 13s. 4d. a quarter, and in 1517 finding and teaching William Saunders, late Child of the Chapel, for the same sum, with 2d. a week for board ‘when the king keepeth no household’. In 1529–30 Crane had 3d. a day wages and 20d. a week board wages for Robert Pery, and in 1530 also for William Pery. In 1531 Robert Pery was paid direct. Cunningham, xx, gives a late seventeenth-century example of a similar arrangement. In 1546 a royal letter was written for the appointment of William Bretten, late a Chapel boy, to be singing-man at Lichfield (Brewer, xxi. 1. 142). Some of the above names appear in a list of Chapel Children, William Colman, William Maxe, William Alderson, Henry Meryell, John Williams, John Graunger, Arthur Lovekyn, Henry Andrewe, Nicholas Ivy, Edward Cooke, and James Curteys, receiving liveries at the funeral of Henry VII in 1509 (Lafontaine, 3, from Ld. Ch. Records, 550, f. 131). Some amusing correspondence of 1518 relates to a boy Robin, whom Henry VIII wished to transfer from Wolsey’s chapel to his own. It was stipulated that Cornish should treat him honestly, ‘otherwise than he doth his own’, and later Cornish wrote praising the clean singing and descant of the recruit (Brewer, ii. 1246–50).

[71] J. M. Manly in C. H. vi. 279; C. Johnson, John Plummer (1921, Antiquaries Journal, i. 52); Wallace, i. 21, from patents and Exchequer payments. Wallace does not include Melyonek although (ii. 62) he gives the following commission, already printed by Collier, i. 41, and Rimbault, vii, from Harl. MS. 433, f. 189:

‘Mellenek, Ric. etc. To all and every our subgiettes aswele spirituell as temporell thise our lettres hering or seeing greeting, We let you wite that for the confidence & trust that we haue in our trusty and welbeloued seruant John Melyonek oon of ye gentilmen of our Chapell and knowing also his expert habilitie and connyng in ye science of Musique haue licenced him and by thise presentes licence and geue him auctorite that within all places in this our realme aswele Cathedral churges coliges chappells houses of relegion and al oyer franchised & exempt places as elliswhere our colege roial at Wyndesor reserued & except may take and sease for vs and in our name al suche singing men & childre being expart in the said science of Musique as he can finde and think sufficient and able to do vs seruice. Wherfor &c. Yeuen &c. at Nottingham the xvj^th day

Banaster did not die until 1487, but I think Melyonek must have replaced him, perhaps without a patent, under Richard III.]

[72] Cf. D. N. B. Songs by Banaster and Newark are in Addl. MS. 5465 (Chambers and Sidgwick, Early English Lyrics, 299).

[73] Collier, i. 46; cf. Wallace, i. 12. I am not sure that Collier meant 1485.

[74] Reyher, 504, from Harl. MS. 69, f. 34^v. Wallace, i. 13; ii. 69, citing the same MS., misdates ‘1490’, and says that eight children took part. Four singing children who had appeared in another disguising a day or two before were probably also from the Chapel.

[75] Chamber Accounts in Wallace, i. 28, 38; Bernard Andrew, Annales Hen. VII (Gairdner, Memorials of Hen. VII), 104; Halle, i. 25; Professor Wallace seems to think that the annual Christmas rewards paid by the Treasurer of the Chamber to the Gentlemen, which went on to the end of the reign, were for plays. But these were of £13 6s. 8d., whereas the reward for a play was £6 13s. 4d. They were paid on Twelfth Night, and are sometimes said to be for ‘payne taking’ during Christmas. In 1510 they had an extra £6 13s. 4d. for praying for the Queen’s good deliverance. The ‘payne taking’ was no doubt as singers. An order of Henry VII’s time (H. O. 121) for the wassail on Twelfth Night has, ‘Item, the chappell to stand on the one side of the hall, and when the steward cometh in at the hall doore with the wassell, he must crie three tymes, Wassell, wassell, wassell; and then the chappell to answere with a good songe’. The Gentlemen also had 40s. annually from the Treasurer of the Chamber ‘to drink with their bucks’ given them for a summer feast, which was still held in the seventeenth century (Rimbault, 122).

[76] Stopes, Shakespeare’s Environment, 238; Feuillerat, Ed. and Mary, 149, 289. Professor Feuillerat says that one of the documents relating to the play refers to the ‘Children of the Chapel’, and doubts whether there is a real distinction between the ‘Gentlemen’ and the ‘Children’ as actors.

[77] Feuillerat, Ed. and Mary, 3, 255. The conjecture is supported by the fact that garments belonging to the Revels were in possession of two Gentlemen of the Chapel in April 1547 (ibid., 12, 13).

[78] Chamber Accounts in Wallace, i. 38, 65, 70; Brewer, xiv. 2. 284; Kempe, 69; Collier, i. 78; Feuillerat, Ed. and Mary, 266, 288. The ‘iiij Children y^t played afore y^e king’ on 14 Jan. 1508 were not necessarily of the Chapel.

[79] Cf. ch. viii and Mediaeval Stage, ii. 192, 215.

[80] Wallace, i. 33. No patent is cited, but the privy seal for the payment to Cornish of the Exchequer annuity was dated 1 April 1510, and he was shortly afterwards paid for the Christmas and Easter quarters. Newark had died in Nov. 1509. It is therefore a little puzzling to find in a list of Exchequer fees payable during the year ended Michaelmas 1508 (R. Henry, Hist. of Great Britain³, xii. 457) the item ‘Willelmo Cornysshe magistro puerorum capellae regis pro excubitione eorundem puerorum 26^li. 13^s. 4^d.’ Probably the list was prepared retrospectively in Henry VIII’s reign (cf. the analogous list in Brewer, ii. 873), and the name rather than the date is an error.

[81] The data are: (a) Exchequer Payments (Wallace, i. 34), Mich. 1493, ‘Willelmo Cornysshe de Rege’, 100s.; (b) T. C. Accounts, ‘to one Cornysshe for a prophecy in rewarde’, 13s. 4d. (12 Nov. 1493); ‘to Cornishe of the Kings Chapell’, 26s. 8d. (1 Sept. 1496); ‘to Cornysshe for 3 pagents’ (26 Oct. 1501); ‘m^r kyte Cornisshe and other of the Chapell y^t played affore ye king at Richemounte’, £6 13s. 4d. (25 Dec. 1508); (c) Household Book of Q. Elizabeth, 25 Dec. 1502, ‘to Cornisshe for setting of a Carrall vpon Cristmas Day in reward’, 13s. 4d.; (d) John Cornysh in list of Gent. of Chapel 23 Feb. 1504, and William Cornysh in similar lists c. 1509 and 22 Feb. 1511 (Lafontaine, 2, from Ld. Ch. Records); (e) Songs by ‘W. Cornishe, jun.’ in Addl. MS. 5465, by ‘John Cornish’ in Addl. MS. 5665, by ‘W. Cornish’ in Addl. MS. 31922 (Early English Lyrics, 299); (f) A Treatise betweene Trouthe and Enformacon, by ‘William Cornysshe otherwise called Nyssewhete Chapelman with ... Henry the VII^th his raigne the xix^th yere the moneth of July’ [1504], doubtless the satirical ballad on Empson referred to by Stowe, Annales, 816 (B. M. Royal MS. 18, D. 11). I think they yield an older William and a John Cornish, of whom one, probably John, arranged the three pageants at Arthur’s wedding, and a William ‘jun.’ who must have joined the Chapel in 1503 or 1504 and became Master of the Children. The older William may be identical with the Westminster (q.v.) choir-master of 1479–80. A Christopher or ‘Kit’ Cornish, referred to by Stopes, 17, and elsewhere, had no existence. This is a ghost-name, due to the juxtaposition of ‘kyte’, i.e. Sir John Kite, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, and ‘Cornisshe’ in the 1508 record above.

[82] Cf. ch. v and Mediaeval Stage, i. 400.

[83] The T. C. Accounts show a reward of £200 to Cornish on 30 Nov. 1516, of which the occasion is not specified, and a payment of £18 2s. 11½d. for ‘ij pagentes’ on 6 July 1517. With these possible exceptions, no expenditure on the disguisings or the interludes which formed part of them as distinct from the independent interludes by the Children, for which Cornish received £6 13s. 4d. each, seems to have passed through these accounts. Any remuneration received by Cornish or his fellows or children for their personal services probably passed through the Revels Accounts.

[84] Wallace, i. 16, 50. He light-heartedly accuses my friend Mr. Pollard, me, and others of perpetuating an old mis-ascription on the strength of Bale, ‘generally without consulting the Scriptores’, in the first edition of which (1548) Bale says that Rastell ‘reliquit’, and in the second that he ‘edidit’ The Four Elements. This Professor Wallace regards as revision by Bale of an incorrect assertion that Rastell was the author into an assertion that he was the publisher. But Bale elsewhere uses ‘edidit’ to indicate authorship, as Professor Wallace might have learnt from the notice of Heywood which he quotes on p. 80. As to The Four P. P. there are three early editions by three different publishers, and they all assign it to Heywood.

[85] Wallace, i. 61, 69; ii. 63, from patents and Exchequer payments. The Elizabethan patent is in Rymer, xv. 517.

[86] Rimbault, viii, quoting only the words ‘in anie churches or chappells within England to take to the King’s use, such and so many singing children and choristers, as he or his deputy should think good’. Stopes, 12, gives Lansd. MS. 171, and Stowe MS. 371, f. 31^v, as references, but the commission is not in either of them.

[87] Matthew Welder appears as a lute and viol at Court in 1516 and 1517. Peter Welder was appointed in 1519 and is traceable to 1559, as a lute, viol, or flute. Henry van Wilder was a ‘musician’, 1553–8. Philip Welder or van Wilder himself is first noted as a ‘minstrel’ in 1526. Later he was a lute up to 1554. In 1547 he was also ‘of the Privy Chamber’ and keeper of the King’s musical instruments (Nagel, 6, 13, 15, 16, 18, 22, 24, 27; Lafontaine, 8, 9, 12; Brewer, i, cxi). He died 24 Jan. 1554, leaving a son, Henry, probably the one noted above (Fry, London Inquisitions, i. 117). The Chamber Accounts for 1538–41 show an allowance to him of £70 ‘for six singing children’ (Stopes, 12). Several references to ‘Philippe and his fellows yong mynstrels’ and to ‘the children that be in the keeping of Philip and Edmund Harmon’ appear in Green Cloth documents from 30 June 1538 to 1544 (H. O. 166, 172, 191, 208; Genealogist, xxx. 23). Edmund Harmon was one of the royal Barbers. Finally, livery lists of 1547 show nine singing men and children under ‘M^r. Phelips’ (Lafontaine, 7). An earlier company of ‘the King’s young minstrels’ than this of 1538–50 seems to have been lodged at court c. 1526 (Brewer, iv. 1. 865), and there were ‘troyes autres nos ioesnes ministralx’ as far back as 1369 (Life Records of Chaucer, iv. 174). Elizabethan fee lists continue to make provision for ‘six children for singing’, but there is no indication that the posts were filled up.

[88] Wallace, ii. 63, from docquet in B. M. Royal MS. 18, C. xxiv, f. 232. By an obvious error, the name is written by the clerk as ‘Gowre’.

[89] Wallace, i. 77.

[90] Cf. p. 12.

[91] It is possible that the Treasurer of the Chamber did not pay all the rewards for plays during the earlier years of the reign; but the suggestion of Wallace, i. 108, that, if we had the Books of Queen’s Payments, more information might be available, seems to show a failure to realize the identity of the Tudor Books of King’s Payments with the T. of C. Accounts. There might, however, be rewards in a book subsidiary to the Privy Purse Accounts. I do not think that much can be made of the recital of ‘playes’ as well as ‘maskes’ in the preamble of the Revels Accounts for 1558–9, during which the T. of C. paid no rewards, since this may be merely ‘common form’.

[92] Feuillerat, Eliz. 34; cf. Appendix A. Naturally no ‘reward’ would be paid in such circumstances. Fleay, 16, 32, 60, conjectures that the play was Misogonus.

[93] Strype, Survey of London (App. i. 92), gives the date from Bower’s tombstone at Greenwich, and as his death is recited in Edwardes’ patent (Stopes, Hunnis, 146) and his will of 18 June 1561 was proved on 25 Aug. 1561 (Wallace, i. 106), it is clear that the entry of Rimbault, 1, ‘1563. Rich. Bower died, M^r of the children, A^o 5^to’, must be an error.

[94] Wallace, Blackfriars, 65, from Privy Seal in P. R. O. The patent dated 10 Jan. 1562 is on Patent Rolls, 4 Eliz. p. 6, m. 14 dorso.

[95] This is recorded in a Revels document, and seems a clear case of a play given by the Chapel and not paid for by the T. of C.

[96] Cf. ch. vii, p. 223.

[97] Rimbault, 2. On Hunnis, cf. ch. xxiii.

[98] Stopes, 295, translates the patent of appointment from Auditors Patent Books, ix, f. 144^v; the Privy Seal is in Privy Seals, Series iii, 1175. Stopes also prints the patent and Wallace, ii. 66, the Signet Bill (misdescribing it as a Privy Seal) for the commission; it is enrolled on Patent Rolls, 9 Eliz. p. 10, m. 16 dorso. It is varied from the model of 1562 by the inclusion of power to the Master to take up lodging for the children in transit, and to fix ‘reasonable prises’ for carriage and necessaries at his discretion.

[99] Hazlitt-Warton, iv. 217, citing f. xii of the pamphlet. I know of no copy. One is catalogued among Bishop Tanner’s books in the Bodleian, but Stopes, 226, ‘went to Oxford on purpose to see it, but found that it had utterly vanished’. Macray, Annals of the Bodleian, 211, thinks that it may have been destroyed when Tanner’s books fell into a river during their transit from Norwich to Oxford in Dec. 1731. The pamphlet is also cited for an example of the use of the term ‘spur money’ (Bumpus, 29, with date ‘1598’). F. T. Hibgame (10 N. Q. i. 458) describes a collection of pamphlets seen by him in New York under the general title of The Sad Decay of Discipline in our Schools (1830), which included Some Account of the Stripping and Whipping of the Children of the Chapel, containing a ‘realistic account of the treatment of the boys at one of the royal chapels’, of which he thought the author might be George Colman.

[100] Cf. ch. vii.

[101] Feuillerat, Eliz. 244, ‘Holly, Ivye, firr poles & Mosse for the Rock ... Hornes iij, Collers iij, Leashes iij & dogghookes iij with Bawdrickes for the hornes in Hvnnyes playe’.

[102] Variorum, iii. 439.

[103] Cf. ch. xxiii (Gascoigne).

[104] W. Creizenach (Sh.-Jahrbuch, liv. 73) points out that the source must have been Livy, xxvi. 50.

[105] Cf. infra (Windsor).

[106] Rimbault, 2.

[107] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars). The bare fact of this early use of the Blackfriars has, of course, long been known from the reference to comedies at the Blackfriars in Gosson, P. C. 188 (App. C, No. xxx), and the prologues to Lyly’s Campaspe and Sapho and Phao. Fleay, 36, 39, 40, guessed that the early Blackfriars performances were at an inn, and by the Paul’s boys, and that the euphuistic prose plays at the Bel Savage mentioned by Gosson, S. A. 39 (App. C, No. xxii), in 1579 were early Chapel versions of Lyly’s above-named plays. But there is no evidence that either of the boy companies ever used an inn.

[108] Cf. p. 38.

[109] Cf. ch. vii, p. 223.

[110] Rimbault, 3. The Blackfriars correspondence shows that the date 1581 given in Rimbault, 56, is wrong. A warrant of 1582 for a lease in reversion to his widow Anne is in Hatfield MSS. ii. 539.

[111] App. C, No. xlv.

[112] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[113] Wallace, i. 156; Stopes, Hunnis, 252; from S. P. D. Eliz. clxiii. 88.

[114] Cf. p. 50, which suggests that the boys occasionally ate in hall at festival times.

[115] The Chamber Accounts show no renewal of the payments.

[116] Cf. ch. xxiii (Hunnis).

[117] Cf. ch. xiii (Oxford’s), ch. xxiii (Lyly).

[118] Feuillerat, Eliz. 470. Sapho and Phao might, however, have been the unnamed Chapel play of Shrove Tuesday (27 Feb.) 1582.

[119] Perhaps Lyly was still associated with him. F. S. Boas (M. L. R. vi. 92) records payments in connexion with a visit by Leicester to Christ Church, Oxford, to Mr. Lyly and his man for the loan of apparel, as well as one of £5 to one Tipslowe ‘for the Revels’ (January 1585).

[120] Cf. supra (Paul’s).

[121] I have no means of dating ‘The order of the show to be done at the Turret, entring into the parke at Grenewich, the musick being within the turrett’, which is preserved in Egerton MS. 2877, f. 182, as ‘acted before Q. Elizabeth’. A speech of forty lines beginning ‘He Jove himselfe, that guides the golden spheare’, was delivered by ‘one of the biggest children of her Ma^tes Chappell’ as Goodwill, and was followed by a song beginning ‘Ye Helicon muses’.

[122] Rimbault, 4. A note of Anthony Wood’s (cf. D. N. B.) suggests that Bull joined the Chapel about 1572.

[123] Ashmole, Antiquities of Berks (ed. 1723), iii. 172, from tombstone at St. George’s, Windsor. The inscription gives him 49 years as Master at Windsor, in error for 39. A second stone described as also his by Ashmole is clearly his wife’s.

[124] Wallace, ii. 59, prints both from the Privy Seals of 2 and 3 July in the R. O. The appointment is enrolled in Patent Rolls, 39 Eliz. p. 12, and the commission in Patent Rolls, 39 Eliz. p. 9, m. 7 dorso. The appointment is for life, the commission not so specified, and therefore during pleasure only.

[125] The operative words of the appointment are ‘pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris damus et concedimus dilecto seruienti nostro Nathanieli Giles officium Magistri puerorum Capellae nostrae Regiae ... habendum ... durante vita sua naturali Damus etiam ... praefato Nathanieli Giles vada siue feoda quadraginta librarum sterling percipienda annuatim ... pro eruditione duodecem puerorum eiusdem Capellae nostrae ac pro eorum conveniente exhibitione vestiturae et lectuarii ... vnacum omnibus et omnimodis aliis vadis feodis proficubus iurisdiccionibus aucthoritate priuilegiis commoditatibus regardis et aduantagiis quibuscunque eodem officio quoquo modo debitis ... ac ... praedicto Nathanieli Giles locum siue officium illud vnius generosorum nostrorum dictae Capellae nostrae Regiae ... vnacum feodo seu annuali redditu triginta librarum ...’

[126] E. v. K. 211; K. v. P. 224, 230, 233 (misdated 44 Eliz. for 42 Eliz.), 239. These are only short recitals in the lawsuits. Apparently the fragmentary descriptions of the theatre in Wallace, ii. 39, 40, 41, 43, 49, are from a fuller Latin text of the terms of the lease, possibly recited in a common-law suit, which he has not printed in full.

[127] K. v. P. 230, 234.

[128] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[129] Fleay, 124, 153; Wallace, ii. 56; cf. M. L. R. iv. 156. An initial date for the enterprise in 1600 fits in exactly with the seven years during which there had been plays at the house where K. B. P. was produced and the ten years’ training of Keysar’s company up to 1610 (cf. p. 57).

[130] Cf. ch. xi.

[131] Fleay, 127. Burn, 152, notes from Bodl. Tanner MS. 300 that among the misdemeanours punished in the Star Chamber was ‘Taking up a gentleman’s son to be a stage player’.

[132] Wallace, ii. 84, gives the endorsed date omitted by Greenstreet and Fleay, as ‘Marti decimo quinto Decembris Anno xliiij Elizabeth Regine’; the date set down for trial is indicated as ‘p Octab Hillar’. This agrees with the time indication of the offence in the complaint itself as ‘about one yere last past, and since your maiesties last free and generall pardon’. The pardon referred to must be that of 1597–8 (39 Eliz. c. 28; cf. R. O. Statutes, iv. 952). There was another passed by the Parliament of 1601 (43 Eliz. c. 19; cf. Statutes, iv. 1010) for all offences prior to 7 Aug. 1601, but presumably this was not yet law when the complaint was drawn. The Parliament sat to 19 December. Clifton, however, was only just in time.

[133] K. v. P. 248. The date is recited as ‘in or about the three and ffortieth yeare’ of Elizabeth, i.e. 1600–1, which is not exact. The reference can hardly be to any other than the Clifton affair. No Chancery documents in the case, other than the complaint, are known. It may be presumed that censure fell on Giles and Robinson, as well as Evans, but they were not concerned in K. v. P. Evans, of course, was technically acting as deputy to Giles under his commission, and Wallace, ii. 71, is not justified in citing the case as evidence that ‘These powers to Giles were supplemented by official concessions to Henry Evans that enabled him to rent the Blackfriars theatre and train the Queen’s Children of the Chapel there, with remunerative privileges’.

[134] K. v. P. 224, 230, 236, 242, 244, 248, 250.

[135] E. v. K. 211, 216; K. v. P. 237, 240, 245. These are recitals. Wallace, ii. 91, says that he has found two copies of the original bond, but the text he prints adds nothing to K. v. P. 240. Clearly he is wrong in describing it as ‘containing the Articles of Agreement’. That was a much more detailed document, which Evans unfortunately thought so ‘long and tedious’ that he did not insert it at large in his Answer in K. v. P. It was doubtless analogous to the King’s Revels Articles of 1608 (cf. infra). It provided for the rights of the partners to the use of rooms (E. v. K. 211) and presumably for the division of profits (K. v. P. 237).

[136] K. v. P. 244. Wallace, ii. 102, adds the actual terms of the bond. He takes Evans’s explanation to mean that hitherto Evans had maintained the boys and the plays out of official funds supplied through Kirkham as Yeoman of the Revels, but that now Evans’s name was to be kept out of the business, and disbursements made by his partners, who were to pay him 8s. a week as a kind of steward. I cannot suppose that Kirkham had been the channel of any official subvention, and, on the whole, think it probable that the second ‘compl^t’ in the extract from the pleading is an error for ‘def^t’. This leaves it not wholly clear why Evans should allege his relief from great weekly disbursements as a reason for receiving 8s. a week; but if we had the Articles of Agreement, the point would probably be clear. Possibly Evans had in the past made the equivalent of a weekly sum of 8s. out of board-wages passed on to him by Giles.

[137] Wallace, ii. 88.

[138] E. v. K. 213, 217, 220.

[139] G. von Bülow and W. Powell in R. H. S. Trans. vi. 26; Wallace, ii. 105; with translations.

[140] Wallace, ii. 126, summarizes his theory; cf. my review in M. L. R. v. 224.

[141] Wallace, ii. 99.

[142] E. v. K. 217; K. v. P. 224, 227, 229, 231, 236, 248.

[143] Wallace, ii. 73.

[144] Wallace, ii. 75, shows that the Blackfriars repertory would require twenty or twenty-five actors.

[145] Gawdy, 117.

[146] Wallace, ii. 95. Dudley Carleton wrote to John Chamberlain on 29 Dec. 1601 (S. P. D. Eliz. cclxxxii. 48), ‘The Q: dined this day priuatly at my L^d Chamberlains; I came euen now from the blackfriers where I saw her at the play with all her candidae auditrices’; cf. M. L. R. ii. 12.

[147] K. v. P. 235.

[148] Wallace, ii. 89, says that Evans paid £11 0s. 2d. for repairs on 8 Dec. 1603.

[149] M. S. C. i. 267, from Patent Roll, 1 Jac. I, pt. 8. Collier, i. 340, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 40, print the signet bill, the former dating it 30 Jan. and the latter 31 Jan., and misdescribe it as a privy seal. Collier, N. F. 48, printed a forged letter from Daniel to Sir T. Egerton (cf. Ingleby, 244, 247) intended to suggest that Drayton, and perhaps also Shakespeare, had coveted his post.

[150] Wallace, ii. 80, mentions a case of the employment of a boy at the Blackfriars during James’s reign under a contract with his mother.

[151] M. S. C. i. 359. On 7 Oct. 1605 the Wardrobe provided holland for shirts for the 12 children and ‘for James Cutler, a Chappell boy gone off’ (Lafontaine, 46, from L. C. 804).

[152] Rimbault, 60; Stowe, Annales (ed. Howes), 1037. An order of 17 July 1604 (H. O. 301) continued the allowance of an increase of meat at festival times which the children had presumably enjoyed under Elizabeth.

[153] Middleton, Father Hubbard’s Tales (Works, viii. 64, 77). A reference in the same book to an ant as ‘this small actor in less than decimo sexto’ recalls the jest in the Induction to the Malcontent at the boys who played Jeronimo ‘in decimo sexto’.

[154] Cf. ch. xi.

[155] K. v. B. 340.

[156] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. plays named.

[157] Kirkham and Kendall were still associated in Aug. 1605, when apparel and properties were obtained from them for the plays at James’s visit to Oxford (M. S. C. i. 247). There was a performance at the Blackfriars as late as 16 June 1605 (Wallace, ii. 125), a date connected with a dispute in settlement of which Kirkham’s bond of £50 to Evans was exchanged for a new one to Hawkins (K. v. P. 244).

[158] Cf. M. L. R. iv. 159. The t.p. of Sophonisba only specifies performance ‘at the Blackfriars’; those of The Fleir and The Isle of Gulls ‘by the Children of the Revels at the Blackfriars’. Probably the ‘Children of the Revels’ of the t.p. of Day’s Law Tricks (1608) is also the Blackfriars company. No theatre is named, but the play is too early for the King’s Revels, who, moreover, do not seem to be described on other t.ps. as ‘Children of the Revels’ pure and simple. I take it that these t.p. descriptions follow the designations of the companies in use when the plays were last on the stage before publication, rather than those in use at the times of first production.

[159] Cf. ch. x.

[160] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Day.

[161] Keysar was certainly associated with Kendall by the Christmas of 1606–7, when they supplied apparel and properties for the Westminster plays; cf. Murray, ii. 169.

[162] K. v. P. 249.

[163] M. S. C. i. 362, from P. R. O., Patent Roll, 4 James I, p. 18, dorso. Collier, i. 446, long ago noted the existence of a similar clause in a Caroline commission to Giles of 1626. It was probably the choristers who assisted in a quasi-dramatic performance on 16 July 1607, when James dined with the Merchant Taylors, and Giles received the freedom of the company in reward; cf. ch. iv.

[164] Cf. App. I.

[165] E. v. K. 221; K. v. P. 246. ‘The Children of the Revells’ who appeared at Leicester on 21 Aug. 1608 (Kelly, 248) might have been these boys, but might also have been the King’s Revels, if the King’s Revels were still in existence under that name, which is very doubtful.

[166] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Chapman.

[167] S. P. D. Jac. I, xxxi. 73. The mine was no doubt the silver mine discovered at Hilderston near Linlithgow in 1607, and worked as a royal enterprise with little success; cf. R. W. Cochran-Patrick, Early Records relating to Mining in Scotland (1878), xxxvii. 116.

[168] Cf. ch. xxiii.

[169] K. v. B. 342.

[170] E. v. K. 222; K. v. P. 225, 231, 235, 246.

[171] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[172] K. v. P. 225, 249.

[173] E. v. K. 221; K. v. P. 245. In the earlier suit Evans says that the royal prohibition was ‘vpon some misdemeanors committed in or about the plaies there, and specially vpon the defendants [Kirkham’s] acts and doings thereabout’. Unless Kirkham was more directly concerned in the management during 1608 than appears probable, Evans must be reflecting upon the whole series of misdemeanours since 1604.

[174] On 9 May John Browne, ‘one of the playe boyes’, was buried at St. Anne’s.

[175] K. v. B. 347, gives the date of surrender in 1610 as ‘about the tenth of August last past’. Probably a year’s sub-tenancy under the King’s men explains the discrepancy with the ‘about August in the sixt year of his Majesties raigne’ of K. v. P. 235, and the confirmatory date of the King’s men’s leases.

[176] Cf. ch. supra (Paul’s). K. v. B. 355 tells us that Rosseter was in partnership with Keysar.

[177] M. S. C. i. 271, from P. R., 7 Jac. I, p. 13. Ingleby, 254, gave the material part in discussing a forged draft by Collier (N. F. 41), in which the names of the patentees are given as ‘Robert Daiborne, William Shakespeare, Nathaniel Field and Edward Kirkham’. A genuine note of the patent is in Sir Thomas Egerton’s note-book (N. F. 40). Ingleby adds that the signet office records (cf. Phillimore, 103) show that the warrant was obtained in Dec. 1609 by the influence of Monson. He was Anne’s household Chancellor and to him Rosseter and Campion dedicated their Book of Airs (1601) and Campion his Third Book of Airs (1617).

[178] K. v. B. 343.

[179] K. v. B. 343, 350.

[180] Evans, Mrs. Evans, Field, Underwood, Ostler, Baxstead, Rosseter, Marston, and Mrs. Hawkins were to be examined for the King’s men.

[181] E. v. K. 213. I presume that some of these are amongst the ‘twelve additional suits’ which Wallace, ii. 36, claims to have found.

[182] E. v. K. 218. In K. v. P. 225, he put the total annual profits during 1608–12 at £160.

[183] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317; cf. Hist. Hist. 416 (App. I), ‘Some of the chapel boys, when they grew men, became actors at the Blackfriars; such were Nathan Field and John Underwood’.

[184] The Chamber Accounts record no payment to the company (cf. App. B, introd.).

[185] Cf. ch. xvi.

[186] Murray, i. 361.

[187] E. Ashmole, Institution of the Garter (1672), 127; R. R. Tighe and J. E. Davis, Annals of Windsor, i. 426, 477; Report of Cathedrals Commission (1854), App. 467; V. H. Berks, ii. 106; H. M. C. Various MSS. vii. 10.

[188] Tighe-Davis, ii. 45, from Stowe’s account ‘of the Castell of Wyndsore’ (Harl. MS. 367, f. 13).

[189] Nichols, i. 81, and Collier, i. 170, print a copy in Ashm. MS. 1113, f. 252, from the Elizabethan commission preserved at Windsor, as follows:

‘Elizabeth R.

Whereas our castle of Windsor hath of old been well furnished with singing men and children, We, willing it should not be of less reputation in our days, but rather augmented and increased, declare, that no singing men or boys be taken out of the said chapel by virtue of any commission, not even for our household chapel: and we give power to the bearer of this to take any singing men and boys from any chapel, our own household and St. Paul’s only excepted. Given at Westminster, this 8^th of March in the second year of our reign.’

A further copy from Ashm. MS. 1113 is in Addl. MS. 4847, f. 117. Copies or notes of the three earlier commissions are in this MS. and in Ashm. MS. 1124. In Ashm. MS. 1132, f. 169, is a letter of 18 April 1599 from the Chapter to Sir R. Cecil defending their conduct in taking a singing man from Westminster.

[190] Gee, 230, in a list of deprived clergy from N. Sanders, De Visibili Monarchia (1571), 688, ‘Magistri Musices ... Prestonus in oppido Vindelisoriensi’. Can this Preston be the playwright (cf. ch. xxiii)?

[191] Rimbault, 1; Stopes, Shakespeare’s Environment, 243.

[192] Ashm. MS. 1132, f. 165^a.

[193] Rimbault, 2.

[194] M. L. R. (1906), ii. 6.

[195] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[196] Cf. App. B.

[197] Rimbault, 3; H. M. C., Hatfield MSS. ii. 539.

[198] Rimbault, 182; Musical Antiquary, i. 30; 10 N. Q. v. 341. A Christ Church, Oxford, MS., dated 1581, assigns to Farrant (cf. ch. xxiii) a possibly dramatic lament of Panthea for the death of Abradates, beginning ‘Ah, ah, alas ye salt sea Gods’. This is assigned to Robert Parsons by Addl. MSS. 17786–91, which assign to Farrant a song which may come from a play in which Altages is a character. The writer in the Musical Antiquary thinks that a lament for Guichardo (not from either of the known Gismund texts) in the Ch. Ch. MS. is much in Farrant’s style.

[199] Ashmole, Antiquities of Berks (ed. 1723), iii. 172; cf. p. 41.

[200] Ashm. MS. 1125, f. 41^v.

[201] Cf. ch. xiii (Chamberlain’s).

[202] Presumably, however, the ‘Gerry’ buried out of the Whitefriars play-house (q.v.) on 29 Sept. 1607 was of the company.

[203] Phillimore, 140; cf. App. A.

[204] S. P. D. Jac. I, lxxxi. 12.

[205] M. S. C. i. 279, from P. R. 13 Jac. I, pt. 20.

[206] Variorum, iii. 426; Collier, i. 394; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 49; from S. P. D. Jac. I, xcvii. 140.

[207] Collier, i. 396, not, as he says, from the P. C. Register, but from S. P. D. Jac. I, xcvii. 140.

[208] Clode, ii. 269; Nicholl, Ironmongers, 84; cf. ch. iv.

[209] Warton, iii. 313; Stowe, Survey, ed. Strype, v. 231.

[210] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum (1903), i. 220, from S. P. D. Eliz. xxxvi. 22; Murray, ii. 168.

[211] Observer. Other payments in this or another year were for ‘a haddocke occupied in the plaie’, ‘a thondre barrell’, ‘drawing the tytle of the comedee’.

[212] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum (1896), i. 95; (1903) ii. 220; Murray, ii. 168; Observer.

[213] Heywood-Wright, 632; Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 308.

[214] Collins, 215 (1566), ‘M^r Scholemaster towards his charges about the playes laste Christmas, 20/-’; Maxwell-Lyte,⁴ 154 (1566–7) ‘To M^r Scholemaster for his charge setting furthe ij playes 19^o Martii, iii^l, xiij^s, viij^d’, (1568–9) ‘For ij dossen of links at iij^d the linke for the childrens showes at Christmass, vj^s’, (1572–3) ‘For vj poundes of candles at the playes in the Halle, ix^d’.

[215] J. W. Hales in Englische Studien, xviii. 408 (cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 452), made the date of 1553–4 seem plausible, but his conjecture that the play was written for the Westminster boys is disposed of by A. F. Leach, who gives Udall’s appointment to Westminster from the Chapter Act Book as 16 Dec. 1555 (Encycl. Brit. s.v. Udall). It might be a Court play of 1553–4, but the parody of the Requiem would have been an indiscretion on Udall’s part at that date.

[216] G. C. Moore Smith (M. L. R. viii. 368) has an ingenious identification of him with the Wrenock of Spenser’s Shepheards Kalendar, xii. 41.

[217] Clode, Hist. of Merchant Taylors Company, i. 235, from Master’s Accounts. Before they opened their own school the Company had plays by the Westminster boys (q.v.).

[218] Clode, i. 234.

[219] The subject may have been Perseus and Andromeda, as the Revels prepared a picture of Andromeda this year. If so, it was probably the same play as that of 23 Feb. 1574.

[220] Whitelocke, Liber Famelicus (Camden Soc.), 12.

[221] Clode, i. 264, 280, 390.

[222] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 256.

[223] The documents in W. Campbell, Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII, are full for the period 1485–90. There is nothing of King’s players, but certain ‘stuffures’ paid for by a warrant of 25 Nov. 1485 (Campbell, i. 178) included goods delivered to John English, apparently a royal tailor or valet, ‘servant unto my said sovereign’.

[224] Collier, i. 44, from a book of Exchequer payments, beginning Michaelmas 1493, in the Chapter-house (probably Misc. Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 131), ‘xvij Die Maij [1494] John Englissh, Edwardo Maye, Rico Gibbeson, & John Hammond, Lusoribus Regis, alias, in lingua Anglicana, les pleyars of the kyngs enterluds, de feodis suis V mrc. ꝓ Ann: le home, per lre Regis de privato Sigillo dormant de termino Michaelis alt: pte rec: denar: separatim ꝓ manus proprias, x mrc.’. The payment was continued half-yearly. Collier adds that Mr. Ouvry owned an original receipt signed by May and English for the salaries of the same four men. It is now Egerton MS. 2623 (3), f. 1, and appears to be a slip cut from some Exchequer record. F. Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, 516, gives similar payments for Michaelmas 1494 and Michaelmas 1503; it is in the latter that the names of William Rutter and John Scott appear. An Exchequer declaration of 1505–6 in Lansd. MS. 156, f. 135, has ‘To Richard Gibson, and other the kings plaiers, for their annuity for one yere, £13 6s. 8d.’. Henry, History of Britain, xii. 456, gives from an Exchequer annuity list of 1507–8, ‘Ricardo Gybson et aliis lusoribus dom. reg. £13 6s. 8d.’.

[225] Collier, i. 49, quotes: (a) Account of Robert Fowler (1501–2), ‘Oct. 26 [1501], Itm to John Englishe for his pagent, £6 13s. 4d. ... Jan. 1 [1502] Itm, to the Kinges players, over 40^s paid by Thomas Trollop, 20^s’; (b) Household Book of Henry VII (1492–1505, more correctly from Addl. MS. 7099 in Bentley, Excerpta Historica, 85), ‘Jan. 6 [1494] To the Kings Pleyers for a rewarde, £2 13s. 4d. ... Jan. 7 [1502] To John Englishe the Pleyer, 10s.’; (c) The Kings Boke of Payments (1506–9, apparently Misc. Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 214), ‘Jan. 7 [1509] To the kings players in rewarde, £2’. Both (b) and (c) are Chamber Accounts.

[226] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 265.

[227] Lansd. MS. 171, cited by Collier, i. 72, is in fact an Elizabethan document, but a list of fees and annuities (1516) in Brewer, ii. 874 has, amongst those granted by Henry VII, ‘John Englisshe and other players £13 6s. 8d.’, and amongst those recently granted, ‘John Englisshe and other players, in addition to the old annuity, £13 6s. 8d.’.

[228] Collier, i. 97, 115, gives an Exchequer payment of 1525–6, ‘Rico Hole et Georgio Mayler, et aliis lusoribus Dom. Regis, de foedis suis inter se ad x marcos per ann. sibi debit: pro festo Michaelis, anno xvij Regis nunc Henrici VIII recept. denar. per manus proprias, per litt. curr. 66s. 8d.’, and was informed by Mr. Devon of a similar payment of £3 6s. 8d. in 1530, in which John Roll, Richard Hole, and Thomas Sudbury are named. A household list of c. 1526 (Brewer, iv. 869) gives as on yearly wages ‘Ric. Hole and other players, £6 13s. 4d.’. One later than March 1544 (Collier, i. 133) gives 8 players at £3 6s. 8d. each.

[229] Chamber Accounts (Brewer, v. 303; xiii. 2. 524; xiv. 2. 303; xvi. 178, 698; xvii. 474; xx. 2. 515; Nicolas, xxviii; Collier, i. 79, 96, 113, 116, 117; Trevelyan Papers, i. 149, 157, 170, 177, 195, 203) give John English (1521–31) at half-yearly ‘fee’ or ‘wages’ of £3 6s. 8d., John Slye or Slee (1539–40) at £1 13s. 4d. half-yearly, and Richard Parrowe or Parlowe (1540–5, appointed Christmas 1538), George Birch (1538–45), Robert Hinstock (1538–45), and George Maylour (1538–40), at 16s. 8d. or 11s. 1d. quarterly.

[230] Chamber Accounts (Brewer, ii. 1441; iii. 1533, &c.; Nicolas, xxviii; Collier, i. 76, 116). The reward for 1509–10 was £2 13s. 4d.; during 1510–13, £3 6s. 8d.; during 1513–21, £3 6s. 8d. to the ‘players’ and ‘£4’ to the ‘olde players’; and during 1529–41, £6 13s. 4d.

[231] Collier, i. 69, from a ‘paper, folded up in the roll [of the Revels Account for 1513–14] and in a different handwriting’, ‘Inglyshe, and the oothers of the Kynges pleyers, after pleyed an Interluyt, whiche was wryten by Mayster Midwell, but yt was so long yt was not lykyd: yt was of the fyndyng of Troth, who was caryed away by ygnoraunce and ypocresy. The foolys part was the best, but the kyng departyd before the end to hys chambre.’ According to Collier, the paper is signed by William Cornish and also contains a description of a Chapel interlude. But Brewer, who calendars the Revels Account fully, does not notice it, and according to A. W. Reed in T. L. S. (3 April 1919) it cannot be traced at the R. O.

[232] Cf. ch. iii; Tudor Revels, 6.

[233] Brewer, ii. 1493. In 1546–7 they had 5s. for the loan of garments to the Revels (Kempe, 71).

[234] Grey Friars Chronicle (C. S.), 34, ‘Also this same yere John Scotte, that was one of the kynges playeres, was put in Newgate for rebukynge of the shreffes, and was there a sennet, and at the last was ledde betwene two of the offecers from Newgate thorrow London and soe to Newgat agayne, and then was delyveryd home to hys howse; but he toke such a thowte that he dyde, for he went in hys shurte’.

[235] John Slye and John Yonge, mercer, had been players to Queen Jane before her death in 1537, and were concerned about 1538 in a Chancery suit about a horse hired ‘to beare there playing garmentes’ (Stopes, Shakespeare’s Environment, 235). Perhaps this explains the annuity of £1 10s. 5d. (1d. a day) which Young drew from the Chamber during 1540–2. But he obtained a patent as King’s player, with an annual fee of £3 6s. 8d., on the death of Roo in 1539 (Brewer, xiv. 1. 423), and an ‘annuity’ of £3 6s. 8d. on the death of Sudbury in 1546 (Brewer, xxi. 2. 156). Collier, i. 134, cites a description of him in a fee list amongst the Fairfax MSS. as ‘Maker of Interludes, Comedies, and Playes’.

[236] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 183.

[237] G. H. Overend in N. S. S. Trans. (1877–9), 425.

[238] Collier, i. 93; Madden, Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, 104, 140; Rutland MSS. iv. 270; Brewer, iv. 340.

[239] Cf. Murray, passim, and Mediaeval Stage, App. E.

[240] Royal MS. 7, C. xvi, f. 97 (cited Collier, i. 137). The names are in a list of servants ‘nuely in ordinary of the Chamber’, and some illegible names of players are in an accompanying list of ‘Offycers in ordynary of the Chamber of the late Kynges Majestie now discharged’.

[241] Lord Chamberlain’s Records, Misc. v. 127, f. 23 (also with the error ‘E. and P.’ in Sullivan, 249), ‘three broade yerdes of redd wollen clothe for a liuery coate of suche prices as the yeomen officers of oure howseholde are accustomed to haue and iij^s and iiij^d vnto euery of them for the Enbrauderinge of theire saide coates withe the lettres E and R on the backe and on the breste’.

[242] Chamber Accounts in Trevelyan Papers, i. 195–205; ii. 17–31, and Collier, i. 136, 138, 148.

[243] S. P. D. Edw. VI, xiv.

[244] Stowe MS. 571, f. 27^v; Harl. MS. 240, f. 13.

[245] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 89, 90, 97, 98, 119; cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 406, where I think I was in error in taking John Smith as a name assumed by Will Somers.

[246] Hist. MSS. iii. 230, from book of annuities at Penshurst.

[247] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 31, 39, 57, 86.

[248] Collier, i. 149. The reference to Ferrers’ ‘divine’ and ‘astronomer’ (cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 407) fixes the date.

[249] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 201, from Lansd. MS. 824, f. 24.

[250] Fee-list in collection of Soc. of Antiquaries, cited by Collier, i. 161.

[251] Chamber Accounts in Collier, i. 161; Declared Accounts (Pipe Office), 541, m. 2^v.

[252] Reading was a London player in 1550 (App. D, No. v). The Chamber Accounts for the first few years of Elizabeth show an annuity to a George Birch under a warrant of 7 Jan. 1560.

[253] Eight players of interludes at £3 6s. 8d. each are in the fee-lists (cf. vol. i, p. 29), Stowe MS. 571, f. 148 (c. 1575–80), Sloane MS. 3194, f. 38 (1585), Stowe MS. 571, f. 168 (c. 1587–90), Lansd. MS. 171, f. 250 (c. 1587–91), S. P. D. Eliz. ccxxi, f. 16 (c. 1588–93), H. O. 256 (c. 1598), and with the error of £3 6s. in Hargreave MS. 215, f. 21^v (c. 1592–5), Lord Chamberlain’s Records, v. 33, f. 19^v (1593), Stowe MS. 572, f. 35^v (c. 1592–6), Harl. MS. 2078, f. 18^v (c. 1592–6). The inaccurate Cott. MS. Titus, B. iii, f. 176 (c. 1585–93) gives two ‘Plaiers on Interludes’ at £3 6s. The normal entry recurs in the Jacobean Lansd. MS. 272, f. 27 (1614) and Stowe MS. 575, f. 24 (1616), but a group of the early part of the reign (Addl. MS. 35848, f. 19; Addl. MS. 38008, f. 58^v; Soc. Antiq. MSS. 74, 75) have ‘Plaiers on the In lute’ or ‘on in Lutes’, at £3 6s. 8d. or £3 6s., which looks like an attempt to rationalize the Cotton MS. entry. And Stowe MS. 574, f. 16^v, has ‘Players on Lute’ at £3 6s. 8d., which some one has corrected by inserting the normal entry. All this suggests that many copyists of fee-lists in the seventeenth century confused the post of interlude player with that of a lute player, and the former was therefore probably obsolete, and its fee no longer paid to the royal players of the day (cf. ch. x). I cannot agree with E. Law, Shakespeare a Groom, of the Chamber, 26, 64, that the interlude players survived under James as ‘mummers, who, perhaps, sang in a sort of recitative at masques and anti-masques’.

[254] Chamber Declared Accounts (Pipe Office), 541, passim, 542, m. 3; Collier, i. 236; Cunningham, xxvii. I do not know how long John Young continued to draw his Exchequer ‘annuity’, but presumably he had retired on it.

[255] Fleay, 43, says, ‘There was no specific company called the Queen’s players till 1583; it was a generic title applied to any company who prepared plays for the Queen’s amusement. In 1561 the players probably were the Earl of Leicester’s servants.’ I need hardly say that I do not accept this, which would not explain the disappearance of the ‘Queen’s’ from provincial records between 1573 and 1583. For another use of the same improvised theory by Mr. Fleay, cf. App. D, No. lxxv.

[256] Murray, i. 19, adds records from other towns, and A. Clark (10 N. Q. xi. 41) for Saffron Walden.

[257] App. D, No. xi.

[258] Nichols, Eliz. i. 280, ‘To my L. of Leyester’s men for a reward, 2s. 6d.’. Fleay, 18, says that the amount is too small to favour the supposition that these were players. But Elizabeth was at Saffron Walden at the time, and a present was made to the Master of the Revels of a podd of oysters costing no more than 3s. 6d. Probably Saffron Walden was an economical place, or the payment was only for some speech.

[259] Murray, i. 41.

[260] Printed in M. S. C. i. 348, from MS. F. 10 (213) in the Marquis of Bath’s collection at Longleat; also in 3 N. Q. xi. 350. The letter is undated but followed Procl. 663, on which cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. xix.

[261] Mediaeval Stage, i. 406; Kempe, 47. The garments provided for Ferrers by the Revels included fools’ coats for ‘Children, John Smyth, Ayer apparent ... Seame 2, Parkins 3, Elderton 4’.

[262] App. D, No. xviii.

[263] Cf. ch. ix. The patent is printed from the Patent Roll in M. S. C. i. 262; also from a copy of the entry on the Patent Roll preserved amongst Rymer’s papers in Sloane MS. 4625 by Steevens, Shakespeare (1773), ii. 156, and therefrom in Variorum, iii. 47. This text omits the words ‘oure Citie of London and liberties of the same as also within’. Collier, i. 203, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 25, printed the Signet Bill, erroneously describing it as the Privy Seal, from the State Paper Office. This has the omitted words, and Collier correctly explains the omission in Steevens’s text as due to an inaccurate copyist, pointing in proof to the words ‘in oure said Citye of London’. This did not, however, prevent Fleay, 45, from asserting that in the Patent ‘an alteration had been made from the Privy Seal’, on the ground that its terms ‘infringed on the powers of the City authorities’. Such an alteration not merely did not take place, but would have been a diplomatic impossibility, as the Patent Roll was made up, not from the Letters Patent, but from the Privy Seals on which these were based.

[264] Probably they occupied the Theatre, at any rate in summer, until 1583. A letter of Gabriel Harvey’s in the summer of 1579 mentions ‘Lycesters’, the ‘Theater’, and ‘Wylson’, but in no very definite connexion with each other (cf. p. 4). The Privy Council letter of 23 Dec. 1579, for their toleration at the Blackfriars, printed by Collier, New Facts, 9, is a forgery (cf. ch. xvii).

[265] I should think the ‘Myngs’ of Murray, ii. 214, and Collier, Northbrooke, viii, more likely to be palaeographically accurate than the ‘Myngo’ of J. Latimer in 9 N. Q. xi. 444 and his Sixteenth Century Bristol. But a song of ‘Monsieur Mingo’ exists in a setting by Orlando de Lassus (cf. E. H. R. xxxiii. 83), and is quoted in 2 Hen. IV, v. iii. 78, and Summer’s Last Will and Testament, 968.

[266] Cf. App. D, No. xl.

[267] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Baylye.

[268] Murray, i. 41, gives additional provincial records for 1576–82.

[269] Stowe, Annales, 717, from a description by William Segar.

[270] The show itself was perhaps of Italian origin, for on 17 June 1572 the Earl of Lincoln was entertained at Paris by the Duke of Anjou (2 Ellis, iii. 12, from Cott. MS. Vesp. F. vi, f. 93) with ‘an Italian comedie, which eandid, vaulting with notable supersaltes and through hoopes, and last of all the Antiques, of carying of men one uppon an other which som men call labores Herculis’.

[271] J. Bruce from Harl. MS. 287, f. 1, in Who was Will, my Lord of Leicester’s jesting player? (Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 88). Bruce thinks that ‘Will’ might be Johnson, Kempe, or Sly, but not Shakespeare, whose ‘earliest works bear upon them the stamp of a mind far too contemplative and refined’ for Sidney to call him ‘knave’ and ‘jesting player’. I do not subscribe to the reasoning. W. J. Thoms, Three Notelets on Shakespeare, 120, upholds the Shakespeare theory, and attempts to support it by evidence of military knowledge in the plays.

[272] Wright, Eliz. ii. 268, from Cott. MS. Galba C. viii; cf. M. L. R. iv. 88.

[273] Fleay, 82; but cf. Lee, 36, and pp. 124, 272. The thing is complicated by the influence of Malone’s suggestion (Variorum, ii. 166) that Shakespeare might have left Stratford with Leicester’s men on a visit to the town. This assumes its most fantastic form in the suggestion of Lee¹, 33, that Shakespeare was already in London, but ‘Shakespeare’s friends may have called the attention of the strolling players to the homeless youth, rumours of whose search for employment about the London theatres had doubtless reached Stratford’.

[274] At Exeter they are called the Lord Steward’s, certainly not the Marquis of Winchester’s, as Murray, ii. 95, suggests, for he was never Steward of Elizabeth’s household.

[275] Norfolk Archaeology, xiii. 11.

[276] J. M. Cowper, in 1 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. i. 218, records a performance by ‘my Lord of Leicester’s men’ at Faversham in 1589–90; but I think this must be an error.

[277] J. D. Walker, The Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn, i. 374, gives the name as ‘Lord Roche’, but this is probably a mistake. Viscount Roche of Fermoy in Ireland is not likely to have had players in London.

[278] J. de Perott (Rev. Germ. Feb. 1914) suggests that Portio and Demorantes may be the Lamorat and Porcia of the French version (1548) of Amadis de Grecia (1542), viii. 56.

[279] Murray, i. 307, and A. Clark (10 N. Q. xii. 41) add records for 1573–83.

[280] Murray, i. 307, has additional provincial records for 1585–91.

[281] I do not agree with Fleay, Sh. 18, 184, that Sussex’s were satirized in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream; cf. infra, s.v. Hertford’s.

[282] Dasent, xxiv. 209.

[283] Cf. App. C, No. lvii.

[284] Dasent, viii. 71, dating the warrant on 29 Feb.

[285] Ancaster MSS. (Hist. MSS.) 466.

[286] Hist. MSS. ix. 1. 156. The payment is given as to the Earl of ‘Waffyts’ men.

[287] Nichols, Eliz. i. 531.

[288] Wright and Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 122, from Harl. MS. 7392, f. 97; cf. M. L. R. ii. 5.

[289] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 222.

[290] Cf. ch. viii.

[291] Ellis, i. 3, 32; Cooper, ii. 379; from S. P. D. Eliz. cxxxix. 26. The Privy Council letter of 30 Oct. 1575 (M. S. C. i. 195) forbids ‘open shewes’ and ‘assemblies in open places of multitudes of people’ within five miles of Cambridge.

[292] Murray, i. 348. I add Maldon (1581).

[293] Murray, i. 348. I add Stratford (1583–4). Dr. Boas kindly informs me that the Oxford City Accounts for 1584–5 have a payment to Oxford’s ‘musytions’.

[294] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[295] The payment was made to Richard Woderam, but he is more likely to have been an agent of the Corporation than a member of the company.

[296] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 256. The 1469 entry has been since published by A. Clark in 10 N. Q. vii. 181, ‘Et solut. lusoribus domini comitis Essex ludentibus coram burgensibus infra burgum hoc anno, vs.’

[297] Variorum, ii. 150. The ‘lord Cartleyes players’ recorded by B. S. Penley, The Bath Stage, 12, in 1580–1, 1582–3, and 1583–4 were perhaps Lord Berkeley’s. Murray, ii. 27, adds other provincial notices.

[298] This did not prevent Chalmers from giving the date 1581 and being set right by Malone (Variorum, iii. 442). Collier, i. 247, gives 1583, but misdates Tilney’s commission of 1581, and takes it for the instrument constituting the company.

[299] Feuillerat, Eliz. 359.

[300] Nicolas, Hatton, 271.

[301] Stowe, Annales (1615), 697, (1631), 698.

[302] Greg, Henslowe, ii. 79, citing Addl. MS. 5750, f. 113.

[303] Cf. ch. x.

[304] Halliwell, Affray at Norwich in 1583 in which Queen Elizabeth’s Players were involved (1864), and in Illustrations of the Life of Shakespeare, 118.

[305] Murray, i. 20, and A. Clark in 10 N. Q. xii. 41 (Saffron Walden) give other provincial records throughout. An Ipswich one for 1581–2 must be misplaced.

[306] Cf. App. D, No. lxxv.

[307] Fleay, 83.

[308] Variorum, ii. 166.

[309] M. S. C. i. 354. from P. R. O. Lay Subsidies, Household, 69/97.

[310] Fleay, 34.

[311] The illustration of Mr. Fleay’s methods of constructing stage history is delightful. In The True Tragedie of Richard the Third, a Queen’s play, the murderers of the princes in the Tower are Will Slawter or Sluter, ‘yet the most part calles him blacke Will’ (Hazlitt, Sh. L. v. 95), and Jack Denten or Douton. On this Mr. Fleay (ii. 316) comments, ‘One of the actors in it, Sc. 11, is called Will Slaughter, “yet the most part calls him Black Will”, i.e. the Black Will of Arden of Faversham, q.v., which had no doubt been acted by the same man. Another actor is called Jack Donton (Dutton) or Denten, an accommodation of the Dighton of history to the actor’s real name.’ Obviously there is no need to suppose that the characters in The True Tragedie bore the names of their actors. John Dutton is not very likely to have taken a part of four speeches, and Will Slawter is evidently added to the John Dighton of Holinshed, to give Edward V the ‘irony’ of a pun upon ‘slaughter’. As for Arden of Faversham, it is not known to have been a Queen’s play at all, and its ‘Black Will’ is taken from Holinshed. Having gone so far, I do not know why Mr. Fleay stopped short of identifying Black Will’s colleague ‘Shakebag’ with the name of an actor. Of course, Mr. Fleay’s blundering conjectures must be distinguished from the deliberate fabrications of Collier, who published in his New Facts, 11, from a forged document amongst the Bridgewater MSS., a certificate to the Privy Council under the date ‘Nov. 1589’, from ‘her Ma^ts poore playeres James Burbidge Richard Burbidge John Laneham Thomas Greene Robert Wilson John Taylor Anth. Wadeson Thomas Pope George Peele Augustine Phillippes Nicholas Towley William Shakespeare William Kempe William Johnson Baptiste Goodale and Robert Armyn being all of them sharers in the blacke Fryers playehouse’. On this cf. ch. xvii, and Ingleby, 249.

[312] Tarlton, 12, 13, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 37, ‘while the queenes players lay in Worcester’, ‘when the queenes players were restrained in summer, they travelled downe to S. James his fair at Bristow’, ‘in the country where the queenes plaiers were accepted into a gentlemans house’, ‘at Salisbury, Tarlton and his fellowes were to play before the maior and his brethren’, ‘the queenes players travelling into the west country to play, and lodging in a little village some ten miles from Bristow’.

[313] Tarlton, 16, ‘one in mockage threw him in this theame, he playing then at the Curtaine’.

[314] Tarlton, 24, ‘Tarlton then, with his fellowes, playing at the Bel by ... the Crosse-keyes in Gracious streete’.

[315] Tarlton, 13, ‘at the Bull in Bishops-gate-street, where the queenes players oftentimes played’. It was here (Tarlton, 24) that Tarlton and Knell played The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth.

[316] Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (Works, i. 197; cf. i. 308).

[317] Arber, ii. 526, ‘A sorowfull newe sonnette intituled Tarltons Recantacon uppon this theame gyven him by a gentleman at the Bel savage without Ludgate (nowe or ells never) beinge the laste theame he songe’. The tract is not extant.

[318] App. C, No. lvii. He names Knell, Bentley, Mills, Wilson, and Laneham.

[319] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Alleyn, and ch. xviii.

[320] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum for 21 Jan. 1882.

[321] Cf. ch. xviii.

[322] Murray, ii. 398 (Southampton), ‘the Queenes maiesties & the Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’; 240 (Coventry), ‘the Quenes players & the Erle of Sussex players, xv^s’; 284 (Gloucester), ‘the Queenes and the Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’. At Faversham (Murray, ii. 274) separate payments of 1590–1 for the Queen’s (20s.) and Essex’s (10s.) are followed by ‘to the Queen’s Players and to the Earl of Essex’s Players’ (20s.). It is conceivable that in this last entry ‘Essex’s’ may be a slip for ‘Sussex’s’.

[323] App. D, No. lxxxv.

[324] Nashe, Works, iii. 244.

[325] M. S. C. i. 190, from Lansd. MSS. 71, 75. The letters are both dated 18 Sept. 1592, and that to Burghley contained copies of the charters of Henry III and Elizabeth, of a Privy Council letter of 30 Oct. 1575 (cf. Dasent, ix. 39) forbidding shows within five miles of the University, and of the warrant of the Vice-Chancellor and other justices to the constables of Chesterton, dated 1 Sept. 1592.

[326] University Letter of 17 July 1593 in M. S. C. i. 200, from Lansd. MS. 75; Privy Council Act of 29 July 1593 in Dasent, xxiv. 427.

[327] M. S. C. i. 198, from Lansd. MS. 71.

[328] Henslowe, i. 4. The date in the diary is ‘8 of Maye 1593’, but I am prepared to accept Dr. Greg’s view (ii. 80) that as Francis was pawnbroking for his uncle all through 1593, this must be an error of Henslowe’s for ‘1594’. He seems to have actually left London on 18 May 1594.

[329] Henslowe, i. 6.

[330] W. H. Stevenson, Nottingham Records, iv. 244.

[331] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 251.

[332] Sh. Homage, 154.

[333] Fleay, Shakespeare, 184.

[334] Collier, i. 259.

[335] Murray, i. 294. I add Maldon (1564–5). There is no proof that ‘Beeston and his fellowes’ at Barnstaple in 1560–1 were Strange’s.

[336] The Revels account for 1587–9 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 390) includes ‘a paire of fflanell hose for Symmons the Tumbler’, which is not in the separate account for 1587–8 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 380).

[337] App. D, No. lxxxii. The forged list of Queen’s men (q.v.) in 1589 is sometimes, by a further error, whose I do not know, assigned to Strange’s.

[338] I had better give the complicated and in some cases uncertain notices in full; the unspecified references are to Murray: Cambridge (1591–2), ‘my Lord Stranges plaiers’ (Cooper, ii. 518), and so also (ii. 229, 284) Canterbury (13 July 1592) and Gloucester (1591–2); Bath (1591–10 June 1592), ‘my Lord Admiralls players’ ... ‘my L. Stranges plaiers’ (ii. 202); Aldeburgh (1591–2), ‘my Lord Admirals players’ (Stopes, Hunnis, 314); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1591–29 Sept. 1592), ‘my L. Admeralls players’ ... ‘my l. Stranges and my l. Admyralls players’ (ii. 392, s. a. 1592–3, but the entries for the two years seem to be transposed; vide infra); Coventry (10 Dec. 1591–29 Nov. 1592), ‘the Lord Strange players’ (ii. 240); Leicester (19 Dec. 1592), ‘the Lorde Admiralls Playars’ (ii. 305); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1592–29 Sept. 1593), ‘The iii of Feb: 1592. Bestowed vppon the players of my Lorde Admyrall’ ... ‘my L. Darbyes men being players’ (ii. 392, s. a. 1591–2, but the detailed date and the name Derby make an error palpable); Bath (11 June 1592–10 Sept. 1593), ‘my L. Stranges plaiers’ (ii. 203); Coventry (30 Nov. 1592–26 Nov. 1593), ‘the Lo Admiralls players’ (ii. 240); York (April 1593), ‘the Lord Admerall & Lord Mordens players’ (ii. 412); Newcastle (May 1593), ‘my Lord Admiralls plaiers, and my Lord Morleis plaiers being all in one companye’ (G. B. Richardson, Extracts from Municipal Accounts of N.); Southampton (1592–3), ‘my L. Morleys players and the Earle of Darbyes’ (ii. 398, ‘c. 18 May’, but Strange became Derby on 25 Sept.); Leicester (Oct.–Dec. 1593), ‘the Erle of Darbyes playors’ (ii. 306); Coventry (2 Dec. 1593), ‘the Lo: of Darbyes players’ (ii. 240); Bath (11 Sept. 1593–1594), ‘the L. Admiralls, the L. Norris players’ (ii. 203); Ipswich (7 March 1594), ‘vnto therlle of Darbys players and to the Lorde Admirals players, the ij amongste’ (ii. 293, s. a. 1591–2, but on 7 March 1592 Strange was not yet Derby, and his men were playing for Henslowe).

[339] App. D, No. xcii.

[340] Henslowe, i. 13. The account is headed, ‘Jn the name of god Amen 1591 beginge the 19 of febreary my lord stranges mene a ffoloweth 1591’.

[341] Cf. ch. xxiv, s.v. 1 Jeronimo. Some marginal notes of sums of money are not clearly intelligible, but may represent sums advanced by Henslowe for the company.

[342] Henslowe, i. 15.

[343] Dasent, xxiv. 212.

[344] Cf. W. W. Greg in Henslowe, ii. 70.

[345] Dulwich MSS. i. 9–15 (Henslowe Papers, 34); cf. Henslowe, i. 3.

[346] Their patron was Edward Parker, Lord Morley (Murray, ii. 54). I suspect the Morden of the York entry and the Norris of the Bath entry of being both transcriber’s errors for Morley. No players of Lord Norris are on record, and those of Lord Mordaunt (Murray, ii. 90) only recur in 1585–6 and 1602.

[347] Text in Henslowe Papers, 130; on the nature of a ‘plott’, cf. App. N.

[348] The following rather hazardous identifications have been attempted by Greg (loc. cit.) and Fleay, 84: ‘Harry’ = Henry Condell (Fleay, Greg); ‘Kit’ = Christopher Beeston (Fleay, Greg); ‘Saunder’ = Alexander Cooke (Fleay, Greg); ‘Nick’ = Nicholas Tooley (Fleay, Greg); ‘Ro.’ or ‘R. Go.’ = Robert Gough (Fleay, Greg); ‘Ned’ = Edward Alleyn or Edmund Shakespeare (Fleay); ‘Will’ = William Tawyer (Fleay), William Tawler (Greg). The object is, of course, to establish the connexion between Strange’s and the Chamberlain’s men. Both writers assign two of the unallocated parts to Heminges and Shakespeare.

[349] For speculation as to Shakespeare’s early career, cf. s.v. Pembroke’s.

[350] Text in Henslowe Papers, 155.

[351] George Fanner to H. Galdelli and G. Tusinga in S. P. Dom. Eliz. cclxxi. 34, 35. I do not accept Mr. James Greenstreet’s theory that W. Stanley was the real W. Shakespeare.

[352] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 609.

[353] Murray, i. 295.

[354] Taylor, Penniless Pilgrimage (ed. Hindley), 67.

[355] Dulwich MS. i. 14, in Henslowe Papers, 40.

[356] Outlines, i. 122; ii. 329.

[357] Fleay, 136, ‘Pembroke’s men continued to act at the Curtain from 1589 to 1597’ is guesswork.

[358] Henslowe, i. 131; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Fulwell.

[359] Cf. infra (Chamberlain’s). Shank (cf. ch. xv) was once in Pembroke’s.

[360] The Council Register assigns this performance to the Chamberlain’s; cf. App. B.

[361] Fleay, Sh. 286, supposed Howard to be both Admiral and Chamberlain at this date, but this view was refuted by Halliwell-Phillipps in the Athenaeum for 24 April 1886, and resigned by Fleay, 31; cf. Greg, ii. 81.

[362] I. H. Jeayes, Letters of Philip Gawdy (Roxburghe Club), 23.

[363] Stopes, Hunnis, 322, names payees in error.

[364] Henslowe, ii. 83.

[365] Henslowe Papers, 31.

[366] Alleyn Papers, 11, 12; cf. Henslowe Papers, 32.

[367] Alleyn Papers, 1, 5.

[368] Ibid. 54.

[369] Henslowe, ii. 127.

[370] Henslowe, i. 17.

[371] Ibid. 198.

[372] Ibid. 17.

[373] Cf. the petitions assigned to 1592 (App. D, No. xcii).

[374] They may represent n[ew] e[nterlude], or merely ne[w].

[375] Fleay, 140; Henslowe, ii. 84.

[376] Henslowe, ii. 324.

[377] Ibid. ii. 133.

[378] Ibid. i. 126.

[379] Ibid. i. 44.

[380] Henslowe, i. 51; cf. Dr. Greg’s explanation in ii. 129 and my criticism in M. L. R. iv. 409. Wallace (E. S. xliii. 361) has a third explanation, that the figures represent the sharers’ takings. But (a) these would not all pass through Henslowe’s hands, (b) the amounts are often less than half the galleries, and (c) the columns are blank for some days of playing.

[381] I include Belin Dun, produced just before the separation of the Admiral’s and the Chamberlain’s, in the fifty-five; but I do not follow Dr. Greg in taking the sign ‘j’, which Henslowe attaches to Tamburlaine (30 Aug. 1594) and Long Meg of Westminster (14 Feb. 1595) as equivalent to ‘ne’. Were it so, these would furnish two, and the only two, examples of a second new production in a single week. Probably ‘j’ indicates in both instances the First Part of a two-part play. This view is confirmed by Henslowe’s note on 10 March 1595, ‘17 p[laies] frome hence lycensed’; cf. my criticism in M. L. R. iv. 408.

[382] Variously entered as ‘olimpo’, ‘seleo & olempo’, ‘olempeo & hengenyo’, &c.; but apparently only one play is meant.

[383] Alexander and Lodowick is actually entered for a second time as ‘ne’ on 11 Feb. 1597, but I have assumed this to be a mistake.

[384] It has been chiefly played by Fleay and Dr. Greg. The relations suggested are between 1 Caesar and Pompey and Chapman’s play of the same name, Disguises and Chapman’s May-day, Godfrey of Bulloigne and Heywood’s Four Prentices of London, Olympo, 1, 2 Hercules, and Troy and Heywood’s Golden, Silver, Brazen, and Iron Ages respectively. Five Plays in One and some of Heywood’s Dialogues and Dramas, The Wonder of a Woman and a supposed early version by Heywood of W. Rowley’s A New Wonder, or, A Woman Never Vexed, The Venetian Comedy and both the German Josephus Jude von Venedig and Dekker’s lost Jew of Venice, Diocletian and Dekker’s The Virgin Martyr, A Set at Maw and Dekker’s Match Me in London, The Mack and Dekker’s The Wonder of a Kingdom, Vortigern and Middleton’s The Mayor of Quinborough, Uther Pendragon and W. Rowley’s Birth of Merlin, Philipo and Hippolito and both Massinger’s lost Philenzo and Hypollita and the German Julio und Hyppolita. Full details will be found in Henslowe, ii. 165 sqq.

[385] Henslowe, i. 44, 128.

[386] Possibly identical with Mahomet, if that was Peele’s play. Dr. Greg’s identification with The Love of an English Lady strikes me as rather arbitrary.

[387] I assume that ‘valy a for’ entered on 4 Jan. 1595 is the same play. Conceivably it might be Vallingford, i. e. Fair Em, an old Strange’s play.

[388] An allusion in Field’s Amends for Ladies, ii. 1, shows that Long Meg still held the Fortune stage about 1611.

[389] Possibly identical with Longshanks.

[390] The relations suggested are between The Love of a Grecian Lady and the German Tugend-und Liebesstreit, The French Doctor and both Dekker’s Jew of Venice and the German Josephus Jude von Venedig, The Siege of London and Heywood’s 1 Edward IV, The Welshman and R. A.’s The Valiant Welshman, Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s and Heywood’s Timon. For details cf. Henslowe, ii. 165 sqq.

[391] This was on Whit-Tuesday 1596, and I rather suspect a mis-entry of iij^s for iij^li, the exact amount taken for the plays of the Monday and Wednesday in the same week.

[392] Henslowe, i. 5.

[393] Ibid. 44.

[394] Ibid. 31, 45.

[395] Henslowe, i. 29, 31, 43, 44, 199–201.

[396] I see no reason to agree with Dr. Greg in identifying ‘Black Dick’ with Jones, who would naturally have the ‘Mr.’; and the suggestions that ‘Dick’ might be Dick Juby and that ‘Will’ might be Will Barnes or Will Parr are mere guesses based on the occurrence of these names in other ‘plots’. ‘Will’ might just as well be Will Kendall.

[397] Henslowe, i. 45.

[398] Henslowe’s entry is (i. 54), ‘Martin Slather went for the company of my lord admeralles men the 18 of July 1597’. I think that ‘for’ must be meant for ‘from’. Elsewhere (i. 66) Henslowe writes ‘for’ for ‘from’.

[399] Henslowe, i. 47, 200.

[400] Ibid. 201–4; Egerton MS. 2623, f. 19 (a fragment from the Diary).

[401] Henslowe, ii. 89, 101.

[402] Henslowe, i. 105, 131, 134.

[403] Ibid. 40.

[404] Ibid. 199–201.

[405] App. D, No. cxii.

[406] Henslowe, i. 54; E. S. xliii. 351.

[407] Henslowe, i. 68–70.

[408] Ibid. 82.

[409] Ibid. ii. 91; cf. p. 200.

[410] Henslowe, i. 69, 73; Wallace in E. S. xliii. 382.

[411] Cf. p. 173.

[412] Henslowe, i. 81, 122.

[413] Ibid. 64, 67.

[414] Ibid. 63, 79.

[415] Henslowe, i. 72, ‘Lent W^m Borne to folowe the sewt agenste Thomas Poope’; cf. i. 26, 38, 47–8, 56, 63–9, 71–8, 80, 201, 205; and s.v. Pembroke’s.

[416] Henslowe, i. 84.

[417] During 1599–1602 Henslowe sometimes enters advances as made to the company through ‘W^m’ Juby, and in two cases corrects the entry by substituting ‘Edward’. As there is no other evidence for a William Juby as an actor, not to speak of a sharer, either Henslowe must have persistently mistaken the name, or William must have been a relative of Edward, acting as his agent (cf. Henslowe, ii. 290).

[418] Henslowe Papers, 48.

[419] Henslowe, i. 26.

[420] Henslowe Papers, 113.

[421] Henslowe, i. 122.

[422] Ibid. 122.

[423] Ibid. 66, 68, 91, 108.

[424] Ibid. 85.

[425] Henslowe, i. 72.

[426] Ibid. 63, 104.

[427] Ibid. 118.

[428] I find ‘Lorde Haywards’ men at Leicester during Oct.–Dec. 1599, ‘Lord Howardes’ at Bristol in 1599–1600, ‘Lord Heywardes’ at Bath in the same year, ‘Lord Howards’ at Coventry on 28 Dec. 1599, and ‘Lord Haywards’ in 1602–3. This must have been another company. The Admiral’s were playing in London at the time of the Leicester and the earlier Coventry visits, and Lord Howard of Effingham became Earl of Nottingham on 22 Oct. 1596. They were at Canterbury in 1599–1600.

[429] Henslowe, i. 120.

[430] Henslowe Papers, 49; Henslowe, i. 113.

[431] Henslowe Papers, 55; Henslowe, i. 122.

[432] Henslowe Papers, 56; Henslowe, i. 135, 147.

[433] Henslowe Papers, 56; Henslowe, i. 135.

[434] Henslowe Papers, 56–8.

[435] Henslowe, ii. 125.

[436] Henslowe, i. 84–107.

[437] Ibid. 103.

[438] Henslowe, i. 83, 101, 119.

[439] Ibid. ii. 124.

[440] Henslowe Papers, 113, from Malone (1790), i. 2. 300; the manuscript is now lost. The various sections of the document are headed: (a) ‘The booke of the Inventary of the goods of my lord Admeralles men, tacken the 10 of Marche in the yeare 1598’; (b) ‘The Enventary of the Clownes sewtes and Hermetes Swetes, with dievers others sewtes, as followeth, 1598, the 10 of March’; (c) ‘The Enventary of all the aparell for my Lord Admiralles men, tacken the 10 of Marche 1598—Leaft above in the tier-house in the cheast’; (d) ‘The Enventary tacken of all the properties for my Lord Admeralles men, the 10 of Marche 1598’; (e) ‘The Enventorey of all the aparell of the Lord Admeralles men, taken the 13^th of Marche 1598, as followeth’; (f) ‘A Note of all suche bookes as belong to the Stocke, and such as I have bought since the 3^d of Marche 1598’; (g) ‘A Note of all suche goodes as I have bought for the Companey of my Lord Admirals men, sence the 3 of Aprell, 1598, as followeth’. A comparison of the book-list with the diary payments makes it clear that ‘1598’ is 1597/8 and not 1598/9. The last book entered was bought in Aug. 1598. An undated inventory of Alleyn’s private theatrical wardrobe is in Henslowe Papers, 52.

[441] It should be borne in mind that these lists are based in part upon a rather conjectural interpretation of evidence. Full details, for which I have not space, will be found in Henslowe, ii. 186 sqq. I have annotated a few points of interest.

[442] So called in the book-inventory; in the diary it is Triplicity of Cuckolds.

[443] The first name appears in the inventory, the second in the diary.

[444] Only £4 was paid ‘to by a boocke’, which is low for a new play and high for an old one. Possibly Porter was in debt to the company.

[445] Once described as ‘other wisse called worsse feared then hurte’, whence Dr. Greg infers that the 1598–9 play of that name was a second part of it.

[446] So in the book-inventory; in the account it is only called The Cobler.

[447] Possibly Strange Flattery, but the manuscript is lost.

[448] They had to buy Mahomet, The Wise Man of West Chester, Longshanks, and Vortigern from Alleyn in 1601 and 1602.

[449] ‘the Mores lymes’, ‘iiij Turckes hedes’, ‘j Mores cotte’.

[450] ‘iiij genesareys gownes’, ‘owld Mahemetes head’.

[451] ‘Tamberlyne brydell’, ‘Tamberlynes cotte, with coper lace’, ‘Tamberlanes breches of crymson vellvet’.

[452] ‘j cauderm for the Jewe’.

[453] ‘j tree of gowlden apelles’.

[454] ‘j whell and frame in the Sege of London’.

[455] ‘Belendon stable’.

[456] ‘Tasso picter’, ‘Tasoes robe’.

[457] ‘senetores gowne’ and ‘capes’.

[458] ‘Kents woden leage’.

[459] ‘j mawe gowne of calleco for the quene’.

[460] ‘j sewtte for Nepton’, ‘Nepun forcke & garland’.

[461] ‘Harey the fyftes dublet’ and ‘vellet gowne’, ‘j payer of hosse for the Dowlfyn’.

[462] ‘j longe-shanckes sewte’.

[463] ‘j great horse with his leages’.

[464] ‘Vartemar sewtte’, ‘Valteger robe of rich tafitie’, ‘j payer of hosse & a gercken for Valteger’, ‘ij Danes sewtes, and ij payer of Danes hosse’.

[465] ‘j tome of Guido’, ‘j cloth clocke of russete with coper lace, called Guydoes clocke’.

[466] ‘Merlen gowne, and cape’.

[467] ‘my lord Caffes gercken & his hoose’.

[468] These include ‘Argosse head’, ‘Andersones sewte’, ‘Will Sommers sewtte’, ‘ij Orlates sewtes’, ‘Cathemer sewte’, ‘j Whittcomes dublett poke’, ‘Nabesathe sewte’, ‘j Hell mought’, ‘the cloth of the Sone & Mone’, ‘Tantelouse tre’, ‘Eves bodeyes’. Probably ‘Perowes sewte which W^m Sley were’ dated back to the days of Strange’s men. After 3 April 1598 Henslowe bought, inter alia, ‘a gown for Nembia’ and ‘a robe for to goo invisibell’.

[469] It looks as if the book-inventory were not exhaustive; perhaps it only includes books more or less in current use.

[470] There is a self-contradictory entry, ‘to paye vnto M^r Willson Monday & Deckers ... iiij^ll v^s in this maner Willson xxx^s Cheattell xxx^s Mondy xxv^s’.

[471] Regarded by Dr. Greg as 2 Hannibal and Hermes.

[472] I agree with Dr. Greg that this, for which Chapman had £4 in 1598–9, is probably identical with The Isle of a Woman, for which he had had earnests of £4 or £4 10s. in 1597–8.

[473] I think the play licensed as Brute Grenshallde in March 1599 was a second part written by Chettle to an old 1 Brute by Day, which would not need re-licensing.

[474] I do not see with what to identify the play licensed under this name in March 1599 except the unnamed ‘playe boocke’ and ‘tragedie’, for which Chapman had something under £9 in the previous Oct. and Jan.

[475] The title War without Blows and Love without Strife in one entry is probably an error.

[476] I agree with Dr. Greg that the entries point to two plays by Chettle and Dekker rather than one. They are probably incomplete owing to the hiatus in the manuscript.

[477] Dr. Greg makes two plays of this, but the entry ‘his boocke called the world rones a whelles & now all foolles but the foolle’ seems unambiguous, and the total payments of £8 10s. are not too high for a play by Chapman.

[478] No importance can be attached to Mr. Fleay’s childish identifications of War without Blows and Love without Suit, Joan as Good as my Lady, and The Four Kings with The Thracian Wonder, Heywood’s A Maidenhead well Lost, and Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes respectively.

[479] So called in Drayton’s autograph receipt, but Henslowe calls it William Longbeard.

[480] Henslowe, i. 72, 78.

[481] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Alleyn.

[482] The only entry is of 15 July ‘to bye a boocke’, but the hiatus in the manuscript probably conceals earlier payments.

[483] Here also the hiatus has only left an entry of £2 ‘in full payment’ on 1 Aug. Dr. Greg, however, would identify Bear a Brain and The Gentle Craft.

[484] The entries are as follows: 2 Sept., ‘Thomas Deckers Bengemen Johnson Hary Chettell & other Jentellman in earneste of a playe calle Robart the second kinge of Scottes tragedie’; 15 Sept., ‘in earneste of a boocke called the Scottes tragedi vnto Thomas Dickers & Harey Chettell’; 16 Sept., ‘Hary Chettell ... in earneste of a boocke called the Scottes tragedie’; 27 Sept., ‘Bengemen Johnsone in earneste of a boocke called the Scottes tragedie’; 28 Sept., ‘vnto M^r Maxton the new poete in earneste of a boocke called [blank]’. Dr. Greg resists the fairly reasonable identification of ‘M^r Maxton the new poete’ with the ‘other Jentellman’. All the payments are called earnests, but the total is £6 10s. and therefore the play probably existed.

[485] ‘Lent vnto me W Birde the 9 of Februarye to paye for a new booke to Will Boyle cald Jugurth xxx^s which if you dislike Ile repaye it back.’ The price is the lowest ever entered for a ‘new’ book. Mr. Fleay’s suggestion that Will Bird, who already had one alias in Will Borne, was also himself Will Boyle, is one of those irresponsible guesses by which he has done so much to make hay of theatrical history.

[486] Both parts were entered on the Stationers’ Register, but no copy of 2 Sir John Oldcastle is known.

[487] Bodl. Ashm. MS. 236, f. 77^v (c. 1600), has Forman’s note of the ‘plai of Cox of Cullinton and his 3 sons, Henry Peter and Jhon’.

[488] Henslowe Papers, 49.

[489] This was taken up again in 1601, but still not finished. Dr. Greg, however, thinks that it is identical with Day’s Italian tragedy, and forms half of Two Lamentable Tragedies (1601), and that Chettle’s work in 1601 may have been the effecting of the combination with Thomas Merry.

[490] Dr. Greg, following Mr. Fleay, identifies this with Dekker’s Whore of Babylon, and as Time is a character in this play, cites the purchase of ‘a Robe for tyme’ in April 1600 as a proof that it was then performed. Time, however, might also have been a character in The Seven Wise Masters.

[491] Possibly finished later and identical with the pseudo-Marlowesque Lust’s Dominion.

[492] The payment-entry is cancelled. The play may have been finished for another company, and be identical with the extant Grim, the Collier of Croydon, or, The Devil and his Dame.

[493] Possibly the basis of Bird and Rowley’s Judas of 1601.

[494] It seems to me a little arbitrary of Dr. Greg to assume that the 10s. entered as an earnest for this was really a bonus on 1 The Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green.

[495] Henslowe Papers, 51. I do not think that Dr. Greg recognizes the full significance of this when he suggests (Henslowe, ii. 94) that Alleyn was back on the stage by 1598; cf. my criticism in M. L. R. iv. 410. Dr. Greg relies mainly on the appearance of his name in the plot of The Battle of Alcazar, which, he says, ‘almost certainly belongs to 1598’. But I can find no reason why it should not belong to 1600–2; cf. p. 175.

[496] Henslowe, i. 56.

[497] Ibid. 162.

[498] Ibid. 141.

[499] Ibid. 144, 165, 174.

[500] Ibid. 134, 136, 140, 147.

[501] Dr. Greg puts it in 1598, on the assumption that Alleyn returned to the stage in that year. It might conceivably belong to 1597, between 18 Dec., when Bristow was bought, and 29 Dec., by which day Alleyn had left. It cannot be later than Feb. 1602, by which month Jones and Shaw had left. The prefix ‘M^r’ allotted to Charles and Sam is in favour of a date after their agreements on 16 Nov. 1598. Dr. Greg’s argument (Henslowe Papers, 138) that Kendall’s agreement expired 7 Dec. 1599 is not convincing, as there was nothing in it to prevent him from staying on, and the satire of the play in Jonson’s Poetaster of 1601, to which he refers, obviously tells in favour of a date nearer to 1601 than 1598.

[502] Henslowe, i. 38.

[503] Ibid. 131, 134.

[504] Ibid. 164.

[505] Ibid. 205.

[506] Cf. ch. x.

[507] The entry is ‘Thomas Deckers for his boocke called the fortewn tenes’. Collier read ‘forteion tenes’ and interpreted Fortunatus. Mr. Fleay furnished the alternatives of Fortune’s Tennis and Hortenzo’s Tennis. I should add that Dr. Greg assigns the ‘plot’ to this play.

[508] Dr. Greg thinks that this may be the same as Haughton’s The English Fugitives of the previous April. If so, it was probably finished, as the payments amount to £6.

[509] As the account of advances is continuous, I have drawn the line between 1600–1 and 1601–2 at the beginning of Aug. 1601.

[510] The Life became 2 Cardinal Wolsey, as The Rising, although written later, was historically 1 Cardinal Wolsey. The entries are complicated. It is just possible that the playwrights were working on an old play, for the property-inventories of 1598 include an unexplained ‘Will Sommers sewtte’ (cf. p. 168). A ‘W^m Someres cotte’ was, however, bought for The Rising on 27 May 1602.

[511] Possibly based on Haughton’s unfinished play of 1600.

[512] A note preserved at Dulwich (Henslowe Papers, 58) indicates that licensing fees were in arrear on 4 Aug. 1602 for ‘baxsters tragedy, Tobias Comedy, Jepha Judg of Israel & the Cardinall, Loue parts frendshipp’. But of course Warner’s identification of ‘baxsters tragedy’ with The Bristol Tragedy is conjectural.

[513] There is no 1 Tom Dough, unless this was an intended sequel to The Six Yeomen of the West.

[514] Already begun by Chettle in 1599.

[515] This may be identical with 1 The Six Clothiers, which is not called by Henslowe a ‘first part’, if, as is possible, that was a sequel to The Six Yeomen of the West.

[516] Possibly finished later as Dekker and Rowley’s The Noble Spanish Soldier. But it may have been an old play re-written, for C. R. Baskervill (M. P. xiv. 16) quotes from the preface to H. O.’s translation of Vasco Figueiro’s Spaniard’s Monarchie (1592), ‘albeit it hath no title fetched from the Bull within Bishopsgate, as a figge for a Spaniard’.

[517] I suppose this was unfinished. The only entry is on 22 June 1602, ‘vnto Bengemy Johnsone ... in earneste of a boocke called Richard Crockbacke & for new adicyons for Jeronymo the some of x^ll’. Jonson had already had £2 on 25 Sept. 1601 ‘vpon his writtinge of his adicians in Geronymo’. Unless Richard Crookback was nearly complete, his prices must have risen a good deal.

[518] Possibly finished later as Hoffman (1631).

[519] The £4 paid was cancelled and then reinstated, but the book was evidently transferred to Worcester’s men (cf. p. 227).

[520] Cf. p. 168.

[521] Cf. vol. i, p. 323. The Massacre was printed (N.D.) as an Admiral’s play.

[522] The conjectural rendering of Henslowe’s ‘ponesciones pillet’ finds support from the presence of garments for ‘Caffes’ or Caiaphas in the inventory of 1598; cf. p. 168.

[523] A payment to ‘John Daye & his felowe poetes’ implies at least three collaborators.

[524] For Samson cf. p. 367.

[525] All four entries merely show the payments as made to ‘Antony the poyete’.

[526] Finished later and extant; probably identical with the Danish Tragedy of 1601–2.

[527] I suppose that it was the play which Chettle ‘layd vnto pane’ to Mr. Bromfield, and which had to be redeemed for £1 (Henslowe, i. 174).

[528] The more so as I do not think that Dr. Greg’s survey in Henslowe. ii. 135, is accurate.

[529] Henslowe made the total £167 7s. 7d., but evidently the error was detected, as only £166 17s. 7d. was carried forward.

[530] Henslowe, ii. 133. Apparently Henslowe reverted to the plan of deducting three-quarters only, at the beginning of 1599–1600, but only for a fortnight, as the receipts from 20 Oct. are headed, ‘Heare I begane to receue the gallereys agayne which they receued begynynge at Myhellmas wecke being the 6 of October 1599’.

[531] I have disregarded an error of 15s. made by Henslowe.

[532] Henslowe, i. 85, 145.

[533] Ibid. ii. 33.

[534] Henslowe, i. 29, 47, 81, 96, 97, 118, 124, 136, 138, 144, 146, 148, 152, 153, 166, 172, &c.

[535] The exact date is uncertain, as they do not appear to have had a patent until 1606; but it must lie between their visit to Leicester as the Admiral’s on 18 Aug. 1603 and the making out of a warrant to them as the Prince’s men on 19 Feb. 1604 for their Christmas plays.

[536] N. Sh. Soc. Trans. (1877–9), 17*, from Lord Chamberlain’s Books, 58^a.

[537] Cf. ch. xvi (Hope).

[538] On the legend that he had developed moral scruples about the stage, cf. s.v. Marlowe, Dr. Faustus.

[539] Henslowe Papers, 18.

[540] Dulwich MS. iii. 15.

[541] Henslowe Papers, 13; cf. ch. xvi, s.v. Fortune.

[542] Henslowe Papers, 63.

[543] Ibid. 85.

[544] M. S. C. i. 268, from P. R. 4 Jac. I, pt. 19; also printed by T. E. Tomlins, and dated in error 1607, in Sh. Soc. Papers, iv. 42.

[545] Birch, Life of Henry, 455; Greg, Gentleman’s Magazine, ccc. 67, from Harl. MS. 252, f. 5, dated 1610.

[546] Henslowe, i. 175.

[547] Ibid. 214.

[548] There may be an allusion to this play in H. Parrot, Laquei Ridiculosi, Springes for Woodcocks (1613), ii. 162:

’Tis said that Whittington was rais’d of nought,

And by a cat hath divers wonders wrought:

But Fortune (not his cat) makes it appear,

He may dispend a thousand marks a year.

Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 65) has dispersed Collier’s myth of one Whittington ‘perhaps a sleeping partner in the speculation of the Fortune’.

[549] Most of the play-dates of 1605–12 are in Apps. A and B.

[550] A. for L. II. i. In III. iv a drawer says, ‘all the gentlewomen [from Bess Turnup’s] went to see a play at the Fortune, and are not come in yet, and she believes they sup with the players’.

[551] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Garlick.

[552] Nichols, James, ii. 495.

[553] M. S. C. i. 275, from P. R. 10 Jac. I, pt. 25; also from signet bill in Collier, i. 366, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 44. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 263) notes copies in Addl. MS. 24502, f. 60^v, and Lincoln’s Inn MS. clviii.

[554] Henslowe Papers, 106.

[555] Ibid. 64.

[556] Fennor’s Defence, or I am Your First Man (Taylor’s Works, 1630, ed. Spenser Soc. 314). The 1659 print of the Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green has at l. 2177, ‘Enter ... Captain Westford, Sill Clark’. The title-page professes to give the play as acted by the Prince’s men, but whether Clark was an actor of 1603–12 or not must remain doubtful.

[557] Henslowe, i. 17; cf. p. 140.

[558] Cf. App. D, No. ci. It is not ‘my newe companie’, as it is sometimes misprinted. But I do not think that either term can be interpreted as showing that the company had or had not a corporate existence before it came under Hunsdon’s patronage. The use which the company ‘have byn accustomed’ to make of the inn is only related to ‘this winter time’.

[559] The dates here assigned to Shakespeare’s plays are mainly based on the conclusions of my article on Shakespeare in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.

[560] Cf. ch. xxiv, s.v. Gesta Grayorum and M. L. R. ii. 11.

[561] Cf. my paper on The Occasion of A Midsummer-Night’s Dream in Shakespeare Homage, 154, and App. A.

[562] I have recently found confirmation of the date for Rich. II in a letter from Sir Edward Hoby inviting Sir R. Cecil to his house in Canon Row on 9 Dec. 1595, ‘where, as late as shall please you, a gate for your supper shall be open, and K. Richard present himself to your view’ (Hatfield MSS. v. 487).

[563] T. Lodge, Wits Miserie (S. R. 5 May 1596), 56, ‘the Visard of y^e ghost which cried so miserably at y^e Theator, like an oister wife, Hamlet, revenge’.

[564] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars). There is a slight doubt as to the authenticity of the text of the petition, which the inclusion of Lord Hunsdon’s name can only emphasize. But the fact of the petition and its result are vouched for by a City document of later date. The counter-petition of the players published by Collier, i. 288, in which they are misdescribed as the Lord Chamberlain’s men, is a forgery. The names given are those of Pope, Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Shakespeare, Kempe, Sly, and Tooley. There is nothing to connect Tooley with the company before 1605.

[565] Cf. App. D, No. cvi.

[566] For the distinction between ‘bad’ and ‘good’ quartos, cf. ch. xxii.

[567] R. James (c. 1625), in the dedication to his manuscript Legend of Sir John Oldcastle (quoted by Ingleby, Shakespeare’s Centurie of Praise, 165), says, ‘offence beinge worthily taken by Personages descended from his title’.

[568] Raleigh wrote to R. Cecil on 6 July 1597 that Essex was ‘wonderful merry at your conceit of Richard II’ (Edwardes, ii. 169); for the later history of the play, vide infra.

[569] Cf. ch. xvi (Curtain).

[570] App. C, No. lii.

[571] Aubrey, ii. 12. The same writer is obviously confused when he says, on the authority of Sir Edward Shirburn, that Jonson ‘killed M^r Marlow the poet, on Bunhill, comeing from the Green-Curtain play-house’.

[572] Cf. ch. x. There is no reason to suppose that the Richard Hoope, W^m Blackwage, Rafe Raye, and W^m Ferney, to whom Henslowe lent money as ‘my lord chamberlenes men’ in 1595 (Henslowe, i. 5, 6), were actors. In fact Raye was a ‘man’ of Hunsdon’s before the company was in existence at all (Henslowe, ii. 305).

[573] The order of the Shakespearian actors named in the 1623 Folio, and the omission of the names of Duke and Beeston, rather suggests that these two were hired men, and that there were ten original sharers, Shakespeare, Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Kempe, Pope, Bryan, Condell, Sly, and Cowley.

[574] App. C. No. xlviii.

[575] Cf. ch. xxii.

[576] Henslowe, i. 72.

[577] Cf. ch. xxii.

[578] Malone, Variorum, ii. 166; Fleay, L. and W. 8.

[579] Hen. V, epil. 12.

[580] That the Famous Victories was reprinted in 1617 as a King’s men’s play proves nothing. It was to pass as Henry V; obviously the King’s men never acted it, Henry V being in existence.

[581] Henslowe, i. 72, 101.

[582] For further details, cf. ch. xvi (Globe).

[583] Cf. ch. xvi, introd.

[584] Fleay, 138; cf. Murray, ii. 125; Greg, Henslowe, ii. 108. A loan of 21 Sept. 1600 by Henslowe (i. 132) to Duke is only slight evidence, and the fact that Anne’s men chose to revive the already printed Edward II, once a Pembroke’s play, even slighter.

[585] Cf. ch. xv.

[586] Cf. ch. vii.

[587] Cf. ch. xxii.

[588] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxxviii. 72, 78, 85. Accounts consistent with this are given in depositions of Sir W. Constable and Sir Gilly Meyrick (ibid.), Camden, Annales, 867, Cobbett, State Trials, i. 1445, and Bacon, A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex and his Complices (1601; Works, ix. 289).

[589] Fleay, 123, 136; cf. M. L. R. ii. 12.

[590] Cf. ch. xiv (Scotland).

[591] For the texts cf. ch. xi.

[592] W. H. Griffin in Academy for 25 April 1896, suggests that the ‘innovation’ of 1604 was the same as the ‘noveltie’ of 1603, i.e. the setting up of child actors. But I am afraid that this leaves ‘inhibition’ without a meaning.

[593] Nichols, Eliz. iii. 552, prints, perhaps from a manuscript of Lord De La Warr’s (Hist. MSS. iv. 300), a note by W. Lambarde of a conversation with the Queen on 4 Aug. 1601, ‘Her Majestie fell upon the reign of King Richard II, saying, I am Richard II, know ye not that? W. L. Such a wicked imagination was determined and attempted by a most unkind Gent. the most adorned creature that ever your Majestie made. Her Majestie. He that will forget God, will also forget his benefactors; this tragedy was played 40^tie times in open streets and houses’. The performances here referred to must have been in 1596–7, not 1601.

[594] Cf. ch. xi.

[595] J. Manningham, Diary, 18.

[596] Cf. App. A.

[597] Collier, New Particulars, 57, and Egerton Papers, 343, ‘6 August 1602 Rewardes ... x^li to Burbidges players for Othello’; cf. Ingleby, 262.

[598] Wallace, ii, 108; cf. p. 367.

[599] Cf. ch. xv (Kempe).

[600] Cf. ch. ii.

[601] G. Dugdale, Time Triumphant (1604), sig. B.

[602] Printed in M. S. C. i. 264, from P. R. 1 Jac. I, pars 2, membr. 4; also in Rymer, xvi. 505, and Halliwell, Illustr. 83. Halliwell also prints the practically identical texts of the Privy Signet Bill, dated 17 May, and the Privy Seal, dated 18 May. The former is also in Collier, i. 334, Hazlitt, 38, and Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 82.

[603] Cf. ch. xiv (Scotland).

[604] Except in one of Collier’s Blackfriars forgeries; cf. ch. xvi.

[605] W. Cory (Letters and Journals, 168) was told on a visit to Wilton in 1865 that a letter existed there, naming Shakespeare as present and the play as As You Like It; but the letter cannot now be found.

[606] Marston, Malcontent, Ind. 82.

[607] Bullen, Middleton, viii. 36, ‘Give him leaue to see the Merry Deuil of Edmonton or A Woman Killed with Kindness’.

[608] N. S. S. Trans. (1877–9), 15*, from Lord Chamberlain’s Records, vol. 58^a, now ix. 4 (5); cf. Law (ut infra), 10. Collier, Memoirs of Alleyn, 68, printed a list headed ‘Ks Company’ from the margin of the copy of the Privy Council order of 9 April 1604 at Dulwich. This is a forgery. To the nine genuine names Collier added those of Hostler and Day. The former joined the company some years later, the latter never; cf. Ingleby, 269.

[609] App. B; cf. E. Law, Shakespeare as a Groom of the Chamber (1910), and the Spanish narrative in Colección de Documentos inéditos para la historia de España, lxxi. 467.

[610] Cf. ch. x.

[611] For the exact dates and the difficult critical questions raised by the records, cf. App. B.

[612] Cf. App. B.

[613] Clode, Early Hist. of Merchant Taylors, i. 290, ‘To M^r Hemmyngs for his direccion of his boy that made the speech to his Maiestie 40^s, and 6^s given to John Rise the speaker’; cf. ch. iv.

[614] Cf. ch. x.

[615] App. C, No. lvii.

[616] Cf. ch. xii (Queen’s Revels).

[617] Fleay, 173, and Murray, i. 152, are wrong in saying that there were no Court plays this year; cf. M. L. R. iv. 154.

[618] Rye, 61, from narrative of tour of Lewis Frederick, Duke of Württemberg, ‘Lundi, 30 [Apr.] S. E. alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire où l’on joue les Commedies, y fut representé l’histoire du More de Venise’. Forman’s accounts of Macbeth from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 208, f. 207, and of Cymbeline from the preceding leaf, but undated, are printed in N. S. S. Trans. (1875–6), 417.

[619] Fleay, 190, says that Ecclestone came from the Queen’s Revels. I think he must have confused him with Field.

[620] Perhaps his place between Ostler and Underwood in the actor-list of the 1623 Folio gives some confirmation to the statement of the Burbadges; cf. p. 219.

[621] Cf. ch. iv.

[622] N. S. S. Trans. (1875–6), 415, from Simon Forman’s notes in Bodl. Ashm. MS. 208, f. 200.

[623] For the precise dates and their difficulties, cf. App. B.

[624] Clode, Early Hist. of the Merchant Taylors, i. 334.

[625] Text in M. S. C. i. 280, from Signet Bill in Exchequer, Treasury of Receipt, Privy Seals, 17 Jac. I, Bundle ix, No. 2; also in Collier, i. 400, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 50.

[626] Tawyer, a ‘man’ of Heminges’s, played in some revival of M. N. D. before 1623, but not necessarily before 1619 (cf. ch. xv).

[627] M. L. R. iv. 395.

[628] Downes, 21, 24. Nevertheless, Taylor did not join the King’s men until three years after Shakespeare’s death.

[629] Murray, i. 56, adds 1563–83 records.

[630] G. Le B. Smith, Haddon Hall, 121.

[631] Kelly, 211, from Leicester Hall Papers, i, ff. 38, 42; Hist. MSS. viii. 1, 431. The latter part of the record, from the Earl’s licence onwards, was given by Halliwell in Sh. Soc. Papers, iv. 145, but with the date 1586, due to a misprint of ‘28^o Eliz.’ for ‘25^o Eliz.’ in the licence. This has misled Fleay, 86, and other writers. Maas, 49, and M. Bateson, Records of Leicester, iii. 198, introduce fresh errors of their own.

[632] Gildersleeve, 53.

[633] Cf. ch. ix and App. D, No. lvi.

[634] Halliwell-Phillipps, Notices of Players Acting at Ludlow; B. S. Penley, The Bath Stage, 12, from account for year ending 16 June 1584.

[635] Lord Herbert was, of course, Worcester’s son; not, as Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 104) seems to think, one of the Pembroke family.

[636] Henslowe Papers, 31; cf. supra (Admiral’s).

[637] Fleay, 87.

[638] Murray, i. 58, adds 1589–94 records.

[639] App. D, No. cxxx.

[640] Henslowe, i. 179. As Henslowe paid 7s. ‘for my Lo^r Worsters mens warant for playinge at the cort vnto the clarke of the cownselles for geatynge the cownselles handes to yt’ (Henslowe Papers, 108), and the only warrant to these men was dated 28 Feb. 1602, the connexion with Henslowe probably began while they were still at the Boar’s Head.

[641] Henslowe, i. 160, 190.

[642] Cf. supra (Chamberlain’s).

[643] Henslowe, i. 132, 163.

[644] Ibid. 177.

[645] Ibid. 178, ‘Lent vnto Richard Perckens the 4 of September 1602 to buy thinges for Thomas Hewode play & to lend vnto Dick Syferweste to ride downe to his felowes’. This is, of course, a private loan, and not in the company’s account.

[646] Called in the earlier entries The Two Brothers.

[647] The two names do not occur together, but almost certainly indicate the same play.

[648] Spelt ‘Burone’ and ‘Berowne’ in the entries.

[649] Henslowe, i. 180, 183, 185, 186, 187, 190.

[650] Cf. p. 7. A further notice of the transfer is given by Thomas Heywood, Γυναικεῖον or General History of Women (1624), who says that he was one of Worcester’s men, who at James’s accession ‘bestowed me upon the excellent princesse Queen Anne’.

[651] N. S. S. Trans. (1877–9), 16*, from Lord Chamberlain’s Books, 58^a. In August the company served as grooms of the chamber (App. B).

[652] In assigning Kempe to the Queen’s Revels in 1605, Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 108) has been tripped up by one of Collier’s forgeries; cf. my review in M. L. R. iv. 408.

[653] Printed in M. S. C. i. 265, from S. P. D. Jac. I, ii. 100; also by Collier, i. 336, and Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 106. It is a rough draft full of deletions, marked by square brackets, and of additions, printed in italics, in the text. The theory of Fleay, 191, that the document is a forgery is disposed of by Greg, Henslowe’s Diary, ii. 107.

[654] Printed in M. S. C. i. 270, from P. R. 7 Jac. I, pt. 39; also from P. R., but misdescribed as a Privy Seal, by T. E. Tomlins in Sh. Soc. Papers, iv. 45. The Signet Bill is indexed under April 1609 in Phillimore, 104.

[655] Cf. App. B.

[656] Rutland MSS. iv. 461. They stayed two days, and gave four performances.

[657] Kelly, 248, ‘Item the vj^th of June given to the Queenes Players xl^s.... Item the xxj^th of Auguste given to the Children of the Revells xx^s. Item the xxvj^th of September given to one other Companye of the Queenes playors xx^s.’

[658] Murray, ii. 245, ‘paid to the Queenes players to Thomas Swinerton xl^s’.

[659] Murray, ii. 340, from Mayor’s Court Books (18 April 1614), ‘Swynnerton one of the Quenes players in the name of himselfe & the rest of his company desyred leaue to play in the cytty accordinge to his Maiesties Lettres patents shewed forth. And M^r Maior & Court moved them to play onely on Wednesday, Thursday & Fryday in Easter weke.’

[660] Murray, ibid. (6 May 1615), ‘Thomas Swynnerton produced this day Letters Patents dated the x^th [? xv^th] of Aprill Anno Septimo Jacobi whereby hee & others are authorised to play as the Quenes men, vidz. Thomas Grene, Christofer Breston [? Beeston], Thomas Haywood, Richard Pyrkyns, Rob^t. Pallant, Tho. Swynnerton, John Duke, Robt. Lee, James Hoult, & Robt. Breston [? Beeston].’

[661] Kelly, 252, ‘Item given to the Queenes Maiesties Highnes Playors xl^s.... Item the xvj^th daye of October Given to the Queenes Playors xl^s. Item given to one other Companye of the Queenes Playors xxx^s.’

[662] Murray, ii. 340 (30 March 1616), ‘A Patent was this day brought into the Court by Thomas Swynerton made to Thomas Grene ... & Robert Beeston Servants to Quene Anne & the rest of their associats bearing Teste xv^o Aprilis Anno Septimo Jacobi. But the said Swynerton confesseth that hee himselfe & Robert Lee only are here to play the rest are absent....’; (29 May 1616), ‘Thomas Swynerton came this day into the Court & affirmed himselfe to be one of the players to the Quenes Maiestie & bringinge with him no patent desyred to haue leaue to play here ... the same company had liberty to play here at Easter last....’ Leave was refused on this occasion.

[663] Kelly, 253, ‘Item the sixt of Februarye given to the Queenes Playors. Item given to one other Companye of the Queenes Playors’.

[664] Hist. MSS. xi. 3. 26.

[665] App. D, No. clviii; cf. Murray, ii. 343.

[666] Murray, i. 204.

[667] Kelly, 254.

[668] Collier, i. 397, from a manuscript at Bridgewater House.

[669] Fleay, 192, guesses that her first husband was Robert Browne of the 1583 Worcester’s company. As Queen Anne’s men played at the Boar’s Head, he is very likely to have been the ‘Browne of the Boares head’ who ‘dyed very pore’ in the plague of 1603 (Henslowe Papers, 59).

[670] Murray, i. 193, appears to date this list c. 1612, and the allegation in the Bill (Fleay, 275) that the pensions were paid for five years supports this. But it cannot be earlier than 1613 as Read was still with the Lady Elizabeth’s in that year. Nor does it include Lee, who was payee for the Queen’s in 1614–16. It clearly belongs to the 1616 settlement.

[671] ‘Goodman Freshwater’ was furnishing stuffs to Worcester’s men in 1602–3 (Henslowe, i. 179, 187).

[672] Sanderson may be the ‘Sands’ who played with ‘Ellis’ [Worth] in Daborne’s Poor Man’s Comfort (q.v.), about 1617. Or James Sands, formerly a boy with the King’s men, may have come to the Queen’s.

[673] Adams, 351.

[674] M. S. C. i. 272, from P. R. 8 Jac. I, p. 8; also printed by T. E. Tomlins in Sh. Soc. Papers, iv. 47.

[675] Fleay, 188.

[676] Murray, i. 239, confuses the Duke’s with Lord Aubigny’s men.

[677] A letter, probably originally from Dulwich, but now Egerton MS. 2623, f. 25 (printed in Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 18, and Henslowe Papers, 126), is signed by William Rowley, as well as by Taylor and Pallant, and must therefore be later than this amalgamation, and not, as Dr. Greg suggests, from the Lady Elizabeth’s c. 1613. It confirms a purchase of clothes from Henslowe for £55.

[678] Text in Collier, Memoirs of Alleyn, 127; abstract in Henslowe Papers, 90.

[679] N. S. S. Trans. 1877–9, 19*; cf. Fleay, 265. Collier, i. 406, has an elegy by William Rowley on Hugh Attwell, servant to Prince Charles, who died 25 Sept. 1621.

[680] App. D, No. clviii.

[681] Henslowe Papers, 93.

[682] M. S. C. i. 274, from P. R. 9 Jac. I, p. 20.

[683] Henslowe Papers, 18, 111.

[684] Cf. App. B.

[685] Henslowe Papers, 86, from Dulwich MS. i. 106; also printed in Variorum, xxi. 416, and Collier, Alleyn Papers, 78.

[686] Greg, Henslowe Papers, 58, 87, thinks that the ‘Baxter’ of the Grievances was William Barksted or Backstede. It may be so.

[687] Thorndike, 66, thinks that the list belongs to an earlier production by the Queen’s Revels before 30 March 1610, when Taylor joined the Duke of York’s. But there is no evidence that he was ever in the Queen’s Revels.

[688] Henslowe Papers, 65, 125; A. E. H. Swaen, Robert Daborne’s Plays (Anglia, xx. 153). The account in Fleay, i. 75, is full of inaccuracies. The documents now form separate articles of Dulwich MS. 1. All, unless otherwise specified below, are letters or undertakings from Daborne to Henslowe. Most of them are dated, and I think that the following ordering, due to Dr. Greg, is reasonable: (i) Art. 70, 17 Apr. 1613; (ii) Art. 71, 17 Apr. 1613; (iii) Art. 72, 25 Apr. 1613; (iv) Art. 73, 3 May 1613; (v) Art. 74, 8 May 1613; (vi) Art. 75, 16 May 1613; (vii) Art. 77, 19 May 1613; (viii) Art. 78, 5 June 1613; (ix) Art. 79, 10 June 1613; (xi) Art. 80, 18 June 1613; (xii) Art. 81, 25 June 1613; (xiii)? Art. 100, Field to Henslowe, N.D.; (xiv)? Art. 69, Field to Henslowe, N.D.; (xv)? Art. 68, Field, Daborne, and Massinger to Henslowe, N.D.; (xvi) Art. 82, 16 July 1613; (xvii) Art. 83, 30 July 1613; (xviii)? Art. 76, N.D.; (xix)? Art. 99, Daborne to Edward Griffin (Henslowe’s scrivener), N.D.; (xx). Art. 84, 23 Aug. 1613; (xxi) Art. 85, 14 Oct. 1613; (xxii) Art. 86, 29 Oct. 1613; (xxiii) Art. 87, 5 Nov. 1613; (xxiv) Art. 88, 13 Nov. 1613; (xxv) Art. 89, 13 Nov. 1613; (xxvi). Art. 90, 27 Nov. 1613; (xxvii) Art. 91, 9 Dec. 1613; (xxviii) Art. 92, 10 Dec. 1613; (xxix) Art. 93, 24 Dec. 1613; (xxx)? Art. 95, N.D.; (xxxi) Art. 94, 31 Dec. 1613; (xxxii) Art. 96, 11 Mar. 1614; (xxxiii) Art. 97, 28 Mar. 1614; (xxxiv), Art. 98, 31 July 1614.

[689] Henslowe Papers, 68.

[690] Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 16; Henslowe Papers, 125, from Egerton MS. 2623, f. 24. This document cannot be dated, but it has probably been detached from the Dulwich series.

[691] Henslowe Papers, 82.

[692] Ibid. 71. I should suppose this, rather than, with Dr. Greg, Bartholomew Fair, to be the ‘Johnsons play’ contemplated on 13 Nov. (Henslowe Papers, 78), but others of Jonson’s plays may also have been revived.

[693] Ibid. 69, 70.

[694] Ibid. 71, 103, 111.

[695] Ibid. 76, 77, 78.

[696] Ibid. 71.

[697] Dr. Greg (Henslowe Papers, 75) makes them the same play, founded on Dekker’s tracts, The Bellman of London (1608) and Lanthorn and Candlelight, or the Bellman’s Second Night-walk (1609), but The Arraignment seems to have been too nearly finished on 5 June for this identification (Henslowe Papers, 72).

[698] Still more so the ascription (Fleay, i. 81) of The Faithful Friends to Daborne and the Lady Elizabeth’s men.

[699] Henslowe Papers, 23; also in Collier, Memoirs of Alleyn, 118. A few additional lines, much mutilated, appear to have provided for the allocation of half the daily takings of the galleries to the discharge of a debt of £124 due to Henslowe and Meade and of any further disbursements by them. This agrees with the Dawes articles infra, but the Articles of Grievance refer to a debt of £126.

[700] Fleay, 187; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 87, Henslowe’s Diary, ii. 138.

[701] Cf. p. 240.

[702] Henslowe Papers, 82.

[703] Ibid. 123, from Variorum, xxi. 413; also in Collier, Alleyn Papers, 75. The original, formerly at Dulwich, is now missing.

[704] Henslowe Papers, 72, 79.

[705] I agree with Dr. Greg that the ‘fower’ in Dawes’s articles is probably a mistake for ‘fourteen’.

[706] Bartholomew Fair, v. 3, ‘I thinke, one Taylor, would goe neere to beat all this company, with a hand bound behinde him’.

[707] Ibid.

Cokes. Which is your Burbage now?

Lanterne. What meane you by that, Sir?

Cokes. Your best Actor. Your Field?

[708] Murray, ii. 254. This, however, was probably Long’s company; v. infra.

[709] Robert Pallant, one of the company, is noted (Henslowe, ii. 20) as visiting Henslowe on his death-bed.

[710] Variorum, iii. 59.

[711] App. D, No. clviii.

[712] Murray, i. 263; ii. 4. I add Belvoir on 1 March 1614.

[713] Cunningham, xliv.

[714] Murray, ii. 344.

[715] Lawrence, i. 128 (Early French Players in England). One can hardly, I suppose, assume that the Turkish acrobat of 1589–90 (cf. ch. xviii) was a real Turk.

[716] J. A. Lester, Italian Players in Scotland (M. L. N. xxiii. 240), traces histriones, whom he unjustifiably assumes to be actors, and tubicines in 1514–61.

[717] S. P. F. (1569–71), 413.

[718] Nichols, Eliz. i. 302.

[719] Murray, ii. 374.

[720] Feuillerat, Eliz. 225, 227, 458.

[721] Furnivall, Robert Laneham’s Letter, 18.

[722] Cf. App. B.

[723] Smith, 148, makes him then head of the Gelosi, but the authorities she cites do not bear her out.

[724] Baschet, 18, 25, 34, 43; D’Ancona, ii. 455, 457, 459; Rennert, 28, 479.

[725] R. B. M^cKerrow (Nashe, iv. 462) suggests that Tristano may have been ‘that famous Francatrip Harlicken’ represented in the dedication of An Almond for a Parrat (1590) as asking questions at Venice about Kempe. But Francatrippa seems to have been the stage name of Gabriello Panzanini da Bologna of the Gelosi (D’Ancona, ii. 469, 511).

[726] Is this ‘the nimble, tumbling Angelica’ of Marston’s Scourge of Villainy (1598), xi. 101? If so, a later visit may be suspected. Drusiano Martinelli was comedian to the Duke of Mantua, to whose son Angelica had been mistress, in 1595 (D’Ancona, ii. 518).

[727] Baschet, 72, 82, 90, 194, 199; D’Ancona, ii. 464, 479, 504, 518, 523, 526; Smith, 147. The main body of the Gelosi passed about this time under the leadership of Flaminio Scala, fifty of whose scenarii are printed in Il Teatro delle Fauole rappresentatiue (1611).

[728] Cf. ch. xviii as to traces of improvised comedy in England.

[729] G. E. P. Arkwright, Notes on the Ferrabosco Family (Musical Antiquary, iii. 221; iv. 42); G. Livi, The Ferrabosco Family (ibid. iv. 121). I may add that he was evidently the Bolognese groom of the chamber, favoured by the Queen as a musician, who dropped a hint for a Venetian embassy in 1575 (V. P. vii. 524). He left an illegitimate son, Alfonso, in England, who also was a Court musician by 1603, and was succeeded in turn by sons, Alfonso and Henry, in 1627 (Lafontaine, 45, 63).

[730] Feuillerat, Eliz. 159, 160.

[731] Ibid. 160, 301.

[732] Cunningham, 221; cf. D. N. B.; M. L. N. xxii. 2, 129, 201.

[733] Magdalene College, Cambridge, Pepys MS. ii. 663 (cf. Hist. MSS. Comm. Report, 190). The letter is endorsed, ‘To Q. Elizabeth: Ubaldino an Italian Musitian I suppose’.

[734] Cf. my letter in T.L.S. for 12 May 1921.

[735] Cf. ch. xiii (Interluders); Mediaeval Stage, ii. 187.

[736] Variorum, iii. 461; cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 202.

[737] Cf. p. 272.

[738] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum for 21 Jan. 1882. I am sorry to say that Mr. Scott suggests that Shakespeare was of the company.

[739] J. Scott, An Account of Perth, in Sir J. Sinclair, Statistical Account of Scotland, xviii (1796), 522.

[740] J. C. Dibdin, Annals of the Edinburgh Stage (1888), 20, from Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. A True Accompt of the Baptism of Prince Henry Frederick, printed in 1594 (Somers Tracts, ii. 171), records plays amongst other festivities, but does not say that English actors took part.

[741] Scottish Papers, ii. 676. I suppose that this document is the authority on which P. F. Tytler, Hist. of Scotland, ix. 302, describing the events of 1599, says of Fletcher, ‘He had been there before, in 1594; and on his return to England, had suffered some persecution from his popularity with James’.

[742] D. H. Fleming, St. Andrews Kirk Session Register, ii. 870, ‘Ane Jnglishman haveing desyrit libertie of the session to mak ane publik play in this citie, it was voted and concludit that he suld nocht be permitted to do the samin’.

[743] Calderwood, Historie of the Kirk of Scotland (Wodrow Soc.), v. 765.

[744] Acts of the Privy Council of Scotland, vi. 39, 41. Calderwood seems to have put the whole business a week too late.

[745] Dibdin, 22.

[746] Lee, 83, from S. P. D. Scotland (R. O.), lxv. 64; cf. summary in Scottish Papers, ii. 777, ‘Performances of English players, Fletcher, Martin, and their company, by the King’s permission; enactment of the [Fower] Sessions, and preaching of the ministers against them. The bellows blowers say that they are sent by England to sow dissension between the King and the Kirk’.

[747] Dibdin, 24.

[748] J. Stuart, Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen (Spalding Club), ii. xxi, xxii, 222.

[749] Fleay, 136; cf. Furness, Macbeth, 407. Fleay goes so far as to ‘hazard the guess’ that the ‘speciall letter’ of recommendation from James produced at Aberdeen was ‘the identical letter that James wrote to Shakespeare with his own hand’, as recorded by Oldys.

[750] Henslowe, i. 45

[751] App. C, No. lvii.

[752] Sh.-Jahrbuch, xlv. 311, ‘5 Thaler den englischen Spielleuten, so ufm Rathaus ihr Spiel mit Springen und allerlei Kurzweil getrieben’.

[753] The inevitable attempt to show that Shakespeare ‘must’ have been of the party was made by J. Stefansson, Shakespeare at Elsinore, in Contemporary Review, lxix. 20, and disposed of by H. Logeman, Shakespeare te Helsingör in Mélanges Paul Fredericy (1904); cf. Sh.-Jahrbuch, xii. 241.

[754] Fürstenau, 69; Cohn, xxiii; Bolte, Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxiii. 99. Herz, 5, endeavours to show traces of a visit to Danzig by this company.

[755] M. Röchell, Chronik, in J. Janssen, Gesch. des Bisthums Münster (1852), iii. 174; Cohn, cxxxiv (misdated 1599); Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxxvi. 274.

[756] Henslowe Papers, 31. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 8, disposes of the confusion between Robert Browne and Alleyn’s step-father, John Browne.

[757] Cohn, xxxi. There seems nothing to connect the Andreas Röthsch who appeared at Leipzig in July 1591 with Browne, or even to justify the conjecture (Sh.-Jahrbuch, xlv. 311) that he was English.

[758] L. Ph. C. van den Bergh, ’s Gravenhaagsche Bijzonderheden (1857), 51 from Hague Archives; Cohn, xxviii. A letter from R. Jones to Alleyn (Henslowe Papers, 33), often assigned to this date, seems to me probably to belong to 1615: cf. p. 287.

[759] Another Admiral’s passport is printed in Rye, 47.

[760] G. van Hasselt, Arnhemsche Oudheden, i (1803), 244, naming Robert Bruyn, Johan Bradsdret, Thomas Saxwiell, Richardus Jonas, and Everhart Sauss.

[761] Bolte in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxxiii. 104.

[762] Mentzel, 23.

[763] Cf. vol. i, p. 343.

[764] Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxi. 247.

[765] Archiv, xiv. 116.

[766] Mentzel, 25.

[767] Henslowe, i. 29.

[768] Cohn, xxxiii, xxxviii; Goedeke, ii. 519; Herz, 8. A conventional clown, variously called ‘Jahn Clam’, ‘Jahn Posset’, ‘Jahn der Engelländische Narr’, &c., also appears in plays, from 1596 onwards, by Jacob Ayrer of Nuremberg, who has other debts, including the ‘jig’, to the English players (Cohn, lxi; Goedeke, ii. 545).

[769] Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxiii. 103.

[770] Archiv, xii. 320; xiii. 316; xiv. 118; xv. 115; Mentzel, 26, 37. Herz, 34, points out that about this date the Duke of Brunswick’s Ehebrecherin and Vincentius Ladislaus were played in Frankfort, probably by these men. They are referred to at length by Marx Mangoldt, Markschiffs-Nachen (1597), in a passage beginning:

Da war nun weiter mein Intent,

Zu sehen das Englische Spiel,

Dauon ich hab gehört so viel.

Wie der Narr drinnen, Jan genennt,

Mit Bossen wer so excellent.

Herz, 34, also assigns to the company anonymous appearances at Ulm, Munich, and Tübingen in 1597 (Archiv, xii. 319; xiii. 316; xv. 212).

[771] Cohn, xxxiv.

[772] Cf. p. 279.

[773] Cohn, xxxiv.

[774] Herz, 37; T. Coryat, Crudities, ii. 291. Cf. also Ein Discurss von der Frankfurter Messe (1615):

Der Narr macht lachen, doch ich weht,

—Da ist keiner so gut wie Jahn begeht—

Vor dieser Zeitt wol hat gethan,

Jetzt ist er ein reicher Handelsmann.

[775] Cohn, xxxiv; Sh.-Jahrbuch, xl. 342.

[776] Henslowe Papers, 37.

[777] Cohn, xviii, lvii; Goedeke, ii. 522; Duncker, Landgrave Moritz von Hessen und die Englischen Komödianten in Deutsche Rundschau, xlviii. 260.

[778] Sh.-Jahrbuch, xiv. 361.

[779] Cohn, lviii; Herz, 13.

[780] Könnecke in Z. f. vergleichende Litteralurgeschichte, N. F. i. 85.

[781] Hatfield MSS. v. 174. Browne was also the agent for a similar transaction licensed on 11 July 1597 (S. P. D. Eliz. cclxiv).

[782] Archiv, xiv. 117; xv. 114.

[783] Rommel, vi. 390, from Cassel archives, ‘Robert Brown und John Wobster begleiteten ihn’. The payment therefore on behalf of the Admiral’s men about Oct. 1596 ‘to feache Browne’ (Henslowe, i. 45) is not very likely to refer to Robert.

[784] Cohn, lviii; Duncker, 265.

[785] Mentzel, 41.

[786] Archiv, xv. 115. Herz, 17, assigns to them, conjecturally, performances by ‘Englishmen’ at Memmingen, Cologne, Munich, Ulm, and Stuttgart during 1600. But the wording of the Strassburg documents suggests a continuous stay.

[787] On 21 Oct. 1603 Joan Alleyn wrote to Edward Alleyn (Henslowe Papers, 59), ‘All the companyes be come hoame & well for ought we knowe, but that Browne of the Boares head is dead & dyed very pore, he went not into the countrye at all’. Obviously this is not Robert Browne, who lived many years longer. But it may have been a relative, as Lord Derby’s men are very likely to have preceded Worcester’s at the Boar’s Head. There was at least one other actor of the name, Edward Browne, and possibly more (cf. ch. xv).

[788] Mentzel, 46.

[789] Mentzel, 45, 48; Archiv, xiv. 119. A performance at Dresden in Oct. 1600, assigned to them by Herz, 38, is anonymous.

[790] Mentzel, 48.

[791] Duncker, 267, from chronicle of Wilhelm Buch, ‘Anno 1602 hat er die Engländer alle mit einander von sich gejagt und des springens und tanzens müde geworden’.

[792] Mentzel, 50.

[793] Mentzel, 51; Bolte, Das Danziger Theater, 34.

[794] Archiv, xv. 117.

[795] Mentzel, 52.

[796] Mentzel, 50; Archiv, xiv. 122.

[797] The Frankfort archives call them ‘Thomas Blackreude’ and ‘Johannes Fheer’, which has prevented their identity with Worcester’s men from being noticed.

[798] Mentzel, 51.

[799] Mentzel, 53; Archiv, xv. 117. Herz, 18, assigns to Browne anonymous appearances by Englishmen at Strassburg in June 1601, Ulm in Nov. 1602, Nördlingen in May 1605, and Ulm in May and June 1605. At Nördlingen a play from the prophet Jonah, possibly Greene and Lodge’s Looking Glass for London and England, was given.

[800] Archiv, xv. 120. Coryat, ii. 183, saw him at Strassburg in 1608.

[801] Mentzel, 53; Meissner in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 125; Archiv, xiii. 320; Duncker, 268. The Ottonium was named after Maurice’s son Otto, the friend of Prince Henry Frederick, who paid a visit to England in 1611 (Rye, 141).

[802] Archiv, xiv. 124.

[803] Cohn, lviii; R. P. Wülcker in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xiv. 360.

[804] Mentzel, 53.

[805] Henslowe Papers, 63.

[806] Bolte, 35.

[807] This might be Heywood’s King Edward IV.

[808] F. von Hurter, Gesch. Kaiser Ferdinands II, v. 395.

[809] The Proud Woman of Antwerp might be the lost piece by Day and Haughton.

[810] Meissner, 74, and in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 128; cf. pp. 284–6. The text of Nobody and Somebody is printed from a manuscript at Rein by F. Bischoff in Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark, xlvii. 127. I think it is just possible that the companies of 1608 and 1617 may have been Spencer’s. There seem to have been Saxoni, as well as Angli, playing. These do not seem to have constituted a distinct company, and are perhaps more likely to have been with Spencer than with Green. Spencer, as well as Green, was in relations with the imperial court in 1617; cf. p. 290. But I think that the evidence of the Rein manuscript is fairly decisive in favour of Green.

[811] This may have been Green himself. A drawing of a red-haired actor, in the traditional get-up of Nobody, is on the Rein manuscript.

[812] Mentzel, 54, 55, 56, 58.

[813] Archiv, xiv. 125; xv. 215. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous appearances at Ulm, Nördlingen, and Augsburg. John Price, afterwards well known as a musician at Dresden and Stuttgart, is said to be recorded at Stuttgart in 1609 (Cohn, cxxxviii), and may have been with the Hessian company.

[814] Cohn, lix; Duncker, 272.

[815] Meissner, 46; Duncker, 272. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous appearances at the wedding of the Margrave John George, brother of the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Princess Christina of Saxony at Jägerndorf in July, and at Nuremberg and Ulm in November.

[816] Cohn, lix, without reference. Herz, 41, adds an anonymous performance of The Merchant of Venice at the Court of Margrave Christian of Brandenburg at Halle.

[817] Archiv, xiv. 126.

[818] Duncker, 273.

[819] Archiv, xiii. 319. If this is the company which, according to Alvensleben, Allgemeine Theaterchronik (1832), No. 158, played Daniel, The Chaste Susanna, and The Two Judges in Israel at Ulm in 1602, the identification with the company found at Nördlingen and Rothenburg is assisted.

[820] Cohn, lxxvii, from Erhard Cellius, Eques Auratus Anglo-Wirtembergicus (1605); cf. Rye, cvii.

[821] Archiv, xi. 625; xiii. 70. They also played Daniel in the Lions’ Den, Susanna (? by Henry Julius of Brunswick or another version), The Prodigal Son, A Disobedient Merchant’s Son (? The London Prodigal), Charles Duke of Burgundy, Annabella a Duke’s Daughter of Ferrara (? Marston’s Parasitaster), Botzarius an Ancient Roman, and Vincentius Ladislaus (? by Henry Julius of Brunswick). Three of these plays (Romeo and Juliet, The Prodigal Son, and Annabella) are in the repertories of John Green; cf. p. 285.

[822] Archiv, xiv. 122.

[823] Zeitschrift für vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte, N. F. vii. 61. They played in 1604 Daniel in the Lions’ Den, Melone of Dalmatia, Lewis King of Spain, Celinde and Sedea, Pyramus and Thisbe, Annabella a Duke’s Daughter of Montferrat; and in 1606 Charles Duke of Burgundy, Susanna, The Prodigal Son, A Disobedient Merchant’s Son, An Ancient Roman, Vincentius Ladislaus. The Nördlingen and Rothenburg companies must be the same. Celinde and Sedea, however, is found in a repertory, not of Green, but of Spencer; cf. p. 289.

[824] Herz, 42, 65.

[825] A. van Sorgen, De Tooneelspeelkunst in Utrecht.

[826] Bolte, 41, 47. Herz, 27, conjectures that these may have been the English players at Wolfenbüttel in May 1615; cf. p. 277.

[827] Schlager, 168; Meissner in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 139.

[828] Cohn, xciii; cf. p. 282 as to the inference that Green was at Gräz in 1607–8.

[829] Archiv, xiv. 129.

[830] Archiv, xv. 120.

[831] Mentzel, 60.

[832] Bolte, 51.

[833] Herz, 22, from Wolter, 97.

[834] Mentzel, 61; Meissner, 65.

[835] Archiv, xiv. 130; Mentzel, 61.

[836] Herz, 30, from Wolter, 97; A. van Sorgen, De Tooneelspeelkunst in Utrecht.

[837] Herz, 30.

[838] Goedeke, ii. 543, could find no copy of Musarum Aoniarum tertia Erato (Hamburg, 1611), the title-page of which claims ‘etlichen Englischen Comedien’ as a source.

[839] The last two plays have some kind of relation to Shakespeare’s Two Gentlemen of Verona and Titus Andronicus. Sidonia and Theagenes is a prose version of Gabriel Rollenhagen’s Amantes Amentes (1609). A supplement to the 1620 collection, with six other plays and two jigs, appeared as Liebeskampff oder Ander Theil der Englischen Comödien und Tragödien (1630), but none of these are traceable before the Thirty Years’ War.

[840] Cf. pp. 279, 281, 283. The Dresden list is in Cohn, cxv.

[841] Played at Nördlingen in 1604. Cohn, 309, prints a German version from a Vienna manuscript.

[842] Possibly Heywood’s The Silver Age.

[843] Green played at Gräz in 1608 ‘Von ein Herzog von Florenz der sich in eines Edelmann’s Tochter verliebt hat’. This seems too early for Massinger’s Great Duke of Florence, but suggests the same story.

[844] Possibly 1 Jeronimo.

[845] Possibly Dekker’s Patient Grissel.

[846] Played at Nördlingen and Rothenburg in 1604. Bolte, 177, prints from a Danzig manuscript a later German version based on Marston’s Parasitaster.

[847] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608, in a version extant in a Rein manuscript; a later one is in the 1620 collection. Cf. p. 282.

[848] Possibly Clyomon and Clamydes.

[849] Cohn, 236, prints a German version from a late copy.

[850] Possibly Robert Greene’s play.

[851] Played by Browne at Cassel in 1607; a text is in the 1620 collection.

[852] Probably Kyd’s Spanish Tragedy, played by Browne at Frankfort in 1601.

[853] Printed in the 1620 collection.

[854] Probably Dekker’s Virgin Martyr.

[855] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608.

[856] Possibly Robert Greene’s Alphonsus, King of Arragon or Mucedorus.

[857] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608. A version, related to Dekker’s Old Fortunatus, is in the 1620 collection.

[858] Played by an anonymous company at Halle in 1611; cf. p. 283. The Jew, played by Green at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8, might be either this play or The Jew of Malta. Dekker wrote a Jew of Venice, now lost; but a German version, printed by Meissner, 131, from a Vienna manuscript, is in part based on The Merchant of Venice.

[859] Could this be The Winter’s Tale?

[860] Green played The King of Cyprus and Duke of Venice at Gräz in 1608.

[861] Played at Nördlingen in 1604 and Rothenburg in 1606 and by Green at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8. A version is in the 1620 collection.

[862] Green played Dives and Lazarus at Gräz in 1608.

[863] Fleay, Sh. 307.

[864] Henslowe Papers, 33.

[865] Ibid. 94.

[866] Cf. ch. xvi, introd.

[867] C. F. Meyer in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxxviii. 208.

[868] D. N. B. s.v. Giles Farnaby.

[869] Cf. pp. 279, 283.

[870] Cohn, lxxviii.

[871] Fürstenau, i. 76.

[872] Cf. p. 282. Herz, 44, identifies them with ‘English’ at The Hague (June 1606), Cologne (Feb. 1607), The Hague (April), Ulm (May), Nördlingen (June), and Munich (July).

[873] Wolter, 93.

[874] L. Schneider, Geschichte der Oper in Berlin, Beilage, lxx. 25; Fürstenau, i. 77.

[875] Cf. p. 283.

[876] Cohn, lxxxiv.

[877] Ibid. lxxxvii.

[878] Archiv, xiv. 128. Philole and Mariana may be Lewis Machin’s The Dumb Knight, and The Turk Mason’s play of that name. Celinde and Sedea had formed part of a repertory at Rothenburg in 1604 apparently related to those of Green; cf. p. 284. Spencer is not recorded to have played any other piece found in Green’s repertories.

[879] Archiv, xii. 320; xiv. 128.

[880] Schlager, 168; Elze in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xiv. 362; Meissner, 53, and in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 120.

[881] Archiv, xiv. 129; Zeitschrift für vergl. Litt. vii. 64; Mentzel, 58.

[882] Archiv, xv. 118.

[883] Ibid. xii. 320; xiii. 322.

[884] Ibid. xv. 119.

[885] Ibid. xv. 215; cf. Herz, 48.

[886] Wolter, 96; Cohn in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxi. 260; Cohn, xci, from Harl. MS. 3888, The Evangelic Fruict of the Seraphicall Franciscan Order.

[887] Archiv, xv. 119.

[888] Mentzel, 59.

[889] Cohn in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxi. 261; Wolter, 96.

[890] Meissner, 59, and in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 122.

[891] Cohn, lxxxviii.

[892] Ibid. lxxxiii; Mentzel, 54.

[893] Cohn in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxi. 257; Wolter, 95.

[894] Archiv, xiv. 124; Mentzel, 54; Schlager, 168; Herz, 53.

[895] Cohn, xxxv; Bolte, 41.

[896] Cohn, xcii.

[897] Bolte, 51.

[898] Cohn, xcii; Meissner, 38, and in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xix. 122.

[899] Cf. pp. 275, 285.

[900] Archiv, xiv. 131.

[901] Ibid., xiii. 316; xiv. 116; Heywood, 60.

[902] Mentzel, 55. H. Chardon, La Troupe du Roman comique, 32, notices Maurice of Nassau’s company at Nantes in 1618 and Paris in 1625, but does not say that they were English.

[903] Archiv, xiii. 317; xiv. 121.

[904] Cohn, lxxvii.

[905] Sh.-Jahrbuch, xlv. 311.

[906] Cohn in Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxi. 253.

[907] Cf. p. 273.

[908] Pellicer, i. 80, citing the records of the Madrid hospital, ‘en 11 de Enero de 1583 voltearon unos ingleses en el Corral de la Pacheca’. The original record is probably lost, as it is not with those of 1579–82, 1590, and 1601–2 published from the Archivo de la Diputacion provincial de Madrid by C. Pérez Pastor in the Bulletin Hispanique (1906) and reprinted by Rennert, 345.

[909] E. Soulié, Recherches sur Molière, 153; cf. Rigal, 46; Jusserand, Shakespeare in France, 51.

[910] Henslowe, i. 114.

[911] Soulié et de Barthélemy, Journal de Jean Héroard, i. 88, 91, 92.

[912] H. C. Coote in Intermédiaire des Chercheurs et Curieux, ii. 105; cf. 5 N. Q. ix. 42. The idea was that ‘Tiph, toph’ represented a reminiscence of 2 Henry IV, II. i. 205, ‘This is the right fencing grace, my lord; tap for tap, and so part fair’. The phrase ‘tiff toff’ occurs in brackets in a speech of Crapula while he beats Mendacio in Lingua (Dodsley,⁴ ix. 434). Collier explains it as hiccups; Fleay, ii. 261, on the authority of P. A. Daniel, as an Italian term for the thwack of stage blows.

[913] E. Fournier, Chansons de Gaultier Garguille, lix, and L’Espagne et ses Comédiens en France au xvii^e Siècle (Revue des Provinces, iv. 496), cites H. Ternaux in Revue Françoise et Étrangère, i. 78, for statements that the head of the English at Fontainebleau was Ganassa, who in Spain had had a mixed company of English, Italians, and Spanish, and on 11 Jan. 1583 had a share in the receipts of a troupe of English volteadores. I have not been able to see the work of M. Ternaux, who does not inspire confidence by calling Ganassa Juan instead of Alberto. There seems to be nothing to connect Ganassa with the volteadores of 1583, except the fact that the Corral de la Pacheca where they played was leased to him for nine or ten years in 1574 (Rennert, 29), and they may therefore have paid him rent. His troupe in 1581–2, as given by Rennert, 479, consisted entirely of Italians, with two Spanish musicians. He is said to have been in Spain in 1603 (Pellicer, i. 57, 72; Rennert, 30), but there is nothing to show that, if so, he went on to France. But Héroard tells us that there was a Spanish rope-dancer at Fontainebleau in 1604, and a very obscure passage in his diary suggests that this Spaniard was really an Irishman. Irish marauders (voleurs) were then giving trouble in Paris, which led Louis to say ‘Ce voleur qui voloit sur la corde étoit Irlandois?’ and Héroard comments, ‘Il étoit vrai; il accommoda le mot de voleur à l’autre signification, il l’avoit vu voler à Fontainebleau’ (Journal, i. 90, 126).

[914] F. Bischoff in Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark, xlvii. 127; cf. p. 282.

[915] De Bry, India Orientalis (1613), xii. 137, ‘Angli ludiones per Germaniam et Galliam vagantur’.

[916] Alleyn’s life is more fully dealt with than is here possible in G. F. Warner and F. Bickley, Catalogue of Dulwich MSS. (1881, 1903); G. F. Warner in D. N. B. (1885); W. Young, History of Dulwich College (1889); W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers (1907), Henslowe’s Diary, vol. ii (1908). An earlier treatment of the material is that by J. P. Collier, Memoirs of Edward Alleyn (1841), Alleyn Papers (1843). On an account by G. Steevens in Theatrical Review (1763) with a forged letter from Peele to Marlowe, cf. Lee, 646.

[917] Dulwich Muniments, 106.

[918] Cf. ch. xiv.

[919] Henslowe Papers, 34, from Dulwich MSS., i. 9–15; Edward to Joan Alleyn, 2 May 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 5 July 1593; Edward to Joan Alleyn, 1 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, c. August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 14 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 28 September 1593; John Pyk (Alleyn’s ‘boy’) to Joan Alleyn, c. 1593. Later letters of 4 June and 26 September 1598 from Henslowe to Edward Alleyn and of 21 October 1603 from Joan to Edward Alleyn are in Henslowe Papers, 47, 59, 97.

[920] Works, i. 215, 296.

[921] Henslowe Papers, 32. The verses on the same theme in Collier, Memoirs, 13, are forged.

[922] Dekker, Plays, i. 280.

[923] Epigrammes (1599), iv. 23:

In Ed: Allen.

Rome had her Roscius and her Theater,

Her Terence, Plautus, Ennius and Me[n]ander,

The first to Allen, Phoebus did transfer

The next, Thames Swans receiu’d fore he coulde land her,

Of both more worthy we by Phoebus doome,

Then t’ Allen Roscius yeeld, to London Rome.

[924] Heywood, Apology, 43.

[925] Fuller, Worthies (ed. 1840), ii. 385.

[926] S. Rowland, Knave of Clubs (1609), 29:

The gull gets on a surplis

With a crosse upon his breast,

Like Allen playing Faustus,

In that manner he was drest.

[927] Heywood, Epistle to The Jew of Malta (1633), ‘the part of the Jew presented by so vnimitable an Actor as M^r Allin’; and Prologue,

And He, then by the best of Actors [in margin ‘Allin’] play’d:

... in Tamberlaine,

This Jew, with others many, th’ other wan

The Attribute of peerelesse, being a man

Whom we may ranke with (doing no one wrong)

Proteus for shapes, and Roscius for a tongue,

So could he speake, so vary.

[928] E. Guilpin, Skialetheia (1598), Epig. xliii,

Clodius me thinks lookes passing big of late,

With Dunston’s browes, and Allens Cutlacks gate.

[929] Henslowe Papers, 155.

[930] For this myth, cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Marlowe.

[931] Tarlton, 22, ‘How Tarlton made Armin his adopted sonne, to succeed him’. The earliest extant edition of Tarlton’s Jests is that of 1611, but the Second Part, here quoted, was entered in S. R. on 4 Aug. 1600.

[932] Extract in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 321; the unique copy of this edition is described in his Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities (1887), 145.

[933] Reprinted in the Shakespeare Society’s Fools and Jesters (1842).

[934] Variorum, iii. 159, 241, 242; M. S. C. i. 345.

[935] Jeaffreson, ii. 107, 110, 114, 120, 128, 220.

[936] Harleian Soc. Registers, ix. 62; xvii. 131.

[937] Collier, Actors, xxxi.

[938] M. S. C. i. 344.

[939] McKerrow, Nashe, i. 255.

[940] Collier, iii. 364.

[941] The biographical material collected by C. C. Stopes, Burbage and Shakespeare’s Stage (1913), is supplemented by the lawsuit records in C. W. Wallace, The First London Theatre, Materials for a History (1913, Nebraska University Studies, xiii. 1).

[942] Variorum, iii. 199, 476; Collier, iii. 367; P. C. Carter, Hist. of St. Mary Aldermanbury, 9, 11, 21, 58, 86, 87.

[943] Variorum, iii. 200, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 376.

[944] Collier, iii. 376, 380.

[945] Varioram, iii. 211.

[946] Henslowe Papers, 61.

[947] Collier, iii. 406; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[948] Variorum, iii. 482, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 409.

[949] Collier, iii. 389.

[950] H. R. Plomer in 10 N. Q. vi. 368, from London Archdeaconry Wills, vi, f. 22.

[951] Heywood, Apology, 43.

[952] Fleay, 190; cf. The Sharers Papers.

[953] Collier, iii. 457; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[954] K. B. P. i. 104, ‘Were you neuer none of Mr. Monkesters schollars?’

[955] Collier, iii. 411.

[956] Fleay, 85; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 133.

[957] Collier, iii. 473; Rendle, Bankside, xxvii.

[958] Variorum, iii. 472; Chester, London Marriage Licenses.

[959] Variorum, iii. 187.

[960] Ibid. 188.

[961] Ibid. 187.

[962] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 31.

[963] Variorum, iii. 198, 475; Collier, iii. 308; P. C. Carter, St. Mary, Aldermanbury, 11, 58, 86, 87. Malone misread Beavis as Beatrice. An earlier John (1598) and a Swynnerton (1613) died as infants.

[964] Variorum, iii. 191.

[965] D. N. B. s.v.; Wood, Athenae, iii. 277.

[966] O. v. H. 16; cf. C. W. Wallace, in The Times for 2 and 4 Oct. 1909.

[967] N. U. S. x. 311.

[968] Kemps Nine Daies Wonder. Performed in a Daunce from London to Norwich (1600) is reprinted with a biography by A. Dyce (1840, Camden Soc.) and in Arber, English Garner², ii (Social England), 139, and E. Goldsmid, Collectanea Adamantea, ii (1884). Dissertations are J. Bruce, Who was ‘Will, my Lord of Leycester’s Jesting Player’? (1844, Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 88); B. Nicholson, Kemp and the Play of Hamlet (N. S. S. Trans. 1880–6, 57); Will Kemp (1887, Sh.-Jahrbuch, xxii. 255).

[969] Collier, iii. 391.

[970] Ibid. 395.

[971] Ibid. 396.

[972] Ibid. 397; Bodl.; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[973] Norman, 91.

[974] For further details of his later career, cf. Collier and D. N. B.

[975] Downes, 24.

[976] Wright, 10.

[977] Variorum, iii. 211; Collier, iii. 403.

[978] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[979] Collier, iii. 423.

[980] Henslowe, ii. 302; Henslowe Papers, 36, 41.

[981] Collier, iii. 322, 325; Rendle, Bankside, xxv.

[982] Variorum, iii. 470.

[983] S. Lee in Nineteenth Century for May 1906, quoting a manuscript by Smith in private hands, with the title A Brief Discourse of y^e causes of Discord amongst y^e Officers of arms and of the great abuses and absurdities comitted by painters to the great prejudice and hindrance of the same office. Northampton did not get his title until 1604.

[984] Collier, iii. 323.

[985] N. U. S. x. 308, 312; cf. ch. xvi (Globe).

[986] Henslowe, i. 72.

[987] Variorum, iii. 506; Collier, iii. 363.

[988] Collier, iii. 358; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[989] Henslowe, i. 178; ii. 303.

[990] Cf. s.v. Phillips.

[991] Collier, iii. 488; J. 348; Bodl.

[992] Variorum, iii. 514; P. Cunningham in Sh. Soc. Papers, ii. 11; Collier, iii. 478.

[993] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 314.

[994] Collier, iii. 482; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[995] Collier, iii. 483.

[996] App. I (ii).

[997] Collier, iii. 481.

[998] Henslowe, i. 29.

[999] Henslowe Papers, 120.

[1000] Collier, iii. 381.

[1001] Variorum, iii. 477; Collier, iii. 385.

[1002] N. U. S. x. 317; O. v. H. 32.

[1003] J. O. Halliwell, Tarlton’s Jests ... With ... some Account of the Life of Tarlton (1844, Sh. Soc.; the Jests are reprinted with a few additions in Hazlitt, Jest-Books, ii. 189) and Papers respecting Disputes which arose from Incidents at the Death-bed of Richard Tarlton, the Actor (1866).

[1004] Collier, iii. 460; Rendle, Bankside, xxvi.

[1005] C. W. Wallace, Globe Theatre Apparel (1909).

[1006] M. L. Review, iv. 395, from Hist. MSS. iv. 299.

[1007] Downes, 21.

[1008] Wright, Hist. Hist. 405.

[1009] S. P. D. 1637–8, p. 99.

[1010] Cunningham, l.; Variorum, iii. 238.

[1011] Cunningham, l.; Wright, Hist. Hist. 411.

[1012] Variorum, iii. 484, from P. C. C.

[1013] Collier, iii. 447.

[1014] Henslowe, i. 152; Henslowe Papers, 61.

[1015] Collier, iii. 451.

[1016] Variorum, iii. 214.

[1017] Collier, iii. 443.

[1018] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 313.

[1019] Mediaeval Stage, i. 383; ii. 184, 190, 380. It is, of course, doubtful whether the ‘theatrum nostrae civitatis’ at Exeter was permanent.

[1020] Ordish, 12, attempts to affiliate the ring type of baiting-place and theatre to Roman amphitheatres, Cornish ‘rounds’, and other circular places used for mediaeval entertainments. But a ring is so obviously the form in which the maximum number of spectators can see an object of interest, that too much stress must not be laid upon it as an evidence of folk ‘tradition’.

[1021] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1022] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 221.

[1023] G. Fothergill in 10 N. Q. vi. 287, from Guildhall MS. 1454, roll 70, ‘And wyth 22^s 2^d for money by them receyved for the hyer of Tryntie Halle for playes, the warmanthe [ward-moot] inquest and other assemblyes within the time of this accompt’.

[1024] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar.

[1025] Several galleried inns are illustrated in W. Rendle and P. Norman, The Inns of Old Southwark (1888), and by Ordish, 119 (Tabard), Baker, 200 (Four Swans), Adams, 4 (White Hart). Probably, however, none of these are pre-Restoration. The only ones still extant are the George in Southwark and a much later one in Theobalds Road (V. H. Surrey, iv. 128).

[1026] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 190, 223.

[1027] Cf. ch. ix.

[1028] Flecknoe tells us c. 1664 (App. I) that the actors, ‘about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s reign ... set up Theaters, first in the City (as in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to be seen)’.

[1029] Cf. App. C, No. xvii.

[1030] App. C, Nos. xv, xvii; App. D, No. xxii.

[1031] Cf. s.v. Hope.

[1032] K. D. Hassler, Die Reisen des Samuel Kiechel (1866) 29, ‘Werden auch täglichen commedien gehalten, sonderlichen ist lustig zu zusehen, wann der Königen comedianten agiren, aber einem frembden, der düe sprach nicht kan, verdrüslich, das ers nicht verstöth; es hat öttliche sonderbare heüser, wölche dozu gemacht sein, das ettwann drey genng ob ein ander sein, derowegen stöts ein grosse menge volckhs dohin kompt, solcher kurzweil zuzusehen. Es begibt sich wol, das süe uf einmal 50 in 60 dalr ufhöben; sonderlichen wann süe was neyes agiren, so zuvor nicht gehalten worden, mues mann doppelt gelt gebenn, und wehrt solchs vast alle tag durch düe wochen, onangesehen es freytag wüe auch samstags zu halten verbotten, würt es doch nicht gehalten.’ Cf. Rye, 87. Kiechel appears to have been in London from 12 Sept. to about 29 Oct. and from 14 to 17 Nov. 1585.

[1033] Lambarde, Perambulation of Kent (1596), 233. The passage is not in the first edition of 1576.

[1034] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 222; cf. ch. xiii (Oxford’s).

[1035] P. 2. Malone, in Variorum, iii. 46, refers the event to a date soon after 1580; but there is no justification for this in the text.

[1036] Cf. p. 477.

[1037] Rye, 216, from Itinerarium in Beckmann, Accessions Historiae Anhaltinae (1716), 165:

‘Hier besieht man vier spielhäuser,

Darinnen man fürstelt die Fürsten, Könge, Keyser,

In rechter lebens gröss, in schöner kleider pracht,

Es wird der thaten auch, wie sie geschehn, gedacht.’

[1038] Text by H. B. Wheatley, On a Contemporary Drawing of the Interior of the Swan Theatre, 1596 (N. S. S. Trans. 1887–92, 215), from Utrecht Univ. Library MS. Var. 355, ff. 131^v, 132, with facsimile reproduction of drawing. The passage was first made known by K. T. Gaedertz, Zur Kenntniss der altenglischen Bühne (1888). The reproduction of the drawing published by Gaedertz and further reproduced from him in many modern books is not an exact facsimile; the only material difference is that the engraver has made the figure at the door of the loft rather more obviously a man than it is in the original. Letters of the early part of the seventeenth century from de Witt to Buchell, who was his fellow-student at Leyden in 1583, are also in the Utrecht Library (Gaedertz, 57). The last sentence of the passage appears from ‘narrabat’ to be a report by Buchell either of something not directly copied by him or of de Witt’s conversation; but the rest is pretty clearly from ‘ea quae alio loco a me notata sunt’ a verbatim extract from a manuscript of de Witt’s own. If so, ‘adpinxi’ further shows that the eye-witness of de Witt and not the imagination of Buchell is the source of the drawing. Gaedertz, 63, indeed suggests that the drawing is an original given by de Witt to Buchell, but as Wheatley, 219, points out, this is impossible, as the paper is the same as that used in the rest of the volume. There remains the question of date. De Witt is traceable at Amsterdam in Nov. 1594, at Utrecht in the winters of 1595 and 1596, and in 1599, and at Amsterdam again in March 1604 (Gaedertz, 58). His visit to London obviously falls between Nov. 1594, when the Swan was still only an intention, and Dec. 1598, when the Theatre was pulled down. Gaedertz, 55, puts it in the summer of 1596, largely because Shakespeare, whom he thinks de Witt would certainly have mentioned if he had met him, may have been in Stratford about that time. This is hopeless. Nor does the further suggestion of Gaedertz that a lameness from which de Witt was suffering in Dec. 1596 was due to his travels carry much conviction. But he is not likely, before that year, to have appended the words ‘A^o. 1596’ to his notice of Sir John Burgh’s tomb. If this is intended to be the date, not of his visit, but of the tomb, it is an error. Camden, Reges ... in Ecclesia ... West-monasterii sepulti (1600), gives the final words of the inscription as ‘G. B. A. M. P. anno Dom. 1595’, and although the tomb itself has disappeared since 1868 and some modern guides date it 1594 or 1598, Camden is confirmed by J. C[rull], Antiquities of Westminster (1711), 198. Burgh’s death, also given on the monument, was 7 March ‘1594’. On the whole 1596 is the most probable date for de Witt’s visit. Arend van Buchell was himself a traveller, and his Diarium has been edited (1907) by G. Brom and L. A. van Langeraad. But he did not visit England.

[1039] The emendation is due to Wallace (E. S. xliii. 356). Adams, 168, suggests that ‘cijn’ is Flemish for ‘swan’, but the dictionary gives ‘zwaen’, which is perhaps what de Witt wrote.

[1040] Cf. plan of the manor in Rendle, Bankside, i.

[1041] Cf. p. 456.

[1042] Hentzner, 196.

[1043] Survey (ed. Kingsford), i. 93. In 1603 the words ‘as the Theater, the Curtine, &c.’ are omitted from the body of the passage.

[1044] Survey, ii. 73. This passage was omitted altogether in 1603. The early draft in Harl. MS. 538 (Kingsford, ii. 369) runs, ‘Neare adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies, tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’

[1045] G. Binz in Anglia, xxii. 456 (from Platter’s narrative written in 1604–5 of his travels in 1595–1600, now in the Basle University Library): ‘Den 21 Septembris nach dem Imbissessen, etwan umb zwey vhren, bin ich mitt meiner geselschaft [:v]ber dz wasser gefahren, haben in dem streüwinen Dachhaus die Tragedy vom ersten Keyser Julio Caesare mitt ohngefahr 15 personen sehen gar artlich agieren; zu endt der Comedien dantzeten sie ihrem gebrauch nach gar [:v]berausz zierlich, ye zwen in mannes vndt 2 in weiber kleideren angethan, wunderbahrlich mitt einanderen.

Auf ein andere Zeitt hab ich nicht weit von unserem wirdtshaus in der Vorstadt, meines behaltens an der Bischofsgeet, auch nach essens ein Comoedien gesehen, da presentierten sie allerhandt nationen, mit welchen yeder zeit ein Engellender vmb ein tochter kempfete, vndt vberwandt er sie alle, aussgenommen den teütschen, der gewan die tochter mitt kempfen, satzet sich neben sie, trank ihme deszwegen mit seinem diener ein starken rausch, also dasz sie beyde beweinet wurden, vndt warfe der diener seinem Herren den schu an kopf, vnndt entschliefen beyde. Hiezwischen stige der engellender in die Zelten, vnndt entfuhret dem teütschen sein gewin, also [:v]berlistet er den teütschen auch. Zu endt dantzeten sie auch auf Englisch vnndt Irlendisch gar zierlich vnndt werden also alle tag vmb 2 vhren nach mittag in der stadt London zwo biszweilen auch drey Comedien an vnderscheidenen örteren gehalten, damitt einer den anderen lustig mache, dann welche sich am besten verhalten, die haben auch zum meisten Zuhörer. Die örter sindt dergestalt erbauwen, dasz sie auf einer erhöchten brüge spilen, vnndt yederman alles woll sehen kan. Yedoch sindt vnderscheidene gäng vnndt ständt da man lustiger vnndt basz sitzet, bezahlet auch deszwegen mehr. Dann welcher vnden gleich stehn beleibt, bezahlt nur 1 Englischen pfenning, so er aber sitzen will, lasset man ihn noch zu einer thür hinein, da gibt er noch 1^d, begeret er aber am lustigesten ort auf kissen ze sitzen, da er nicht allein alles woll sihet, sondern auch gesehen kan werden, so gibt er bey einer anderen thüren noch 1 Englischen pfenning. Vnndt tragt man in wehrender Comedy zu essen vndt zu trinken vnder den Leüten herumb, mag einer vmb sein gelt sich also auch erlaben.

Die Comedienspiler sindt beim allerköstlichsten vnndt zierlichsten bekleidet, dann der brauch in Engellandt, dasz wann fürnemme herren oder Ritter absterben, sie ihren dieneren vast die schönesten kleider verehren vndt vergaben, welche, weil es ihnen nicht gezimpt, solche kleider nicht tragen, sondern nachmahlen, den Comoedienspileren vmb ein ringen pfenning ze kaufen geben.

Was für zeit sie also in dem Comoedien lustig alle tag können zubringen, weisset yeglicher woll, der sie etwan hatt sehen agieren oder spilen....

... Midt solchen vndt viel anderen kurtzweilen mehr vertreiben die Engellender ihr zeit, erfahren in den Comedien, wasz sich in anderen Landen zutraget, vndt gehendt ohne scheüchen, mann vndt weibs personen an gemelte ort, weil mehrtheils Engellender nicht pflegen viel ze reysen, sondern sich vergnügen zehausz frembde sachen ze erfahren vnndt ihre kurtzweil ze nemmen.’

[1046] C. A. Mills in The Times (11 April 1914) from the travels of ‘a foreign nobleman, to be published by J. A. F. Orbaan from a Vatican MS.’. Mills says that the visit was to the Globe, but the passage quoted does not exclude the Rose or Swan.

[1047] G. von Bülow in 2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. (1892), vi. 6, 10, from MS. penes Count von der Osten of Plathe, Pomerania; cf. Wallace, Blackfriars, 105, who identifies the Samson play, rightly, with that of the Admiral’s men at the Fortune (cf. p. 180), and that at the Blackfriars, wrongly I think, with Chapman’s The Widow’s Tears. He assumes that the theatre visited on 13 Sept, was the Globe, but it might have been the Rose.

[1048] ‘13. Den 13 ward eine comedia agirt, wie Stuhl-Weissenburg erstlich von den Türken, hernacher von den Christen wiederum erobert....

14. Auf den Nachmittag ward eine tragica comoedia von Samsone und dem halben Stamm Benjamin agirt. Als wir zu dem Theatro gingen ...’.

[1049] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1050] Grosart, Dekker, iv. 210 (S. R. July 1608, printed 1609). The ‘two houses’ are, of course, those of York and Lancaster. Note the final puns.

[1051] Cf. ch. x. Fynes Moryson says in his Itinerary, iii. 2. 2 (c. 1605–17), ‘The Theaters at London in England for Stage-plaies are more remarkeable for the number, and for the capacity, than for the building,’ and in the continuation (c. 1609–26, C. Hughes, Shakespeare’s Europe, 476), ‘The Citty of London alone hath foure or fiue Companyes of players with their peculiar Theaters capable of many thousands, wherein they all play euery day in the weeke but Sunday.... As there be, in my opinion, more Playes in London than in all the partes of the worlde I haue seene, so doe these players or Comedians excell all other in the worlde.’

[1052] Epigram 39. Both Curtain and Swan are named by W. Turner in Turners Dish of Stuffe, or a Gallimaufry (1662), but this cannot be dated; cf. ch. xv (Shank):

That’s the fat fool of the Curtain,

And the lean fool of the Bull:

Since Shancke did leave to sing his rhimes,

He is counted but a gull:

The players on the Bankside,

The round Globe and the Swan,

Will teach you idle tricks of love,

But the Bull will play the man.

[1053] Jodocus Sincerus, Itineris Anglici brevissima delineatio in Itinerarium Galliae (1617), 370; cf. Rye, 131, who gives the first edition as 1616.

[1054] K. Feyerabend in E. S. xiv. 440, from manuscript in Cassel Library (cf. Rye, 143), ‘Zu Londen sind 7 theatra, da tägliche, die sonntäge ausgenommen, comoedien gehalten werden, unter welchen die vornehmste der glbs [sic, for globus], so über dem wasser liegt. Das theatrum, da die kinder spielen, ist auf diesseit des wassers, spielen um 3 uhr, aber nur von michaelis bis auf ostern; hier kostet der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten wohl eine halbe kron. Diese [nämlich der Globus, Ed., but surely in error] spielen nur bei lichtern und is die beste Cumpani in London.’ The baiting is also mentioned; cf. p. 457.

[1055] Henslowe Papers, 72, 79.

[1056] Taylor, The True Cause of the Watermen’s Suit concerning Players, and the reasons that their Playing on London side is their extreame hindrances. With a Relation how farre that suit was proceeded in, and the occasions that it was not effected, reprinted by Hindley, ii, No. 15, from Taylor’s Works (1630), probably originally printed in 1614.

[1057] It cites Caesar’s promotion and describes the agitation by the watermen as taking place in ‘January last, 1613’, i. e. 161¾. Probably it was written in the winter of 1614, and touched up before 1630, since it refers to Bacon and Somerset as ‘then’ Attorney-General and Lord Chamberlain respectively. Bacon’s term of office was from 27 Oct. 1613 to 7 March 1617, Somerset’s from 10 July 1614 to 2 Nov. 1615.

[1058] There is, I suppose, no reason why Randolph’s Muses Looking Glass, 1. i. 55, should not have been written before Salisbury Court was built. Herein a ‘brother’ is said to pray—

That the Globe,

Wherein (quoth he) reigns a whole world of vice,

Had been consum’d: the Phoenix burnt to ashes:

The Fortune whipp’d for a blind whore: Blackfriars,

He wonders how it ’scaped demolishing

I’ th’ time of reformation: lastly, he wish’d

The Bull might cross the Thames to the Bear Garden,

And there be soundly baited.

[1059] Stowe, Annales (1631), 1004. In the extract in Harrison, ii. 49*, the period covered is given in error as 1553–1613.

[1060] Cf. App. I.

[1061] S. A. Strong, Catalogue of Letters at Welbeck, 226.

[1062] Harrison, iv. 212, from Phillipps MS. 11613, f. 16, penes J. F. P. Fenwick, of Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, written about 1656–8. The writer is not quite accurate in some of his earlier dates.

[1063] Ward, iii. 280; Lawrence, ii. 138.

[1064] Baker, 135, gives an enlarged reproduction under the name of the Theatre; but that is an obvious mistake.

[1065] Rendle, Bankside, 1.

[1066] [Nicholas Goodman?] Hollands Leaguer or an historical Discourse of the Life and Actions of Dona Britanica Hollandia the Arch-Mistris of the wicked women of Evtopia (1632), sig. F 2; cf. C. W. Wallace in Engl. Stud. xliii. 392.

[1067] Stowe, Survey, ii. 52.

[1068] I cannot agree with Dr. Martin (Surrey Arch. Colls. xxiii. 186), who sees, both in the Delaram and the ‘Hondius’ engravings, an east to west highway running north of the cylindrical building, which he takes for Maid Lane.

[1069] The somewhat wanton suggestion of Dr. Martin (loc. cit. 188) that the engraver mistook the Rose for the Globe is sufficiently refuted by the fact that the Rose was extinct or at least long disused.

[1070] I do not know on what ground Adams, 458, says that Visscher’s view was drawn several years before it was printed, ‘and represents the city as it was in or before 1613’.

[1071] Martin, loc. cit. 192, again suggests that the houses are misnamed. He thinks that the Rose has been called the Globe in error and the Globe the Bear Garden, and that the unnamed house is the Globe. I cannot follow him in thinking that Merian represents the western house of the group as south of Maid Lane; all three are clearly to the north.

[1072] Adams, 458, thinks that Merian worked upon Visscher, ‘with additions from some other earlier view not yet identified’. If so, this might perhaps go back to 1605.

[1073] Cf. p. 463.

[1074] Rendle, Bankside, xxx.

[1075] Cf. p. 433.

[1076] B. Marsh, Records of the Worshipful Company of Carpenters, iii. 95. I have to thank Mr. Marsh for this reference.

[1077] Sloane MS. 2530, f. 11 et passim.

[1078] App. C, No. xviii.

[1079] Gosson, Schoole of Abuse, 40. The date renders very hazardous the identifications of Ptolemy with the Telomo shown at Court by Leicester’s men on 10 Feb. 1583, and of The Jew with R. W.’s Three Ladies of London (1584), which leads Fleay, 36, 40, to infer that Leicester’s men played at the Bull from 1560 to 1576.

[1080] App. D, Nos. lx-lxii.

[1081] Tarlton, 13, 24.

[1082] Birch, Elizabeth, i. 173, from Lambeth MS.; Spedding, viii. 314.

[1083] Cf. App. I.

[1084] Machyn, 238.

[1085] Feuillerat, Eliz. 277. The play may have only been rehearsed, so that the identification of it by Fleay, 36, with The Irish Knight shown at Court by Warwick’s men on 18 Feb. 1577 is untenable, and with it vanishes all ground for the assignment of the inn by Fleay, 40, to Rich’s men in 1568–70, Lane’s in 1571–3, Warwick’s in 1575–80, and Hunsdon’s in 1582–3.

[1086] Tarlton, 24.

[1087] Harben, 65.

[1088] Tarlton, 21. Apparently the Queen of Sheba, and not Pocahontas, was the original Belle Sauvage.

[1089] App. C, No. xiv.

[1090] App. C, No. xxii. The description reads like a compliment to Lyly, but does not justify the inference of Fleay, 39, that the Chapel boys played at the Bel Savage from 1559 to 1582.

[1091] Arber, ii. 526.

[1092] Sloane MS. 2530, ff. 7, 10, 11, 14; cf. the quotation from G. Silver, Paradoxe of Defence (1599), in Adams, 13.

[1093] Wallace, N. U. S. xiii. 82, 89.

[1094] Tarlton, 23.

[1095] App. D, No. ci. Fleay, 89, has no other material than these notices and an unjustifiable assumption of identity between the two companies for assigning the house to Leicester’s (1586–8) and Strange’s (1589–91).

[1096] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317; cf. p. 425.

[1097] Stowe, Survey (ed. Kingsford, ii. 262, 369), ends his account of Holywell in the 1598 edition, ‘And neare therevnto are builded two publique houses for the acting and shewe of Comedies, Tragedies, and Histories, for recreation. Whereof the one is called the Courtein, the other the Theatre: both standing on the South-west side towards the field’. This is omitted from the 1603 edition, probably not so much, as has been suggested, because Stowe shared the Puritan dislike of the stage, as because in 1603 the Theatre was gone and the Curtain little used. Stowe’s draft (c. 1598) in Harl. MS. 538 runs, ‘Neare adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies, tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’ No contemporary map shows the Theatre, although that of Agas (c. 1561) gives a good idea of the Halliwell district before it was built. The representation from the seventeenth-century ‘Ryther’ map, given as the Theatre by Baker, 135, is presumably the Curtain.

[1098] Braines (1915), 4; Stopes, 185.

[1099] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 345; Braines (1915), 5, 21.

[1100] Latin translations of parts of the lease are recited in pleadings of 1600 and 1602 (Wallace, 166, 268), and the description of parcels agrees with that in the draft lease of 1585, similarly recited in 1600 (Wallace, 169); cf. Braines (1915), 8.

[1101] The position of the well in Chassereau’s Survey of Shoreditch (1745) seems to me to bear out this identification, although, as Braines (1915), 4, points out, we do not know Chassereau’s authority. Under Burbadge’s lease all Giles Allen’s tenants in Holywell were to have access to the well. Stowe, Survey, i. 15, describes the holy well as ‘much decayed and marred with filthinesse purposely laide there, for the heighthening of the ground for garden plots’. It is clearly distinct from Dame Agnes a Cleere’s well, which was outside Holywell, towards the north (Stowe, Survey, i. 16; ii. 273; Stopes, 192).

[1102] Tarlton’s News out of Purgatory (S. R. 26 June 1590), in Tarlton, 54, 105, ‘I would needs to the Theatre to a play, where when I came, I founde such concourse of unrulye people, that I thought it better solitary to walk in the fields, then to intermeddle myselfe amongst such a great presse. Feeding mine humour with this fancie, I stept by dame Anne of Cleeres well, and went by the backside of Hogsdon, where, finding the sun to be hotte, and seeing a faire tree that had a coole shade, I sat me downe to take the aire, where after I had rested me a while, I fell asleepe.... And with that I waked, and saw such concourse of people through the fields that I knew the play was doon.’

[1103] Braines (1915), 27. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 351, put the site on the present Deane’s Mews, but this is too far south, and does not allow for the interposition of Rutland’s holding between Holywell Lane and Allen’s. The shoring up of the barn to the Theatre is testified to in Wallace, 227, 231, 243. The exact site therefore cannot have been far east of the Curtain Road, which apparently occupies the strip of void land held by Burbadge between the old priory wall and the ditch bordering Finsbury fields.

[1104] Wallace, 134, 141, 153.

[1105] Ibid. 39.

[1106] Ibid. 139.

[1107] Wallace, 142 (Miles), 152 (Nicoll).

[1108] App. D, No. xxxiv.

[1109] Wallace, 135.

[1110] Ibid. 140.

[1111] Ibid. 151 (Nicoll).

[1112] Ibid. 152 (Nicoll).

[1113] Wallace, 73 (Bett), 102, 119 (Ralph Miles), 137 (Collins), 143 (Robert Miles), 152 (Nicoll), 157.

[1114] Ibid. 53, 107, 111 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 143 (Robert Miles), 103, 120 (Ralph Miles). Brayne’s will was proved 10 Aug. 1586 (Wallace, 14).

[1115] Ibid. 104 (Ralph Miles), 146 (Robert Miles).

[1116] Ibid. 16, 55, 108 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 145 (Miles).

[1117] Ibid. 46.

[1118] Wallace, 86 (Bett), 115 (Bishop), 122 (Ralph Miles).

[1119] Ibid. 109 (Hyde), 134 (Griggs), 137 (Collins), 106 (Ralph Miles), 139, 148 (Robert Miles).

[1120] Ibid. 83 (Bett), 88 (Gascoigne), 90 (James).

[1121] Ibid. 87 (Bett).

[1122] Griggs (Wallace, 134) puts Brayne’s expenditure at 1,000 marks and Burbadge’s at under £100; Collins (Wallace, 137) agrees as to Brayne’s and puts Burbadge’s at about £50; Miles (ibid. 141) says Brayne spent £600 or £700 in cash or credit and Burbadge about £50 in cash and material; Lanman (ibid. 148) had heard that the building cost 1,000 marks; Giles Allen (ibid. 164) valued it at £700 in 1599.

[1123] Robert Miles put Burbadge’s total profits from tenements and play-house in eight or nine years before 1592 at 2,000 marks, but in 1600 he only put the aggregate profits of James and Cuthbert from the play-house by itself at 1,000 marks (Wallace, 147, 263). Giles Allen (ibid. 198) put them at £2,000. Ralph Miles in 1592 had heard that Burbadge had received £700 or £800 in rents and profits since Brayne’s death in 1586 (ibid. 106). John Alleyn, a more disinterested witness, confirms this estimate, putting the figure at £100 or 200 marks a year for the five years before 1592 (ibid. 102).

[1124] Wallace, 76 (Ellam), 77 (Hudson).

[1125] Ibid. 47.

[1126] Wallace, 59 (C. Burbadge), 62 (J. Burbadge), 97, 114 (Bishop), 100, 126 (Alleyn), 105, 121 (Ralph Miles).

[1127] Ibid. 49, 66.

[1128] Ibid. 101, 127 (Alleyn). The two depositions are not quite consistent as to dates. From that of 6 Feb. 1592, one would infer that the dispute between Burbadge and the Admiral’s was at the time of the contempt of 16 Nov. 1590. The second, of 6 May 1592, apparently corrects the first, by giving the date of the insult to the Lord Admiral as ‘about a yere past’. The point is of importance, as bearing upon the length of the stay of the Admiral’s and Strange’s (cf. ch. xiii) at the Theatre. No doubt Mrs. Brayne, who came ‘dyvers tymes’ to the Theatre, continued her applications after laying her affidavit of contempt.

[1129] Wallace, 153.

[1130] Wallace, 156.

[1131] Ibid. 161, 263. Miles still held Burbadge’s bonds in 1600.

[1132] Ibid. 137, ‘iron worke which the said Braynes bestowed vppon the same Theater’.

[1133] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1134] Wallace, 62 (Burbadge), 88 (Bett), 125 (Alleyn), 149 (Lanman).

[1135] Cf. pp. 358, 362. This evidence outweighs the rather slight grounds on which T. S. Graves, The Shape of the First London Theatre (South Atlantic Quarterly, xiii. 280), conjectures that it may have been rectangular.

[1136] G. Harvey, Letter Book, 67, suggests in 1579 that he may be asked by Leicester’s, Warwick’s, Vaux’s or Rich’s men, or ‘sum other freshe starteup comedanties’ for ‘sum malt conceivid comedye fitt for the Theater, or sum other paintid stage’ (cf. p. 4). It is a pity he was not more precise.

[1137] Cf. App. C, Nos. xxii, xxx. Fleay, 40, 88, 145, identifies The Play of Plays in which Delight was a character with the Delight shown at Court by Leicester’s on 26 Dec. 1580, and Caesar and Pompey, which Gosson does not quite clearly assign to the Theatre at all, with the Pompey shown by Paul’s on 6 Jan. 1581; and conjectures successive occupations by Leicester’s (1576–83), Paul’s (1582), Queen’s and Hunsdon’s (1584), Queen’s and Oxford’s (1585), Queen’s (1586–93), Chamberlain’s (1594–7). He was unlucky in omitting the Admiral’s from his guesses.

[1138] Cf. App. D, Nos. xliii, xliv.

[1139] Wallace, 201 (Cuthbert Burbadge), 239 (Smith), 240 (May), 242 (Tilt).

[1140] Ibid. 11.

[1141] Cf. App. D, No. lxxiv.

[1142] Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (Works, i. 197). Harington, Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), speaks of a vulgar word ‘admitted into the Theater with great applause by the mouth of Mayster Tarlton, the excellent comedian’. It was near the Theatre that the writer of Tarltons Newes of Purgatorie (Tarlton, 54) had his dream of the dead actor.

[1143] Cf. App. C, No. xl.

[1144] Lodge, Wits Miserie (1596), ‘pale as the visard of the ghost which cried so miserably at the Theator, like an oister wife, Hamlet, revenge’. In T. M., Black Book (1604), is a mention of ‘one of my divells in D^r Faustus, when the olde Theatre crackt and frighted the audience’. This was presumably before 1592, as Dr. Faustus seems to have been continuously in Henslowe’s hands from the beginning of that year. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 363, quotes an allusion of Barnaby Rich in 1606 (Faultes Faults, and Nothing Else but Faultes, 7) to ‘Gravets part at the Theatre’, but this must not be pressed as a reference to the long-destroyed house.

[1145] Sloane MS. 2530, ff. 6, 11, 12, 46; cf. App. D, Nos. lxii, lxviii.

[1146] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.

[1147] T. W., Sermon at Paul’s Cross (3 Nov. 1577), ‘Beholde the sumptuous Theatre houses’; Northbrooke (S. R. 2 Dec. 1577), 85, ‘places ... builded for such Playes and Enterludes, as the Theatre and Curtaine is’; Stockwood, Sermon at Paul’s Cross (24 Aug. 1578), ‘the Theatre, the Curtayne, and other places of Playes in the Citie ... the gorgeous Playing place erected in the fieldes ... as they please to have it called, a Theatre’; News from the North (1579), ‘the Theaters, Curtines ... and such places where the time is so shamefully mispent’; T. Twyne, Physic for Fortune (1579), i. xxx, 42, ‘the Curteine or Theater; which two places are well knowen to be enimies to good manners: for looke who goeth thyther evyl, returneth worse’; Stubbes (S. R. 1 March 1583), i. 144, ‘flockyng and runnyng to Theaters and Curtens ... Venus pallaces’; Field (1583), ‘the distruction bothe of bodye and soule that many are brought unto by frequenting the Theater, the Curtin and such like’; Rankins (1587), f. 4, ‘the Theater and Curtine may aptlie be termed for their abhomination, the chappell adulterinum’; Harrison, Chronologie (1588), i. liv, ‘It is an evident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche that they can build suche houses’.

[1148] App. D, Nos. XXXV, lxxiv. It appears to have been thought a good example to frequenters of the Theatre that the locality should occasionally be used for a public execution. Stowe, Annales (1615), 749, 750, records the hanging of W. Gunter, a priest from beyond the seas, ‘at the Theater’ on 28 Aug. 1588, and of W. Hartley, another priest, ‘nigh the Theator,’ on 1 Oct. 1588; cf. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 351, from True Report of the Inditement of Weldon, Hartley, and Sutton, who Suffred for High Treason (1588).

[1149] Sir A. Ashley to Sir R. Cecil (Hatfield MSS. vii. 504).

[1150] Cf. ch. ix. In addition to the occasions described above, the Theatre and Curtain are particularly referred to in the City’s complaint to Walsingham on 3 May 1583, and in the Council’s inhibitions of 29 Oct. 1587, where the ‘Liberty’ of Holywell is clearly pointed at in the allusion to ‘places priviledged’, and 23 June 1592 (App. D, Nos. lxix, lxxx, xc).

[1151] App. D, No. xlii. The County records also contain entries of a recognisance by ‘James Burbage of Shorditch gent.’, Henry Bett, and [Cuthbert] Burbage in the Strond, yeoman’, on 6 April 1592, for the former’s appearance at the next Middlesex sessions, and a similar recognisance of ‘James Burbage of Hallywell, yeoman’, on 11 Sept. 1593 (Jeaffreson, i. 205, 217); but there is nothing to show the nature of the proceedings.

[1152] Cf. App. C, No. xxv.

[1153] App. D, No. cx.

[1154] E. Guilpin, Skialetheia, sat. v:

‘but see yonder,

One, like the unfrequented Theater,

Walkes in darke silence and vast solitude’.

[1155] Wallace, 169, 183, 191, 214, 218.

[1156] Ibid. 72, 76, 226.

[1157] Ibid. 232, 235.

[1158] Wallace, 195, 203, 212, 216, 220, 238. Robert Miles took occasion of the negotiations to renew his old claim by petitioning in the Court of Requests for an interest in the new lease. The proceedings, so far as preserved, are inconclusive (ibid. 158). Meanwhile Cuthbert Burbadge was co-operating with Giles Allen in defending a claim made by the Earl of Rutland to the ‘debateable’ ground, and remained a party to the consequent litigation in 1602, long after the Theatre had disappeared (Stopes, 184).

[1159] Wallace, 184, 196, 204.

[1160] Ibid. 221.

[1161] Ibid. 164, 179, 197, 217, 222, 238, 278. The dates are not quite certain; possibly the 20 Jan. of Allen v. Street was an error. Allen’s Answer in the Court of Requests places the whole transaction ‘aboute the feast of the Natiuitie’, and this in his Star Chamber suit becomes ‘aboute the eight and twentyth day of December’, without any suggestion that more than one day was occupied.

[1162] Ibid. 163.

[1163] Ibid. 181.

[1164] Wallace, 186, 215, 220.

[1165] Ibid. 285.

[1166] Ibid. 267, 275.

[1167] Aubrey, ii. 12, on the authority of J. Greenhill, says that Ben Jonson ‘acted and wrote, but both ill, at the Green Curtaine, a kind of nursery or obscure play-house, somewhere in the suburbes’ (I thinke towards Shoreditch or Clarkenwell), and on that of Sir Edward Shirburn that Jonson killed Marlowe, ‘on Bunhill, comeing from the Green-Curtain play-house’. Hoxton, where Jonson killed Gabriel Spencer, is of course not far from Bunhill, and both are in the Holywell neighbourhood. Probably Aubrey, in giving a name to the theatre, is babbling of green frieze, rather than green fields. Steevens and Malone (Variorum, iii. 54) committed themselves to the view that ‘the original sign hung out at this play-house was the painting of a curtain striped’.

[1168] Thomas Wilkins was perhaps related to George Wilkins the dramatist, who was buried at Shoreditch 9 Aug. 1613. Sir William Allen is not known to have had anything to do either with Edward Alleyn or with Giles Allen, the ground-landlord of the Theatre. Lanman was 54 on 30 July 1592. We cannot assume that the name is merely an orthographic variant of that of Laneham.

[1169] Reproduced in Ordish, 40.

[1170] Reproduced in Baker, 36, 135, with a photographic enlargement of the building, wrongly identified with the Theatre. It is shown as a round or hexagonal structure, with a large flag, standing in the middle of a square paled plot; but too much stress must not be laid on what is probably only a cartographic symbol. Immediately south of it is Bedlam. Kiechel tells us that the house had three galleries, and de Witt that it was an ‘amphitheatrum’ (cf. pp. 358, 362). In the epilogue to Three English Brothers (1607) it is a ‘round circumference’.

[1171] Cf. p. 393.

[1172] Fleay, 40, 88, 145, 201, 300, assigns it as follows: Sussex’s (1576–83), Arundel’s and Oxford’s (1584), Howard’s and Hunsdon’s (1585), Oxford’s (1586–8), Pembroke’s (1589–97), Chamberlain’s (1597–9), Derby’s (1599–1600), uncertain company (1601), Queen Anne’s (1604–9), Duke of York’s (1610–23). But, of course, this is guessing.

[1173] Tarlton, 16. If Tarlton’s Jig of a Horse Load of Fools, taken from a manuscript of Collier’s (Tarlton, xx), is genuine, that also was given at the Curtain.

[1174] Sloane MS. 2530, ff. 4, 12, 43, 44, 46.

[1175] Guilpin, Skialetheia (S. R. 8 Sept. 1598), Sat. v:

if my dispose

Perswade me to a play, I’le to the Rose,

Or Curtaine, one of Plautus comedies,

Or the patheticke Spaniards tragedies;

and in the Preludium, of a ‘Cittizen ... comming from the Curtaine’.

[1176] Scourge of Villainy (1598), xi. 37 (Works, iii. 372):

Luscus, what’s play’d to-day? Faith now I know

I set thy lips abroach, from whence doth flow

Naught but pure Juliet and Romeo.

Say who acts best? Drusus or Roscio?

Now I have him, that ne’er of ought did speak

But when of plays or players he did treat—

Hath made a commonplace book out of plays,

And speaks in print: at least what e’er he says

Is warranted by Curtain plaudities.

[1177] Cf. p. 365.

[1178] Jeaffreson, i. 259.

[1179] Heath, Epigram 39; Wither, Abuses, i. 1; ii. 3.

[1180] Cf. App. C, No. lix.

[1181] Variorum, iii. 54, 59; Ordish, 106, from Vox Graculi (1623) and Jeaffreson, iii. 164.

[1182] A writer in the Daily News for 9 April 1898 identifies the site of the theatre, without giving any evidence, as ‘between Clock Passage, Newington Butts, Swan Place, and Hampton Street’; cf. 9 N. Q. i. 386.

[1183] App. D, Nos. xlvi, lxxvi, xcii.

[1184] Cf. p. 373.

[1185] C. W. Wallace in N. U. S. xiii. 2, ‘as shown by a contemporary record to be published later’.

[1186] A Woman is a Weathercock, III. iii. 25.

[1187] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 60, ‘Among the early Surveys, 1 Edward VI, we see that this was not merely a name—the place was a veritable Rose Garden, and paid £1 3s. 4d. by the year, and the messuage called the Rose paid £4’.

[1188] Close Roll 6 Edw. VI, p. 5, m. 13; cf. Rendle, Bankside, xv; H. P. 1.

[1189] Egerton MS. 2623, f. 13, quoted in Henslowe, ii. 25. But in ii. 43 Dr. Greg misdescribes the Rose as on the west of the Barge, Bell, and Cock.

[1190] Henslowe Papers, 1.

[1191] Ibid. 2.

[1192] Henslowe, i. 209.

[1193] Cf. Dekker, Satiromastix, 1247, ‘th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose, that growes by the Beare-garden’.

[1194] G. L. Gomme, The Story of London Maps (Geographical Journal, xxxi. 628), ‘1588. Henchley.—Item, we present Phillip Henchley to pull upp all the pylles that stand in the common sewer against the play-house to the stopping of the water course, the which to be done by midsomer next uppon paine of x^s yf it be undone. x^s (done)’. Wallace, in The Times (1914), says that these records mention the theatre as ‘new’ in April 1588, and show other amercements during the next eighteen years.

[1195] Dr. Greg, in Henslowe, ii. 46, is, I think, successful in showing that all the dated building entries belong to 1592 and not to 1591 or 1593. I suppose the scattered entries with the date ‘1591’ to have been written in first, and the continuous account under the date ‘1592’ added later, probably after Henslowe had changed the year-date in his play-entries, which seems to have been on 6 May.

[1196] Henslowe, i. 7.

[1197] App. D, No. xcii.

[1198] The words ‘Chomley when’ appear with other scribbles by Henslowe on the first page of the diary (Henslowe, i. 217).

[1199] Cf. p. 402.

[1200] Henslowe, i. 4.

[1201] Henslowe, i. 178.

[1202] Ibid. ii. 55.

[1203] Wallace, in The Times (1914).

[1204] Rendle, Bankside, xv, quotes

In the last great fire

The Rose did expire,

and adds ‘but when that was, I am not clear’. It reads like Collier.

[1205] I cannot endorse the suggestion of Dr. Martin (cf. p. 378) that the ‘Globe’ of Visscher (1616) was really the Rose. Baker, 165, reproducing a cut from Hollar (1640), also misnames the Globe as the Rose.

[1206] Young, ii. 241.

[1207] Variorum, iii. 56. I should have been happier if Malone had quoted verbatim, but I do not see that Adams, 160, explains away the statement by suggesting that a source for Malone’s ‘error’ is a note on p. 66, where he again cites Herbert for fencing at the Red Bull in 1623.

[1208] E. S. xliii. 341; Index to Remembrancia, 277. It appears from Hatfield MSS. vi. 182, 184, that in May 1596 Langley was concerned in some negotiations about a missing diamond claimed by the Crown; cf. p. 396.

[1209] Printed from a contemporary copy in the Guildhall by W. Rendle in Appendix to Part II of Harrison’s Description of England (N. S. S., 1878) and Adams, 162. The original is held by the steward of the manor.

[1210] App. D, No. cii.

[1211] Cf. p. 361, and for the reliability and value of the record as evidence for the structure and staging of theatres, chh. xviii, xx.

[1212] S. v. L. 352, ‘the said howse was then lately afore vsed to have playes in hit’.

[1213] Ibid., ‘the Defendant should be allowed for the true value thereof out of the Complainantes moytie of the gains for the seuerall standinges in the galleries of the said howse which belonged to them’. As ‘which’ may follow on ‘moytie’, I see no reason for Wallace’s inference (360) that the galleries were structurally divided between the two parties, instead of the takings being shared.

[1214] Cf. ch. xiv (Pembroke’s) and ch. xxii (Nashe).

[1215] S. v. L. 353 (6 Feb. 1598), ‘the said Defendant hath euer synce had his said howse contynually from tyme to tyme exercysed with other players to his great gaines’.

[1216] App. D, No. cxiv.

[1217] App. D, No. cxv.

[1218] App. C, No. lii.

[1219] Cf. p. 362.

[1220] App. D, No. cxxiii.

[1221] Manningham, 130; Gawdy, 93.

[1222] Ch. xxiii (Vennar).

[1223] E. S. xliii. 342.

[1224] Act v, sc. i.

[1225] P. Norman, The Accounts of the Overseers of the Poor of Paris Garden, 1608–71 (1901, Surrey Arch. Colls. xvi. 55), from Addl. MS. 34, 110, and again by C. W. Wallace as a new discovery in E. S. xliii. 390. The amounts are £4 6s. 8d. in 1611, £5 3s. 4d. in 1612, £5 5s. in 1613, £3 0s. 10d. in 1614, 19s. 2d. in 1615, and £3 19s. 4d. in 1621.

[1226] It can hardly have been open at the time of the Watermen’s petition early in 1614 (cf. p. 370).

[1227] Herbert, 63; Variorum, iii. 56. Rendle, in Antiquarian Magazine, vii. 211, notes a ‘licence for T. B. and three assistants to make shows of Italian motion, at the Prince’s Arms, or the Swan’ in 1623; cf. Herbert, 47.

[1228] Cf. p. 376.

[1229] N. U. S. xiii. 279; cf. p. 399.

[1230] Wallace, in The Times (1914), ‘Ac de et in vna domo de novo edificata cum gardino eidem pertinenti in parochia S^ci Salvatoris praedicta in comitatu Surria praedicta in occupacione Willielmi Shakespeare et aliorum’.

[1231] Cf. p. 364.

[1232] A rather fantastic argument of Ordish, 85, for the Curtain on the ground of the martial character of the neighbourhood is answered by Murray, i. 99.

[1233] E. M. O. 4368.

[1234] O. v. H. l. 110.

[1235] O. v. H. l. 99; W. v. H. 313.

[1236] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[1237] W. v. H. 314.

[1238] Century (Aug. 1910), 508; cf. p. 424.

[1239] W. v. H. 314.

[1240] O. v. H. l. 194.

[1241] W. v. H. 319.

[1242] Ibid. 317. Wallace dates the admission of Condell in 1610, but this seems to be an error.

[1243] O. v. H. l. 97; W. v. H. 321.

[1244] Rye, 61, from Relation of Hans Jacob Wurmsser von Vendenheym, ‘Lundi 30 [April 1610] S. E. [Prince Lewis Frederick of Württemberg] alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire ou l’on joue les Commedies, y fut representé l’histoire du More de Venise’; cf. p. 369 on visit of Prince of Hesse-Cassel in 1611.

[1245] W. v. H. 320.

[1246] Stowe, 926. Jonas, 104, cites another record of the date from A. Hopten, A Concordancy of Yeares (1615).

[1247] Birch, James, i. 253.

[1248] L. Pearsall Smith, Letters of Wotton, ii. 32.

[1249] Winwood, iii. 469.

[1250] Arber, iii. 528, ‘Simon Stafford ... a ballad called the sodayne Burninge of the Globe on the Bankside in the Play tyme on Saint Peters day last 1613’; ‘Edward White ... a doleful ballad of the general ouerthrowe of the famous theater on the Banksyde called the Globe &c. by William Parrat’.

[1251] Halliwell-Phillipps, Outlines, i. 310, ‘from a manuscript of the early part of the seventeenth century, of unquestionable authenticity, preserved in the library of Sir Mathew Wilson, Bart., of Eshton Hall, co. York’. The Eshton Hall collection, originally formed by John Hopkinson in 1660, has recently been sold, with the verses, to Mr. G. D. Smith of New York. The ‘Sonnett’ was first printed [by Joseph Haslewood] in The Gentleman’s Magazine (1816), lxxxvi. 114, ‘from an old manuscript volume of poems and therefrom by Collier, i. 371, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 225.

[1252] Taylors Water-Works (1614), reprinted as The Sculler (1630, Works, 515), ep. 22 of 3rd series.

[1253] Underwoods, lxii, written later than the Fortune fire of 9 Dec. 1621.

[1254] Histriomastix, 556.

[1255] Birch, James I, i. 329.

[1256] Cf. p. 374.

[1257] W. v. H. 320.

[1258] Ibid. 321.

[1259] A later statement by Shank in the Sharers Papers puts it at £1,400. Heminges describes Witter’s ‘parte’ by a slip as one-sixth instead of one-seventh of the moiety. If the £120 was one-twelfth of the total cost, his figure (£1,440) would agree with that of Shank. Professor Wallace says in The Times of 2 Oct. 1909, ‘This amount is in fact excessive.... I have other contemporary documents showing the cost was far less than £1,400.’

[1260] W. v. H. 323; Wallace in The Times (1914).

[1261] O. v. H. ll. 245 sqq.

[1262] Lambert, Shakespeare Documents, 87.

[1263] W. v. H. 323.

[1264] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312.

[1265] Cf. ch. xi. There was a much rougher type of audience at the Globe; cf. Shirley, Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called ‘The Doubtful Heir’, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars, quoted in Variorum, iii. 69.

[1266] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[1267] Wallace in The Times (1914). Bodley seems to have acquired a dubious title to hold the land in his own right in 1608, raised a fine of £20 for recognizing the players’ lease in 1609, and a fine of £2 on Heminges for leave to build his taphouse in 1615. Matthew Brend recovered the property through the Court of Wards, after the end of his minority, in 1622.

[1268] Rendle, Bankside, xvii, from Southwark Vestry Papers. Brend was knighted in 1622.

[1269] Cf. p. 374. Wallace, in The Times (1914), makes Matthew Brend’s lease end on 25 Dec. Yet he puts the destruction after the expiration of the lease.

[1270] Stowe, Survey, ii. 58.

[1271] Martin, 158.

[1272] Stopes, Burbage, 196; Martin, 169; from Close Roll, 3 Car. I, pt. 23, m. 22.

[1273] Martin, 174.

[1274] A. Hayward, Autobiography of Mrs. Piozzi, ii. 33.

[1275] History of St. Saviour’s (1795), 231.

[1276] T. Pennant, London (1791), 60, ‘A little west of S. Mary Overies (in a place still called Globe Alley) stood the Globe.... I have been told that the door was very lately standing’; Concanen and Morgan, 224, ‘Several of the neighbouring inhabitants remember these premises being wholly taken down about fifty years ago, having remained for many years in a very ruinous state: avoided by the young and superstitious as a place haunted by those imaginary beings called evil spirits’.

[1277] Martin, 165, 177. It is probably a mere coincidence that John Knowles held a garden next the Globe site in 1599.

[1278] Rendle, Bankside, xix; Antiquarian, viii. 216.

[1279] Chalmers, Apology (1797), 114, ‘I maintain, that the Globe was situated on the Bank, within eighty paces of the river, which has since receded from its former limits; that the Globe stood on the site of John Whatley’s windmill, which is at present used for grinding colours; as I was assured by an intelligent manager of Barclay’s brewhouse, which covers, in its ample range, part of Globe Alley; and that Whatley’s wind mill stands due south from the western side of Queenhythe by the compass, which I set for the express purpose of ascertaining the relative bearings of the windmill to the opposite objects on the Thames’; W. Wilson, History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches (1814), iv. 148, 175, ‘In former days there stood here [in Globe Alley] a theatre called the “Globe”.... Near to this place stood the meeting-house.... Its dissolution took place about the year 1752.... It is at present used for warehousing goods. A mill was also erected over it for the purpose of grinding bones’; R. Wilkinson, Londina Illustrata (1819), i. 135, ‘Upon the disuse of the theatre, its site ... was formed into a meeting-house.... Afterwards a mill was erected here to grind bones; and it is at present appropriated for the purpose of grinding stones and similar materials’. The plan, however, which accompanies Wilkinson’s text, assigns the theatre to an improbable site some way west of the meeting-house. The Globe Alley meeting-house was built in 1672; it appears in a list of 1683, and is marked on Rocque’s map of 1746 on Rendle’s favourite site. Wilson only says the meeting-house was near the Globe; Wilkinson identifies the sites. Chalmers mentions the windmill, but not the meeting-house. I may add that a line drawn south from the west of Queenhithe would pass west of any possible site for the Globe. Malone’s ‘nearly opposite to Friday Street, Cheapside’ (Variorum, iii. 63) can also only be approximate.

[1280] Cf. facsimile from token-book in Martin, 157.

[1281] Concanen and Morgan, History of St. Saviour’s (1795), 224, ‘It was situated in what is now called Maid lane; the north side and building adjoining, extending from the west side of Counter-alley to the north side of the passage leading to Mr. Brook’s cooperage; on the east side beyond the end of Globe-alley, including the ground on which stood the late parish workhouse, and from thence continuing to the south end of Mr. Brook’s passage. Under this building was Fountain-alley, leading from Horseshoe-alley into Castle-lane.’ This account appears to make the site extend farther north than Dr. Martin allows for, right up, indeed, to Maid Lane.

[1282] Plan of 1810 in R. Taylor, Londina Illustrata, ii. (1825) 136; plan of 1818 in Taylor, Annals of St. Mary Overy (1833), 140.

[1283] Martin, 171. One cannot lay much stress upon hearsay locations of the site by employees of the brewery (Martin, 183), or the discovery of underground staging still farther south than Dr. Martin’s site on a spot which in 1599 must have been well within Winchester Park (Martin, 201), or of a stone inscribed ‘[T]heayter’, just south of Globe Alley (Martin, 184).

[1284] Martin, 164.

[1285] A Clink poor relief assessment of 1609 (Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 91; Warner, 49) shows two names, each assessed for ‘halfe the parke’; this would hardly be the Bishop’s. The token-books also show persons resident in the park, but here the order of the entries points to a locality south of Maiden Lane, near the gate of the Bishop’s Park (11 N. Q. xii. 143).

[1286] Wallace in The Times (1914). Dr. Martin explains (11 N. Q. xii. 161) that, in order to conduct their patrons from Bankside to the play-house south of Maiden Lane, ‘the owners of the Globe had erected a bridge over the ditches and quagmire of Maid Lane’.

[1287] Dr. Wallace says that all these records were made by the Commissioners ‘in dealing with the property of Brend and others on the north side’ of Maiden Lane. But there is no reference to ‘the north side’ in the actual record. Bingham had, and Sellers may have had, more than one plot in the neighbourhood.

[1288] Cf. p. 379.

[1289] R. I. B. A. Journal, 3rd series, xvii. 26.

[1290] Halliwell-Phillipps (Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities, 81) had a document of 1653 concerning a sewer ‘in Maide Lane nere the place where the Globe play-house lately stood’, which he considered as establishing the exact locality of the theatre. It is probably now in America.

[1291] Cf. p. 436.

[1292] I ought not to have suggested in The Stage of the Globe, 356, that the first Globe might have been rectangular.

[1293] Variorum, iii. 67.

[1294] Henslowe Papers, 14; Henslowe, ii. 56.

[1295] Henslowe Papers, 16.

[1296] Ibid. 25.

[1297] Ibid. 108.

[1298] Printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 4, from Dulwich Muniments, 22; also in Variorum, iii. 338, and Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 81; Outlines, i. 304.

[1299] Quarterly Review, ccviii. 442; Architectural Review, xxiii. 239. Models by Mr. Godfrey are at the Columbia and Illinois Universities (Adams, 277). M. W. Sampson has pointed out in M. L. N. for June 1915 (cited by Adams, 279) that the passage in The Roaring Girl (1611), i. 1, where Sir Alexander Weargrave displays his house to his friends, is really a description of the Fortune when ‘Within one square a thousand heads are laid’.

[1300] Henslowe Papers, 25.

[1301] Ibid. 11.

[1302] App. D, Nos. cxvii, cxviii, cxxi, cxxii, cxxiv.

[1303] Cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. cl.

[1304] Henslowe Papers, 110.

[1305] Cf. ch. xi.

[1306] Henslowe Papers, 64.

[1307] Ibid. 25.

[1308] Ibid. 27.

[1309] Birch, James I, ii. 270.

[1310] Cf. ch. xi.

[1311] Birch, James I, ii. 280.

[1312] Young, ii. 225.

[1313] Henslowe Papers, 28.

[1314] Cf. App. I. It is this second house that is represented as a small angular flagged building in the ‘Ryther’ maps.

[1315] Fortnightly Review (May 1916).

[1316] W. J. Lawrence in Archiv (1914), 301; cf. p. 520.

[1317] Adams, 284, gives the history of the Fortune during 1621–49.

[1318] A Boar’s Head on the Bankside, which belonged to Henslowe in 1604 and previously to Alleyn (Henslowe, ii. 30), was apparently not an inn.

[1319] E. Gayton, Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot (1654), 277, ‘Sir John of famous memory; not he of the Boares Head in Eastcheap’. Neither the text nor the stage-directions of Henry IV name the Boar’s Head; but the references to Eastcheap (1 Hen. IV, I. ii. 145, 176; II. iv. 16, 485; 2 Hen. IV, II. i. 76; II. ii. 161) are sufficient, and when Prince Hal asks (2 Hen. IV, II. ii. 159) ‘Doth the old boar feed in the old frank?’, Bardolph answers, ‘At the old place, my lord, in Eastcheap’. Doll Tearsheet (II. iv. 250) calls Falstaff a ‘whoreson little tidy Bartholomew boar-pig’.

[1320] Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 258. Harben, 88, however, suggests that the name was transferred to this house from another on the north side of Great Eastcheap in St. Clement’s.

[1321] Stowe, Survey, i. 126; ii. 72. I suppose the inn is identical with the ‘Blue Bore Inne’ marked by Ogilby (1677). The site is at No. 30 on the north of Aldgate High Street (Harben, 87).

[1322] Dasent, vi. 168.

[1323] App. D, No. cxxx. The description of this letter in the Index to Remembrancia, 355, as referring to ‘the Boar’s Head in Eastcheap’ has proved misleading.

[1324] App. D, Nos. cxxv, cxxix, cxxxv.

[1325] Cf. ch. xiii (Anne’s).

[1326] Adams, 17; cf. ch. xiii (Duke of York’s). The further suggestion of Adams, 8, that Rawlidge in 1628 (cf. p. 360) wrote ‘Whitefriars’ for ‘Whitechapel’ is less plausible. Rawlidge is only dealing with play-houses within the City.

[1327] Adams, 17, identifies the site with Boar’s Head Yard, between Middlesex Street and Goulston Street, Whitechapel. But this is the house of 1557 (v. supra) within the liberties. Rocque (1746) shows an oval site, just east of Church Lane and south of the church of St. Mary, Whitechapel, which rather suggests an amphitheatre, but may be merely a churchyard.

[1328] Henslowe Papers, 59.

[1329] Cf. p. 374.

[1330] The section is reproduced in Adams, 294.

[1331] Not the mercer Stone who sold stuffs to the Admiral’s in 1601 and 1602 (Henslowe, ii. 313); he was doubtless William Stone (Knt. in 1604).

[1332] W. v. H. 296. Professor Wallace has confused this 1s. 6d. with the profits of Woodford’s seventh, and thinks that a gatherer got one-eighteenth of the receipts.

[1333] I think the inference is that the gallery profits were divided in the proportion of seven-eighteenths to the housekeepers and eleven-eighteenths to the players.

[1334] No order seems to have been made as to the gatherer’s place.

[1335] Knight of the Burning Pestle, IV. i. 43.

[1336] Travels of the Three Brothers (ed. Bullen, p. 88).

[1337] Dekker, Works, iv. 97; cf. p. 367.

[1338] Jeaffreson, ii. 64, 86.

[1339] Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), i. 1,

‘His poetry is such as he can cull

From plays he heard at Curtain or at Bull’;

Albumazar, II. i. 16, ‘Then will I confound her with compliments drawn from the plays I see at the Fortune and Red Bull, where I learn all the words I speak and understand not’; Gayton, 24, ‘I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had always a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible tear-throats) and made their lines proportionable to their compass, which were sesquipedales, a foot and a half’.

[1340] Collier, Memoirs of Alleyn, 107; D. N. B. s.v. Alleyn. The Diary (Young, ii. 51) runs:

‘Oct. 1, 1617. I came to London in the coach and went to the red Bull. 2^d.

Oct. 3. I went to the red bull and ℞ for the younger brother but 3. 6. 4, water 4^d.’

The Younger Brother was entered in the Stationers’ Register in 1653, but is not extant.

[1341] Heywood, Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, 247.

[1342] Adams, 300.

[1343] Prynne, Epistle to Histriomastix (1633); W. C., London’s Lamentation for her Sins (1625), ‘Yet even then, Oh Lord, were the theatres magnified and enlarged’.

[1344] Fortnightly Review (May 1916).

[1345] Cf. App. I.

[1346] Cf. ch. xviii, Bibl. Note.

[1347] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 250; cf. i. 53, 68, 72; ii. 244 (Durham Priory), 246 (Thetford Priory), 247 (Winchester College), 248 (Magdalen, Oxford).

[1348] Strutt, Sports and Pastimes (ed. Cox), 195.

[1349] Rendle, Old Southwark, f. p., 31.

[1350] It is also, although unnamed, in Smith’s drawing of 1588, but that is probably based on Agas.

[1351] William Fitzstephen (c. 1170–82) in J. C. Robertson, Materials for the History of Becket (R. S.), iii. 11, ‘In hieme singulis feré festis ante prandium ... pingues tauri cornipetae, seu ursi immanes, cum objectis depugnant canibus’.

[1352] Erasmus, Adagia, 3354, ‘Sed intolerabilius est quod apud Britannos complures alunt greges ursorum ad saltationem, animal vorax et maleficum’. I owe the correct reference to Mr. P. S. Allen. Presumably ‘greges’ is no more than ‘numbers’.

[1353] Collier, i. 42, from Harl. MS. 433.

[1354] Egerton MS. 2623, f. 11. Collier, who owned this document, or some other modern, has substituted the name of John Dorrington. A copy, exemplified for Morgan Pope on 18 Nov. 1585, is at Dulwich; cf. Henslowe Papers, 1. Long became steward of Paris Garden in 1536 (Kingsford, 159).

[1355] Collier, i. 194, from list of fees payable by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1571 (Cotton MS. Vesp. C. xiv), ‘keapers of Beares and Mastives, iij. Item to Mathew Becke, Sergeaunte of the beares, for his wages per ann. 12^l 10^s 7½^d. Item to Symon Powlter, yoman, per ann. 14^l 6^s 3^d. Item to Richard Darryngton M^r and kepar of the bandogges and mastives, per ann. 21^l 5^s 10^d’. Similarly, the Treasurer’s Declared Account for 1594–5 (Pipe Roll, 542) shows a total payment to keepers of Bears and Mastiffs of £48 12s. 8½d. There is an error in one or other entry of 10s.

[1356] The Privy Council Acts record warrants inter alia to Ralph in 1574 (Dasent, viii. 257), Thomas in 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580 (ix. 121, 153, 335; x. 148; xi. 70, 392), Ralph in 1581 (xii. 321), and Edward in 1581 and 1582 (xiii. 115, 311). Edward Bowes seems to have held the Keepership of Dogs, but disclaimed having a fee of £15 17s. 4d. at the subsidy of 1588 (M. S. C. i. 355).

[1357] Earlier licensees were William Payne and Simon Powlter (> 1574). Wistow (c. 1575), John Napton, Morgan Pope (c. 1585–7), Thomas Burnaby (c. 1590–4), and perhaps others; cf. p. 464; Wallace in The Times (1914); Kingsford, 171–8.

[1358] Alleyn Memoirs, 213; cf. Henslowe Papers, 4.

[1359] Henslowe, i. 71. Some payments of June 1597 on account of a privy seal and a patent for Alleyn (Henslowe, i. 200) may relate to this.

[1360] Henslowe Papers, 98. Possibly an undated letter from Arthur Langworth to Alleyn (Henslowe Papers, 99), in which he refers to Bowes’s illness and protests against a charge of not giving Alleyn sufficient help in procuring some ‘place’, relates to this. But it is allusive and obscure.

[1361] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxviii. 18; cf. Henslowe Papers, 12.

[1362] Probably Bowes had also held this keepership with his Mastership, as he was drawing a fee from the Chamber in 1596 (Henslowe, i. 128).

[1363] Muniment 19 in the Dulwich MSS. is a warrant of 24 Nov. 1599 by Meade to a deputy; cf. Henslowe, ii. 38. A list of fees c. 1600 in Henslowe Papers, 108, shows, under the general heading ‘Parris garden’, only two keeperships, instead of the three of 1571, that of Bears at £12 8s. 1½d., and that of Mastiffs at £21 5s. 10½d.

[1364] Henslowe Papers, 12; cf. Henslowe, ii. 37.

[1365] Receipts by or on behalf of Dorrington dated Jan. and April 1602 are in Henslowe Papers, 101; Henslowe, i. 212. Each is for a quarter’s ‘rent’ of £10, and the earlier is specified as ‘for the commissyon for the Bear-garden’. A letter of May 1600 from Dorrington to Henslowe asking him and Meade to have the ‘games’ ready for Court is in Henslowe Papers, 100. In 1603 Henslowe spent 16s. 4d. ‘for sewinge at the cort’, on petitions to Dorrington, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Council, the drawing of two licences, and ‘our warent for baytynge’ (Henslowe Papers, 109). I think that from 1603, if not earlier, he had a regular appointment as deputy to Dorrington. On 18 April 1604 he received the Treasurer of the Chamber’s reward as ‘Deputy Master of the Game’.

[1366] Alleyn Memoirs, 213; cf. Henslowe Papers, 4.

[1367] S. P. D. Jac. I, 1603–10, p. 134.

[1368] Henslowe Papers, 101; S. P. D. Jac. I, x, p. 167. It appears from a memorandum of Alleyn’s in Henslowe Papers, 107, that he paid £250 for his share.

[1369] Henslowe Papers, 104.

[1370] This is recited in a warrant to one of their deputies in Henslowe Papers, 18.

[1371] Henslowe, ii. 38. Dr. Greg gives many interesting details of the business, and of the relations of the Masters with their agents, for which I have not space. Others, of Bowes’s time, are in Dasent, ix. 9; xiii. 101.

[1372] Sydney Papers, ii. 194 (12 May 1600), ‘This day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope, in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath commanded the beares, the bull and the ape to be baited in the tiltyard. Upon Wednesday she will have solemn dawncing’; cf. Epicoene, iii. 1, ‘Were you ever so much as look’d upon by a lord or a lady, before I married you, but on the Easter or Whitsun-holidays? and then out at the banqueting-house window, when Ned Whiting or George Stone were at the stake?’ George Stone was killed during the visit of Christian of Denmark in 1606 (H. P. 105). The Court practice was followed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Payments to the bearward of Paris Garden for pastime showed at the Conduit Heads are in Harrison, iv. 322.

[1373] Machyn, 198.

[1374] Ibid. 270; Nichols, Eliz. i. 305; ii. 469; Walsingham, Journal, 42; Boississe, i. 345. There is a spirited description of a baiting before Elizabeth at Kenilworth on 14 July 1575 in Laneham’s Letter (Furnivall, Captain Cox, 17); but I do not suppose that these were the London bears. Leicester, whose cognizance was the bear and ragged staff, doubtless kept his own ursine establishment.

[1375] Rye, 123.

[1376] Pipe Office Declared Account, 543, m. 194.

[1377] Stowe, Annales (1615), 835, 865, 895.

[1378] Translated by F. Madden in Archaeologia, xxiii. 354.

[1379] Machyn, 198.

[1380] Translated by G. von Bülow in 2 Transactions of Royal Hist. Soc. ix. 230, from a manuscript in the possession of Graf von der Osten at Plathe, Pomerania. I add for the sake of completeness the following lines from the Hodoeporica (1568, ed. 2, 1575), 224, of N. Chytraeus, whose visit was probably c. 1565–7:

Opposita in Tamesis ripa, longa area paruis

Distincta aspicitur tectis, vbi magna canum vis

Vrsorumque alitur diuersarumque ferarum,

Quae canibus commissae Anglis spectacula praebent,

Hospitibusque nouis, vincti dum praelia miscent,

Luctantes aut ungue fero, vel dentibus uncis.

[1381] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1382] Translated in Rye, 45.

[1383] Cf. p. 362.

[1384] Hentzner, 196; cf. p. 363.

[1385] G. Binz in Anglia, xxii. 460, ‘Man pfleget auch alle Sontag vnndt mittwochen zu Londen, yenseits desz wassers den Berenhatz zu halten.... Der Schauplatz ist in die Ründe gebauwen, sind oben herumb viel geng, darauf man zusicht, vnden am boden vnder dem heiteren Himmel ist es nicht besetzet. Da bande man in mitten desz platzes einen grossen Beeren an ein stock am langen seil an.... Wie wir die stegen hinunter kamen, gungen wir hinder den schauwplatz, besahen die Englischen docken, deren bey 120 in einem bezirk beysamen, yedoch yetwederer in einem sonderbahren ställin an einer kettin angeheftet wahren.’

[1386] Hatfield MSS. xi. 382.

[1387] G. von Bülow in 2 Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc. vi. 16, ‘16 Sept. Auf den Nachmittag haben wir den Bär u. Stierhetze zugesehen ... wohlmehr as 200 Hünde an selbigem Ort in einem besonderen Häuslein unterhalten’.

[1388] Rye, 61.

[1389] Rye, 133.

[1390] Englische Studien, xiv. 440.

[1391] Epigram xliii:

Publius, student at the common law,

Oft leaves his books, and for his recreation,

To Paris Garden doth himself withdraw,

Where he is ravished with such delectation,

As down among the bears and dogs he goes;

Where, whilst he skipping cries, ‘To head! to head!’

His satin doublet and his velvet hose

Are all with spittle from above bespread:

When he is like his father’s country hall,

Stinking with dogs and muted all with hawks;

And rightly on him too this filth doth fall,

Which for such filthy sports his books forsakes,

Leaving old Ployden, Dyer, Brooke alone,

To see old Harry Hunks, and Sacarson.

[1392] Merry Wives, I. i. 306.

[1393] Dekker, Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 98), ‘At length a blind bear was tied to the stake, and instead of baiting him with dogs, a company of creatures that had the shapes of men and faces of Christians (being either colliers, carters, or watermen) took the office of beadles upon them, and whipped Monsieur Hunkes till the blood ran down his old shoulders’.

[1394] Coryats Crudities (1611), i. 114, ‘Hunks of the Beare-garden to be feared if he be nigh on’.

[1395] Cf. p. 453. Nashe, Strange News (1592, Works, i. 281, also names ‘great Ned’ and adds ‘Harry of Tame’. In 1590 Burnaby had at the Bear Garden ‘Tom Hunckes’, ‘Whitinge’, ‘Harry of Tame’, three other bears, three bulls, a horse, an ape. A ‘great’ bear was worth £8 or £10, a bull £4 or £5 (Kingsford, 175).

[1396] Puritan, iii. 5, ‘How many dogs do you think I had upon me?... almost as many as George Stone, the bear; three at once’.

[1397] Henslowe Papers, 106.

[1398] Copley Accounts, s. a. 1575, in Collectanea Genealogica et Topographica, viii. 253, ‘Gyven to the master of Paryshe Garden his man for goynge with Thos. Sharples into Barmensy Street to see certen mastyve dogges’.

[1399] R. Crowley, One and thyrtye Epigrammes (1550, ed. E. E. T. S.), 381:

And yet me thynke those men be mooste foles of all,

Whose store of money is but verye smale,

And yet euerye Sondaye they will surely spende

One peny or two, the bearwardes lyuyng to mende.

At Paryse garden, eche Sundaye, a man shall not fayle

To fynde two or thre hundredes for the bearwardes vaile.

One halpenye a piece they vse for to giue,

When some haue no more in their purse, I belieue;

Jonson, Execration upon Vulcan (Works, iii. 322):

a threatning to the bears,

And that accursed ground, the Paris-garden;

Taylor, Bull, Bear and Horse (1638):

And that we have obtained again the game,

Our Paris Garden flag proclaims the same.

Cf. Sir John Davies’ lines already quoted; also Dekker, ii. 125 (News from Hell), iv. 109 (Work for Armourers), &c., &c.

[1400] Stowe, Annales, 695.

[1401] Henslowe Papers, 15, 104. Miss Dormer Harris kindly tells me that the Coventry Corporation rewarded the ‘Bearward of palace Garden’ in 1576–7.

[1402] Cf. p. 411.

[1403] Malone, Variorum, xix. 483; Rendle, Bankside, iii; Antiquarian, vii. 277; Ordish, 128.

[1404] Annales Monasterii de Bermundseia, s. a. 1113 (Luard, Annales Monastici, iii. 432), ‘Hoc anno Robertus Marmion dedit hidam de Wideflete cum molendino et aliis pertinentibus suis monachis de Bermundeseye’; Register of Hospital of St. John, s. a. 1420 (Monasticon Anglicanum, vi. 819), ‘Haec sunt statuta et ordinationes concernentia locum privilegiatum vocatum Parishgardyn, alias dictum Wideflete, sive Wiles, cum pertinentiis, facta per Johannem nuper Ducem Bedfordiae, firmarium ibidem, anno Domini mccc[c]xx’ [Rules for a sanctuary, with a dominus, senescallus, ballivus, constabularius, and societas, follow]; Liber Fundatorum of St. John (ibid. vi. 832), ‘Molendina de Wideflete cum gardino vocato Parish-gardin ... tenentur de Abbate de Barmondesey’ (1434). Kingsford, 157, traces the manor through Bermondsey priory, the Templars, and St. John’s Hospital to the Crown in 1536.

[1405] Blount, Glossographia (ed. 4, 1674), 469, quotes Close Roll, 16 Rich. II, dorso ii. Kingsford, 156, translates the writ, which is abstracted (Sharpe, Letter Book H, 392), ‘Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs to proclaim ordinances made in the last Parliament at Winchester to the effect that the laystall or latrine (fimarium sive sterquilinium) on the bank of the Thames near the house of Robert de Parys be removed, and a house be built on its site for the use of butchers, where they may cut up their offal and take it in boats to mid-stream and cast it into the water at ebb-tide.... Witness the King at Westminster 21 Feb. 16 Rich. II’. The ordinance is recorded in Rot. Parl. iii. 306.

[1406] Index to Remembrancia, 478.

[1407] Brewer, xxi. 2. 88, ‘a licence for Thomas Fluddie, yeoman of your Majesty’s bears, to bait and make pastime with your Graces bears at the accustomed place at London, called the Stewes, notwithstanding the proclamation’ (Sept. 1546); Machyn, 78, ‘The sam day [9 Dec. 1554] at after-non was a bere-beytyn on the Banke syde, and ther the grett blynd bere broke losse, and in ronnyng away he chakt a servyng man by the calff of the lege, and bytt a gret pesse away, and after by the hokyll-bone, that within iij days after he ded’.

[1408] Foxe, Acts and Monuments (ed. 1846), v. 388. Collier, iii. 94, cites ‘a book of the expenses of the Northumberland family’ to the effect that the earl went to Paris Garden to behold the bear-baiting in 1525–6. Ordish, 129, criticizes this on the ground that the statement is not in the Northumberland Household Book printed by Percy. It was in fact a different book, from which Collier, i. 86, gives entries, of which one is of boat-hire from and to ‘Parys gardyn’. But there is nothing about bear-baiting.

[1409] Account of Treasurer of Chamber, s. a. 1515 (Brewer, ii. 1466), ‘Hen. Anesley, conveying the King’s barge from Greenwich to Parys Garden, 16^d’.

[1410] Ordish, 127.

[1411] In Shaw v. Langley (1597) the Swan is described as ‘in the oulde Parrisgardin’, although there is no specific mention of baiting (E. S. xliii. 345, 355).

[1412] Fleetwood, writing to Burghley on 13 July 1578 (Rendle, Antiquarian, vii. 274, from S. P. D. Eliz. cxxv. 21), describes intrigues of the French ambassador ‘on the Thames side behind Paris Garden toward Lambeth, in the fields ... I got a skuller to Paris Garden, but the place was dark and shadowed with trees, that one man cannot see another unless they have lynceos oculos or els cattes eys, shewing how admirable a place it was for such doings. The place is that boowre of conspiracies, it is the college of male cownsell.... There be certain virgulta or eightes of willows set by the Thames near that place; they grow now exceeding thick, and a notable covert for confederates to shrowd in; a milkmade lately did see the French ambassador land in that virgulta’.

[1413] The ring, without a name, is also shown in Smith’s drawing (1588), but this is probably based on one of the maps.

[1414] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57, from Exchequer Depositions, 18 Jac. I. The depositions also mention a bull-house built in a dog-yard, a bear-house, a hay-house, a pond for the bears to wash in, and a pond for dead dogs. Kingsford, 175, gives fuller extracts.

[1415] Stowe, Survey, ii. 54. A short passage in i. 95 adds nothing.

[1416] Stowe (1615), 695.

[1417] Halliwell, Dr. Dee’s Diary (C. S.), 18; App. C, No. xxxi; App. D, No. lxiv. The ballad of which four stanzas are given by Collier, i. 244, is presumably a forgery.

[1418] More, Works (ed. 1557), 208, ‘This is much like as at Beuerlay late, whan much of the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church fell sodeinly down at euensonge tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than were in it: a good felow, that after herde the tale tolde, “lo”, quod he, “now maie you see what it is to be at euensong whan ye should be at the bere baytynge”. How be it, the hurt was not ther in beinge at euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought’.

[1419] App. D, No. lxx.

[1420] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57.

[1421] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57; Bankside, xxx, with map.

[1422] The tithes were for ‘the bear garden and for the ground adjoining to the same where the dogs are’ (Rendle, Bankside, v). It was for Morgan Pope that Bowes’s patent as Master of the Game was exemplified in 1585; cf. p. 450.

[1423] Henslowe, ii. 25, from Egerton MS. 2623, f. 13, and Dulwich MS. iv. 21.

[1424] Henslowe, i. 71, ‘Ano do 1595 the xxviij^th of Novembere Reseved of M^r Henslow the day and yeare abov written the som of syx poundes of curant mony of England and is in part of a mor som [yf he the sayd] by twyxt the sayd Phillyp Henslow and me consaning a bargen of the beargarden I say Reseved vj^ll. By me John Mavlthouse. Wittnes I E Alley.’ I take the words in square brackets, which are cancelled in the diary, to represent ‘if he proceed’. In Henslowe, i. 43, are further receipts for 40s. ‘in part of the bargen for the tenymentes on the bankes syd’ in Dec. 1595, and sums of £10, £20, and £4 for unspecified purposes in Jan. and Feb. 1596. Kingsford, 177, gives the date of Henslowe’s purchase.

[1425] Henslowe, i. 209; cf. Henslowe Papers, 109.

[1426] Henslowe, ii. 25.

[1427] Henslowe Papers, 107. I agree with Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 30, 39) that it is difficult to see what a lease from Thomas Garland to Henslowe and Alleyn in 1608 of a close called Long Slip or Long Meadow in Lambeth can have had to do with the baiting. But Alleyn added the word ‘Bear-garden’ to the original endorsement ‘M^r Garlands lece’ (Henslowe Papers, 12). Perhaps the land was used for some subsidiary purpose in connexion with the Garden.

[1428] Henslowe Papers, 110; Architectural Review, xlvii. 152.

[1429] Full text in Alleyn Memoirs, 78; abstract in Henslowe Papers, 102.

[1430] Henslowe, i. 214; cf. p. 189 (supra).

[1431] Cf. p. 458.

[1432] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1433] Henslowe Papers, 19, from Dulwich Muniment 49; also printed in Variorum, iii. 343. Muniment 50 is Katherens’ bond, and Muniment 51 a sub-contract of 8 Sept. 1613 with John Browne, bricklayer, to do the brickwork for £80.

[1434] Cf. p. 370.

[1435] Taylor, Works (1630), 304, with a reply by Fennor and rejoinder by Taylor. Incidentally Taylor mentions the arras of the theatre and the tiles with which it was covered.

[1436] The Southwark vestry order of 1 May 1598 (App. D, No. cxv) seems to connect him with ‘play-houses’, but I doubt whether anything but the bear garden is meant.

[1437] Cf. Satiromastix, 1247, ‘Th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose that growes by the Beare-Garden’.

[1438] Alleyn Memoirs, 159.

[1439] Ordish, 235. No date can be assigned to A North Countrey Song in Wit and Drollery (1656):

When I’se come there [to Paris Garden], I was in a rage,

I rayl’d on him that kept the Beares,

Instead of a Stake was suffered a Stage,

And in Hunkes his house a crue of Players.

[1440] Collier, iii. 102.

[1441] Cf. p. 375.

[1442] Ordish, 244. A Bearsfoot Alley shown farther to the east by Rocque (1746) may derive from one of the earlier baiting-places.

[1443] C. W. Wallace in The Times (30 April 1914), ‘We present John Wardner William Sellors and all the land holders or their tenantes that holde anie landes gardeines ground or tenementes abbutting vpon the common sewer leadinge from Sellors gardin to the beare garden to cast clense and scoure their and euerie one of their seuerall partes of the common sewer by Candlemas nexte vpon paine of euerie pole then vndone ... ij^s’.

[1444] Cf. p. 458.

[1445] E. Hake, Newes out of Poules Churchyarde (1579), Sat. v:

What else but gaine and money gote

Maintaines each Saboth day

The bayting of the Beare and Bull?

What brings this brutish play?

Many of the attacks on plays (App. C) also refer to baiting.

[1446] App. D, No. lxxxiv.

[1447] App. D, No. cxxxii.

[1448] ‘In the late quenes tyme fre libertie was permited with owt restrainte to bayght them which now is tacken a way frome vs especiallye one the Sondayes in the after none after devine service which was the cheffest meanes and benefit to the place’; cf. p. 452.

[1449] Cf. p. 375.

[1450] Henslowe Papers, 88, 125.

[1451] Printed in M. S. C. i. 277, from P. R. 13 Jac. I, pt. 20; also by Collier, i. 381, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 46, from the Signet Bill, misdescribed as the Privy Seal, of 31 May.

[1452] Cf. App. D, No. clvii.

[1453] Cf. App. D, No. clx. Collier, i. 384, without giving his authority, says that the Corporation reported the carrying out of this mandate ‘before three days had elapsed’.

[1454] Shaw. ii. 107. Sir Thomas Saunders had the same lodgings c. 1551 (cf. p. 478, n. 4; M. S. C. ii. 120).

[1455] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars); M. S. C. ii. 93, 110, 120.

[1456] W. P. Baildon, Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn, iv. 263; C. F. R. Palmer, The Friar-Preachers of Holborn, London (Reliquary, xvii. 33, 75).

[1457] Stowe, Survey, i. 9, 27, 40, 64, 339; ii. 14, 44, 89; (1720) i. 3. 177; Halle, ii. 150; Nicolas, Acts of Privy Council, passim; Rot. Parl. v. 171; Clapham, 58; V. H. i. 498; Brewer, iv. 2483; Riley, Memorials of London, 90; Baldwin, 154, 261, 355, 358, 499; Gairdner, Paston Letters, i. 426, ‘for the ease of resorting of the Lordys that are withinne the toun’.

[1458] V. H. i. 498.

[1459] Brewer, iii. 2. 1053.

[1460] Ibid. xiii. 2. 215.

[1461] Rymer, xiv. 609; Brewer, xiii. 2. 320.

[1462] M. S. C. ii. 3.

[1463] Ibid. ii. 4, 6, 8, 109, 114. Cawarden had had a lease of part of the property on 4 April 1548.

[1464] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178.

[1465] Printed from Journal, 14, f. 129, as appendix to Memoranda, References, and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals of the City of London (1836).

[1466] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178. Portinari was a pensioner c. 1526 (Brewer, iv. 871), and he was aged 64 in 1572 (M. S. C. ii. 52). He was a Florentine by birth and an engineer by profession (Sp. P. ii. 399; Winwood, i. 145).

[1467] B. M. Lansd. MS. 155, f. 80^v.

[1468] M. S. C. ii. 2, 5, 103, 127; Stowe (1598), i. 339; Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91; Dasent, xxvi. 448; xxvii. 13.

[1469] In 1585 the Lord Mayor asked that the Blackfriars might contribute to the musters (Stowe, ed. Strype, i. 3. 180). In 1588 and 1593 requisitions for a levy were sent to the chief officer, i. e. the constable, and the inhabitants (Dasent, xv. 428; xxiv. 30). But in 1589 similar action was taken through the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xvii. 118). A local dispute was referred to Richard Young and another Middlesex justice in 1591, with whom the Lord Mayor was joined because a City company was involved (Dasent, xx. 245, 283). Young and others again received the Council’s instructions, after they had heard the inhabitants, on a building matter in 1591 (Dasent, xxi. 337). At a time of danger in 1592 the keeping of a midsummer watch was committed to Lord Cobham (Dasent, xxii. 551).

[1470] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183; Dasent, iii. 235 (Letter of 14 March 1551 ‘to the Maiour of London to suffer the Lorde Cobham, the Lorde Wardein, and others dwelling within the Blacke Freres t’enjoye their liberties there’). The riot was put down by Sir Thomas Saunders, Sir Henry Jerningham, and William More.

[1471] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183.

[1472] Stowe, ed. Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. The Blackfriars papers added by A. Munday in 1618 appear to be all notes and examinations taken by Sir Thomas Saunders, who appealed to the Earl of Arundel for support.

[1473] Dasent, viii. 240, 257.

[1474] Dasent, x. 429; xii. 19. Pending a decision the Lord Mayor was directed ‘not to intermeddle in any cawse within the saide liberties, savinge onlie for the punishment of fellons as heretofore he hath don’. The report dated 27 Jan. 1580 is printed by Ingleby, 250, from the Bridgewater MSS. It seems to be genuine. Collier does not print it, although he mentions it (New Facts, 9) in connexion with a forged Privy Council order which he dates 23 Dec. 1579. Wallace, ii. 22, describes an unprinted statement of the City’s case, dated 27 Jan. 1579, in Letter Book Z, f. 23^v.

[1475] Dasent, xv. 137; Stowe (1720), i. 3. 177.

[1476] This may be the undated petition relating both to the Blackfriars and the Whitefriars in B. M. Lansd. MS. 155, f. 79^v.

[1477] Wallace, i. 174, from Loseley MSS., bundle 425.

[1478] M. S. C. ii. 124; cf. Dasent, xiii. 76.

[1479] Dasent, xxvi. 448. Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Fortescue, both residents in or near the Blackfriars, sat on the commission with the chief justices. Lady Russell records the want of a steward and bailiff to keep order in 1597 (Hatfield MSS. vii. 298).

[1480] Dasent, xxvii. 13; xxx. 134, 149; cf. App. D, No. cxxvi.

[1481] W. de G. Birch, Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of London, 142. James is said to have made the City pay for the rebuilding of the Banqueting House (cf. ch. i) in return for this extension of jurisdiction (Goodman, ii. 176). Collier, N. F. 20, 22, 32, although ignorant of the charter, quotes documents relating to the status of the Blackfriars in 1608, of which two at least, a note of the interest of the players in the theatre and a letter in their favour signed ‘H. S.’, are forgeries (Ingleby, 244, 246, 256).

[1482] M. S. C. ii. 66, 114; cf. Cawarden’s i. p.m. in Fry, London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, i. 191.

[1483] The general lie of Blackfriars can be gathered from Stowe (1598), i. 313; ii. 11, with the maps described in the Bibl. Note to ch. xvi, and the modern ordnance maps. The earlier maps are largely picturesque, and notably place far too much of the precinct on the east of Water Lane. But they seem to preserve certain details, such as the arches over the north to south highway. The old lines of the roads appear to have been preserved at the rebuilding after the great fire of 1666. I have added some details from other sources.

[1484] M. S. C. ii. 115.

[1485] The reconstructed map of London by Emery Walker in C. L. Kingsford’s edition of Stowe gives this name in error to Water Lane.

[1486] The 1586 documents in Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178, state that the prior held of the lord of St. John’s, ‘who did make the bridge at the Thames’. Feuillerat, Eliz. 454, however, quotes a Declared Account of 1550 for ‘the ereccion and buyldynge ... of two bridges thone at the Blackfreers and thother at the Temple’. Under Elizabeth the liberty maintained the bridge as well as that at Bridewell (Lansd. MS. 155, f. 80^v). The tenure from St. John’s is also alleged (1587) in Dasent, xv. 137. It is rather curious that in an endorsement of the survey of St. John’s in 1586–7 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 47) that house, although in Clerkenwell, is described, perhaps by a slip, as in the Blackfriars.

[1487] M. S. C. ii. 115. For the ‘turngate’ cf. M. S. C. ii. 114; Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. This, with the great gate, and the gates at the Thames and Fleet bridges, made up the four gates of conventual times. The gate, over which Shakespeare had a house, where Ireland Yard debouches into St. Andrew’s Hill, was probably of later date.

[1488] M. S. C. ii. 6, 11, 109.

[1489] The upper gate is described in a lease as ‘a gate of the Citie of London’ (Loseley MS. 1396, f. 44). It may have been a relic of the pre-1276 wall. Its site is shown on the Ordnance map. The lower gate is visible in the maps of Braun and Agas. It seems to have carried Charles V’s gallery over the roadway to the guest-house.

[1490] M. S. C. ii. 9, 107, 110; Clapham, 64.

[1491] The details for the rest of this paragraph are mainly taken from Crown surveys of 1548 and 1550 (M. S. C. ii. 6, 8), and from a memorandum by Cawarden on the grants anterior to his own (M. S. C. ii. 1, 103), and Professor Feuillerat’s notes of the original patents which illustrate this.

[1492] M. S. C. ii. 9, 107, 114; Clapham, 62; London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, ii. 115.

[1493] Ibid. 9, 10, 112.

[1494] Ibid. 111, 113.

[1495] Ibid. 110; Clapham, 63.

[1496] Ibid. 10, 110, 114.

[1497] Ibid. 3.

[1498] Some vaulted fragments stood until 1900 at a spot which must have been just east of the school-house. Possibly they formed part of the provincial’s lodging. They are shown in a plan of c. 1670–80 (Clapham, 71), and their condition in 1900 was carefully recorded (Clapham, 69, 70, 78). Only a fragment of wall is now in situ, just north of what is now the west end of Ireland Yard, but appears on the seventeenth-century plan as Cloister Court. It must, however, have run out from the south-east corner of the cloister towards the east. The name Cloister Court has now passed to a yard farther south.

[1499] Clapham, 68; cf. p. 486.

[1500] Clapham suggests, plausibly enough, that the description (c. 1394) of a Dominican house in Pierce the Ploughmans Crede (ed. Skeat, E. E. T. S. 153–215) was based upon the London Blackfriars. The following passages relate to the cloister and refectory.

Þanne kam i to þat cloister . & gaped abouten

Whouȝ it was pilered and peynt . & portred well clene,

All y-hyled wiþ leed . lowe to þe stones,

And y-paued wiþ peynt til . iche poynte after oþer;

With kundites of clene tyn . closed all aboute,

Wiþ lauoures of latun . louelyche y-greithed....

... Þanne was þe chaptire-hous wrouȝt . as a greet chirche,

Coruen and couered . and queyntliche entayled;

Wiþ semlich selure . y-set on lofte;

As a Parlement-hous . y-peynted aboute....

... Þanne ferd y into fraytour . and fond þere an oþer,

An halle for an heyȝ king . an housholde to holden,

Wiþ brode bordes aboute . y-benched wel clene,

Wiþ windowes of glas . wrouȝt as a Chirche....

... Chambers wiþ chymneyes . & Chapells gaie;

And kychens for an hyȝe kinge . in castells to holden,

And her dortour y-diȝte . wiþ dores ful stronge;

Fermery and fraitur . with fele mo houses,

And all strong ston wall . sterne opon heiþe,

Wiþ gaie garites & grete . & iche hole y-glased;

And oþere houses y-nowe . to herberwe þe queene.

[1501] M. S. C. ii. 1.

[1502] Ibid. 13, 115.

[1503] Ibid. 6, 8, gives the texts of two surveys (a) of the property leased to Cawarden on 4 April 1548, (b) of that included in his grant of 12 March 1550.

[1504] Ibid. 7, 12, 35; cf. p. 499.

[1505] London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, i. 191; cf. M. S. C. ii. 4, 12.

[1506] Stowe (1598), i. 341; Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91; M. S. C. ii. 2, 127; Hennessy, 88; Loseley MSS.

[1507] M. S. C. ii. 103.

[1508] Ibid. 92, 117.

[1509] Ibid. 21, 31, 92, 126.

[1510] Ibid. 21, 93, 119. They were let to Henry Knowles in 1565 and had been earlier occupied by Roger Lygon, Lady Parr, and Sir Thomas Saunders. Later Nicholas Saunders had them.

[1511] Ibid. 117, 124, 125, show Anthony Browne, probably, as tenant in 1560, Henry Lord Hunsdon, probably, in 1584 and 1585, and Ralph Bowes in 1596.

[1512] Dasent, xxi. 402, gives a Privy Council letter of 18 August 1591 to the Lord Mayor requiring him to repair the supply pipe from Clerkenwell; cf. p. 494.

[1513] (1548) ‘A Cuchin yarde, an owlde Cuchyn, an entre or passage Ioyninge to the same, conteyninge in lengethe 84 fote, abuttinge to the lane aforseide on the weste side, being in breddethe at that ende 68 fote, Abuttinge ageanste an owlde butery on the easte side, being in breddethe at that ende 74 foote, Abuttinge to M^r Portynarys parler nexte the lane on the Southe side, And to my lorde Cobhames brick wall and garden on the Northe syde. An owlde buttery and an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin, with Sellers therunder, with a hall place at the vpper ende of the stayre and an entere there to the ffrater ouer the same buttery, all which conteyne in lengethe 36 foote and in breddethe 95 foote, abuttinge to the cloyster on the Este side, the Cuchin on the weste side, to the lorde Cobhams howse on the Northe syde, and on the Sowthe side to a blynd parlour that my lorde warden did clame.

A howse called the vpper frater conteyninge in lengethe 107 foote and in breddethe 52 foote, abuttinge Sowthe and easte to my ladye Kingestons howse and garden, Northe to a hall where the kinges revelles lyes at this presente, and weste towardes the seide Duchie Chamber and M^r Portynaryes howse.

Memorandum my lorde warden clamethe the seide hall, parlour, Cutchin and Chaumber.

A hall and a parlour vnder the seide frater of the same lengethe and breddethe, A litle Cuchen conteyning in lengethe 23 foote and in breddethe 22 foote abuttinge to the aforseide lane on the weste, towardes the seide parlour on the este, to M^r Portinarys howse on the northe, and to a waye ledinge to my ladye Kingestons howse on the southe, A litle Chamber with a voyde rome therunder, conteyning in lengethe 26 fote, in breddeth 10 foote, abuttinge weste to the cuchin, este to the parlour, northe to M^r Portinarys howse, and ye seid way to my ladie Kingestons howse Sowthe, with 4 small Sellers or darke holes therunder.

A voyde rome, beinge an entre towardes the lytle cytchin and colehowse, conteyning in lengeth 30 fote and in breddethe 17 fote.

A Chamber called the Duchie Chaumber, with a darke loginge therunder, conteyninge in lengthe 50 fote and in breddethe 16 foote, abuttinge este ageanste the north ende of the seide ffrater, abuttinge weste on M^r Portinaryes parlour —— 66^s 8^d.’

(1550) ‘One Kitchyn yarde, an olde Kitchyn, an Entrie or passage ioyneinge to the same, Conteineinge in lengthe 84 fote, abutinge to the Lane aforesaid on the west side, beinge in bredethe at that ende three score fowrtene fote, abutinge to M^r Portinareys parler next the Lane on the southe side and to the Lord Cobham brickewall & gardeine on the Northe side. One olde Butterie & a Entrie or passage with a great staier therein, with Cellers therevnder, with a Hawle place at the vpper ende of the staiers and a entrie there to the ffrater ouer the same butterie, which all conteinethe in lengthe 95 fote and in bredethe 36 fote, abuttinge to the Cloyster on thest side, the kitchyn on the west side, to the Lorde Cobham howse on the northe side, and on the southe side to a blinde parler that my Lord warden did Clayme. One howse called the vpper ffrater conteinethe in Lengthe 107 fote and in bredethe 52 fote, Abuttinge southe and est to the Ladie Kingston howse and gardein, northe to a hawle where the Kinges Revelles Liethe at theis presentes, and west towardes the Duchie Chamber and M^r Portinareyes howse. A voide rome, beinge an Entrie towardes the Litle Kitchyn & Cole howse, conteininge in Lengthe 30 fote and in bredethe 17 fote. One Chamber called the Duchie chamber, with a darke Lodginge there vnder, conteininge in Lengthe 50 fote and in bredethe 16 fote, abuttinge est agaynst the northe ende of the said ffrater, and abuttinge west apon M^r Portinareys parler. All which premisses be valued to be worthe by yere —— iij^li vj^s viij^d.’

[1514] M. S. C. ii. 14, 24, 116, 117, 119, 120; cf. p. 482. The stone gallery was removed in 1564.

[1515] Ibid. 13, 16, 115.

[1516] Ibid. 14, 16.

[1517] Ibid. 7, 11, ‘an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin’ (1548, 1550), 21 ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from that end of the house of William More wherin John Horleye his servaunt doth lodge’ (1560), 118, ‘the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden’ (1560), 31, ‘an entrye leadynge from the sayde voyde ground into the sayd dwellynge howse or tenement of the sayd Sir William More’ (1576), 63, ‘the dore entry way voide ground and passage leadinge and vsed to and from the saide greate yard nexte the saide Pipe Office’ (1596), 126, ‘the gate-house with the appurtenances on the west side of the sayd monastery’ (1611), ‘the great gate near the play-house’ (1617).

[1518] M. S. C. ii. 20.

[1519] Ibid. 14 (cf. 116), ‘vnius paris graduum ducentium a coquina predicta vsque magnum claustrum’ (1546), 21, ‘the waye ledinge from the house and garden of William More towards the Water Lane’, ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from the garden of William More to the voide grounde’ (1560), 119.

[1520] Ibid. 16.

[1521] Ibid. 115.

[1522] Ibid. 27, 29.

[1523] The whole length of the Neville-Farrant holding is given in 1560 (M. S. C. ii. 20) as 157½ ft., and in 1576 (M. S. C. ii. 29) as 156½ ft. As this included 37 ft. of the northern block, 119½ ft. or 120½ ft. seems to be left for the staircase and frater. The difference between inside and outside measurements often causes confusion in old surveys.

[1524] M. S. C. ii. 62, 119; cf. p. 504.

[1525] Ibid. 94.

[1526] Cf. p. 513.

[1527] M. S. C. ii. 105.

[1528] The room is described as ‘intrale seu le parlour’ in Cawarden’s grant of 1550.

[1529] M. S. C. ii. 105, 124. There was yet another room under the infirmary. One Kempe, an assign of Lady Kingston’s heir, tried to claim the Parliament Chamber from Cawarden, on the strength of her grant of the infirmary.

[1530] Cf. p. 504.

[1531] On Cheyne’s houses cf. p. 499.

[1532] M. S. C. ii. 42–51. This hall is doubtless the ground-floor frater referred to in a document of c. 1562 (M. S. C. ii. 105).

[1533] Cf. p. 499. The ‘blinde parler that my Lord warden did clayme’ and ‘the litle kitchyn and cole howse’ are mentioned in the survey of 1550 to define the position of other parcels. But the hall and parlour might be held to be covered by the grant of the ‘howse called the vpper frater’, and I do not know what the ‘little tenement’ near that held by Kirkham from Cheyne was, if it was not the little chamber and kitchen. It is noteworthy that the disputed rooms, after being included, with a note of Cheyne’s claim, in the survey of 1548, were left out of Cawarden’s lease of the same year.

[1534] M. S. C. ii. 109.

[1535] Brewer, ii. 2. 1494.

[1536] Tudor Revels, 7.

[1537] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 255; Wallace, i. 140.

[1538] Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91.

[1539] Feuillerat, Eliz. 430; cf. M. S. C. ii. 120; Wallace, i. 192.

[1540] M. S. C. ii. 35. I do not know whether More deliberately confused the Tents and Revels.

[1541] Ibid. 52.

[1542] Ibid. 105.

[1543] Ibid. 14, 116; Hist. MSS. vii. 603.

[1544] Ibid. 15.

[1545] Only an abstract of title at the date of the sale exists (Barrett, Apothecaries, 46), but Apothecaries’ Hall occupies the site of these rooms.

[1546] M. S. C. ii. 4, 9; Feuillerat, Eliz. 440. In 1552 Jane Fremownte had succeeded Barnard (M. S. C. ii. 115), but she cannot have had the whole of the original lodge, as her 4 ft. entry on Water Lane is too small to have been the main access to the cloister. Probably part had been granted to her neighbour, Sir George Harper. Nor did all her holding pass to Cobham in 1554. Some of it was probably added to the house on the north, which occupied the site of the old church porch.

[1547] M. S. C. ii. 44, 53; cf. p. 502.

[1548] Ibid. 51, 121.

[1549] Ibid. 16.

[1550] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 210, 230, 242, 301; Eliz. 103, 107.

[1551] M. S. C. ii. 118, ‘one other grete rome or vawte next the ground next the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden wherin now the robes of the revelles do lye’ (Lease of 12 Feb. 1560).

[1552] M. S. C. ii. 19.

[1553] Cf. p. 489.

[1554] M. S. C. ii. 105, 118.

[1555] Ibid. 119, 120.

[1556] Wallace, i. 175.

[1557] M. S. C. ii. 119.

[1558] Ibid. 27; Wallace, i. 175.

[1559] Wallace, i. 175.

[1560] M. S. C. ii. 120.

[1561] Ibid. 27.

[1562] Jahrbuch, xlviii. 92; Wallace, i. 131.

[1563] Ibid. 93; M. S. C. ii. 28; Wallace, i. 132.

[1564] On the plays performed there, cf. chh. xii, xiii (Chapel, Paul’s, Oxford’s). Collier appears to have been aware, probably from the Lyly prologues and the reference in Gosson, P. C. 188, of the existence of the earlier Blackfriars play-house, and to have dated it, by a singular coincidence, in 1576. He knew nothing of the real facts, but inferred (H. E. D. P. i. 219) that the undated petition of the Blackfriars inhabitants, which is really of 1596, was of 1576, on the strength of a reference in it to a banishment of the players from the City, which an incorrect endorsement on a Lansdowne MS. (cf. App. D, No. lxxv) had led him to place in 1575. This did not prevent him from also assigning the petition, with a forged reply from the players, to 1596 (cf. p. 508). He proceeded to forge (a) an order dated 23 Dec. 1579 for the toleration of Leicester’s men at the Blackfriars (New Facts, 9), and (b) a memorial by Shakespeare and others as Queen’s men and Blackfriars ‘sharers’ in 1589 (New Facts, 11; cf. Ingleby, 244, 249).

[1565] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1566] Jahrbuch, xlviii. 99; Wallace, i. 152 (Will of Farrant, 30 Nov. 1580), 153 (Anne Farrant to More, 25 Dec. 1580), 154 (Leicester to More, 19 Sept. 1581), 158 (Anne Farrant to Walsingham, c. 1583), 159 (Court of Common Pleas, Farrant v. Hunnis and Farrant v. Newman, 1583–4), 160 (Court of Requests, Newman and Hunnis v. Farrant, 1584), 177 (Wolley to More, 13 Jan. 1587), 174 (Memoranda by More, c. 1587; cf. Dasent, xv. 137).

[1567] M. S. C. ii. 123. More’s rental of 1584 includes £50 from Hunsdon for the mansion house, £20 from Oxford, £8 from Lyly; that of 1585 the same three sums, all from Hunsdon. But the two smaller sums represent twice Farrant’s rent, which was £14.

[1568] Kempe, 495; M. S. C. ii. 123; Wallace, i. 186 (More to Hunsdon, 8 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 27 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 14 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, draft, 17 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, 18 April 1590). Did the Paul’s ‘boyes’ keep up connexion with the Blackfriars by learning dancing and perhaps playing in Frith’s school?

[1569] M. S. C. ii. 61, 93, 94, 98.

[1570] Ibid. 123 (Skinner to More, 11 Oct. 1591).

[1571] Ibid. 50, 54.

[1572] This may have been Thomas Hale, Groom of the Tents, who was a witness in the case (ibid. 44), or the Thomas Hall, musician, who in 1565 was sub-tenant of Frith’s garrets (ibid. 119).

[1573] Ibid. 35 (memorandum by More), 36 (award by arbitrators), 40 (depositions of More’s witnesses), 122 (notes of evidence by Pole’s witnesses).

[1574] On Bonetti’s career as a fencer, cf. Wallace, i. 187; M. S. C. ii. 122; Reyher, 257; G. Silver, Paradoxes of Defence, 64.

[1575] M. S. C. ii. 56; Wallace, i. 188 (Willoughby to More, July 1584), 190.

[1576] Wallace, i. 189; M. S. C. ii. 122. I do not think the lease of the fencing-school was in question between More and Bonetti. Both Raleigh’s letter and the workmen’s petition imply house-building, not mere internal repairs. Bonetti could have added no building to the fencing-school except perhaps the kitchen which adjoined in 1596 (ibid. 61). But the western house had been extensively rebuilt by 1584.

[1577] Ibid. 55.

[1578] Ibid. 56. The whole description from ‘All w^ch six foote & a halfe’ (l. 18) to ‘xxxix foote & viij inches’ (l. 29) is parenthetic, a point which the punctuation obscures.

[1579] Cf. chh. ii, xiii (Chamberlain’s).

[1580] M. S. C. ii. 124; cf. p. 490.

[1581] Ibid. 62; cf. p. 504.

[1582] M. S. C. ii. 36, 47, 51, 122.

[1583] Ibid. 36, 38, 56 (‘the tenemente of Margrett Poole on the south and weste’), 70, 77, 81, 85, 125. Here must have been the chamber which Thomas Blagrave, finding the butler’s lodging too small, hired of Parson Wythers, Cheyne’s servant, from 1552 to 1560, and which Pole still had in 1572 (ibid. 53). But if it was strictly ‘adjoininge’ to his house he must have had the ‘little kitchen’ as well as the ‘little chamber’.

[1584] Ibid. 63, 71.

[1585] Ibid. 125. An unfortunate hiatus in a document (ibid. 70) leaves it uncertain whether Tice occupied one of Mrs. Pole’s houses or More’s enlarged ‘little kitchen’.

[1586] Ibid. 50.

[1587] Cf. p. 504.

[1588] Kempe, 496; Wallace, i. 195; M. S. C. ii. 125, misdated 1595. The ‘other’ house was probably the mansion house, which was let to Ralph Bowes on 3 March 1596 (cf. p. 497). Hunsdon died on 22 July 1596.

[1589] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 299, from enrolment in R. O.; M. S. C. ii. 60, from counterpart executed by Burbadge in Loseley MS. 348.

[1590] I suppose that this was the old lavatory. If so, probably Burbadge’s use terminated when this became a glass-house in 1601; cf. p. 506.

[1591] The account in Wallace, ii. 37, is not trustworthy; it assumes, in lieu of the Duchy Chamber and staircase tower, a ‘north section’ of the building 40 ft. from north to south.

[1592] Cf. p. 498.

[1593] Wallace, i. 196; ii. 38, is misleading here.

[1594] M. S. C. ii. 70.

[1595] Ibid. 76 (conveyance by Sir Richard Michelborne, George Pole, and Charles Pole), 84 (conveyance by Richard and Elizabeth Mansell), 125.

[1596] Variorum, iii. 62; Birch, ii. 426.

[1597] H. R. Plomer, The King’s Printing House under the Stuarts (2 Library ii. 353).

[1598] M. S. C. ii. 83 (Recital of conveyance by trustees of Lady Howard); cf. p. 512.

[1599] Ibid. 98 (Recital of lease in deed of sale of 1609).

[1600] Ibid. 93, ‘all that greate Vault or lowe roome adioyneing to the said greate Garden lyeing and being at the south west end of the said greate garden nowe vsed and imployed for a glassehowse’ (1609). By 26 June 1601 (M. S. C. ii. 70) the way south of the kitchen yard has become ‘the yard or way ... which leadeth towardes the glassehouse nowe in the tenure of Sir Ierom Bowes’. Bowes had obtained a patent for making drinking-glasses in 1592 and occupied a warehouse under the church in 1597 (D. N. B.). Dekker, Newes from Hell (1606, Works, ii. 97), says, ‘Like the Glass-house Furnace in Blacke-friers, the bonefiers that are kept there neuer goe out’.

[1601] M. S. C. ii. 92 (Deed of Sale).

[1602] Ibid. 126. There is some confusion as to the position of Mrs. Basil’s house. I think it was west of the gate-house.

[1603] Ibid. 88 (Deed of Sale, misdated 1602).

[1604] Ibid. 64.

[1605] Ibid. 83; S. P. D. Jac. I, viii. 18 (Grant to trustees for Lady Kildare). An inquisitio on Cobham’s Blackfriars property (1 Jac. I) appears to be amongst the Special Commissions and Returns in the Exchequer (R. O. Lists and Indexes, xxxvii. 61).

[1606] C. R. B. Barrett, History of the Society of Apothecaries, 42. The existing Hall dates from 1669–70. John Downes (cf. App. I, No. iii) and Pepys, i. 336, record the use of the older building by Davenant for plays at the Restoration. So Farrant’s tradition survived.

[1607] For text and discussion of bona fides cf. App. D, No. cvii. Collier, having already assigned the document to 1576 (cf. p. 496), uses it again for 1596 (H. E. D. P. i. 287). With it, in his first edition (i. 297), he printed a reply, now in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 117, by Pope, Richard Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Shakespeare, Kempe, Sly, and Tooley, on behalf of the players, which is palaeographically a forgery (Ingleby, 289) and could not be genuine in substance, since it refers to the Globe, which did not exist in 1596.

[1608] Cf. p. 511. Wallace, ii. 53, thinks this an error or invention of the City in 1619, because the Privy Council registers ‘giving all the official acts of that body, record no such order’. But the Privy Council registers notoriously do not record all the official acts of that body (cf. ch. ii). The petitioners of 1619 are not likely to have invented the ‘petition and indorsemente’ of 1596 to which they appealed.

[1609] In the Sharers Papers of 1635 (Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317) Cuthbert and the other Burbadges then living say ‘now for the Blackfriers, that is our inheritance; our father purchased it at extreame rates, and made it into a play-house with great charge and troble’. Further, Cuthbert was associated with Richard in buying subsidiary property in 1601, 1610, 1612, and 1614 (cf. p. 505). But the leases of 1600 and 1608 were by Richard alone, and under one of these Cuthbert became his tenant.

[1610] Cf. p. 511.

[1611] Fleay, 211, 234, 240.

[1612] Cf. ch. xii.

[1613] Fleay, 224, 230, 245, 250. Evans maintained that the assignment to Hawkins was absolute, to cover his liability under the bond to Burbadge. But the court appears to have held that a reassignment was intended, but that ‘the conveyance was never perfected and sealed’.

[1614] Wallace, ii. 89, from unpublished document; Evans v. Kirkham in Fleay, 214.

[1615] Ibid. 235.

[1616] Ibid. 221, 231, 235, 246.

[1617] The Burbadges say in the Sharers Papers of 1635, ‘the more to strengthen the service, the boys daily wearing out, it was considered that house would be as fit for ourselves, and so purchased the lease remaining from Evans with our money, and placed men players, which were Hemings, Condall, Shakspeare, etc.’. They also say that the players had their shares ‘of us for nothing’. Very likely they paid no fine, but they had to pay their quota towards rent. It is reasonable to infer that Thomas Evans was a relative and nominee of Henry Evans. Kirkham’s allegation in the 1612 litigation that Henry Evans had shared in the Blackfriars profits during the past four years (Fleay, 225) was not seriously contested.

[1618] Cf. ch. xiii. Collier (New Facts, 16) printed a document professing to set out action taken by the City against scurrilities of Kempe and Armin at Blackfriars in 1605. But this cannot be traced in the City archives (S. Lee in D. N. B. s.v. Kempe), and the City did not obtain control of the Blackfriars until 1608 (cf. p. 480). It is probably a forgery.

[1619] Cf. vol. i, p. 357.

[1620] C. W. Wallace, Advance Sheets from Shakespeare, the Globe, and Blackfriars (p.p. 1909).

[1621] Sharers Papers in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312. Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 105, conjectures that Alleyn bought Shakespeare’s interest in April 1612, and it appears from G. F. Warner, Dulwich MSS. 115, 172, 174, that he forged entries in documents relating to other property of Alleyn’s in Blackfriars, as a support to this conjecture.

[1622] Cf. p. 480.

[1623] Text in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 311, and Harrison, iv. 323, from City Repertory, xxxiv, f. 38^v. The two petitions of the officials and inhabitants are in M. S. C. i. 90, from Remembrancia, v. 28, 29. They are undated, but can be identified from a recital in the order. The officials allege ‘that whereas in November 1596 divers both honorable persons and others then inhabiting the said precinct made knowne to the Lordes and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies were likelie to fall vpon them, by a common Play-house which was then preparinge to bee erected there, wherevpon their Honours then forbadd the vse of the said howse for playes, as by the peticion and indorsemente in aunswere thereof may appeare.... Nevertheles ... the owner of the said play-house doth vnder the name of a private howse (respectinge indeed private comoditie only) convert the said howse to a publique play-house.’ They dwell on the inconvenience caused by the congested streets and the difficulty of getting to church ‘the ordinary passage for a great part of the precinct aforesaid being close by the play house dore’.

[1624] Text in M. S. C. i. 280.

[1625] Text in Collier, i. 455, from S. P. D. Car. I, ccv. 32, where it is accompanied by copies of the Privy Council order and letter of 22 June 1600 (App. D, No. cxxiv) and the City order of 21 Jan. 1619. Probably the copy of the petition of Blackfriars inhabitants in 1596 (cf. p. 508), now in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 116, originally belonged to this set of documents.

[1626] M. S. C. i. 386.

[1627] The report of the commissioners is printed by Collier, New Facts, 27, and H. E. D. P. i. 477. It is confirmed by a memorandum of Secretary Windebank in S. P. D. Car. I, ccli. p. 293, and I think Ingleby, 304, is wrong in suspecting a forgery (cf. M. S. C. i. 386). The commissioners allowed (a) £700 to Cuthbert and William Burbadge for 14 years’ purchase of the rent of £50 reserved to them by lease, (b) £1,134 for 14 years’ purchase of an interest in four tenements rated at £75 and a piece of void ground to turn coaches at £6, (c) £1,066 13s. 4d. for 100 marks apiece to 16 players for ‘the interest that some of them haue by lease in the said Play-house, and in respect of the shares which others haue in the benefits thereof’, and for compensation for removal. Collier, Reply, 39, mentions but does not print another document containing a summary of the players’ claim, with notes by Buck. But Buck was long dead. A third valuation published by Collier, in which Laz. Fletcher’s name occurs, is certainly a forgery (Ingleby, 246).

[1628] M. S. C. i. 386.

[1629] Fleay, 211, 213. I suppose it was on this that Evans spent £11 0s. 2d. in Dec. 1603 (Wallace, ii. 89).

[1630] In The Times of 12 Sept. 1906 Professor Wallace gives the number of new suits as four; in The Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars (1908), 36, as twelve. Presumably the Court of Requests suit of Keysar v. Burbadge et al., printed in Nebraska University Studies, x. 336, is one of these.

[1631] Wallace, ii. 39, 40, 41, 43, 49.

[1632] Cf. p. 511.

[1633] M. S. C. ii. 31, ‘all the Leds couerynge the premysses’ (1576), 61, ‘the stone staires leadinge vpp vnto the Leades or route over the saide seaven greate vpper romes oute of the saide seaven greate vpper romes’ (1596).

[1634] Wallace, ii. 40.

[1635] Marston, The Dutch Courtesan, v. iii. 162.

[1636] Cf. p. 425.

[1637] R. Flecknoe, Miscellania (1653), 141, ‘From thence passing on to the Black-fryers, and seeing never a Play-bil on the Gate, no Coaches on the place, nor Doorkeeper at the Play-house door, with his Boxe like a Churchwarden, desiring you to remember the poor Players, I cannot but say for Epilogue to all the Playes were ever acted there:

Poor House that in dayes of our Grand-sires,

Belongst unto the Mendiant Fryers:

And where so oft in our Fathers dayes

We have seen so many of Shakspears Playes,

So many of Johnsons, Beaumonts & Fletchers.’

[1638] I do not know what value to attach to a print in the Gardiner collection, reproduced by Baker, 44, 78, as representing the theatre. It shows a Renaissance façade, which can have been no part of the mediaeval building. Adams, 197, reproduces a painting of mediaeval fragments found in rebuilding The Times in 1872, small ground-floor rooms divided by entries. But The Times must cover the site of Hunsdon House as well as that of the theatre.

[1639] As an epilogue to this narrative and an example of how popular history is written, I quote D. E. Oliver, The English Stage (1912), 9, ‘Blackfriars House, a deserted monastery on the Thames side, was granted by Edward VI in 1596 to the Court Players for their use as a play-house, but it was not until the accession of Elizabeth that it received official sanction as a recognized place of public entertainment’.

[1640] Jonas, 132, however, quotes from the register of St. Dunstan’s, Whitefriars, with the date 29 Sept. 1607, ‘Gerry out of the play-house in the Friars buried’, which suggests use of the theatre before 1608. The King’s Revels may well have started by 1607. He also quotes, without date, ‘We present one play-house in the same precinct, not fitting these to be now tolerable’.

[1641] I do not know why Adams, 312, identifies the play-house with a cloister shown in Clapham’s plan. Surely it is more likely to have been the hall also shown at the north-west corner.

[1642] P. C. Acts (1613–14), 166. One Sturgis had leased a house and garden from Sir Edward Gorge, and sublet the garden to ‘one Rossetoe Kynman and others, who goe aboute to erecte a p[l]aye house thereupon’.

[1643] M. S. C. i. 91; cf. ch. xvii. The Blackfriars is still the ‘private house’ of the King’s men in the patent of 1619 issued to them after this controversy.

[1644] It is true that, when the prentices took up Whitefriars for The Hog Hath Lost His Pearl in 1613, the admission per bullettini is said to have been ‘for a note of distinction from ordinary comedians’. But the companies had no need to continue any special system of admission after they had the protection of their patents; Dekker (vide p. 523) speaks of gatherers at private houses in 1609. After the Restoration, ‘ballatine, or tickets sealed for all doors and boxes’ were introduced at the Duke’s Theatre in 1660 (R. W. Lowe, Thomas Betterton, 75).

[1645] Lawrence, i. 230; cf. App. D, No. xxxii.

[1646] The earliest example is The Troublesome Reign of King John (1591).

[1647] But ‘priuately’ is also used of strictly private performances on the title-pages of Caesar’s Revenge (1607) acted at Trinity College, Oxford, and, later, W. Montague’s Shepherd’s Paradise (1659) acted by amateurs at Court.

[1648] T. M., Black Book (1604), in Bullen, Middleton, viii. 42, ‘arch tobacco-taker of England ... upon stages both common and private’; Malcontent (1604), ind., ‘we may sit upon the stage at the private house’; Sophonisba (1606), ad fin., ‘it is printed only as it was represented by youths, and after the fashion of the private stage’; Dekker, Gull’s Horn Book (cf. App. H), ‘Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent’; Dekker, Seven Deadly Sins (1606, Works, ii. 41), ‘All the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes are clapt downe’; Roaring Girl (1611), ii. 1, ‘the private stage’s audience, the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’; Daborne to Henslowe (1613, Henslowe Papers, 79), ‘as good a play for your publique howse as ever was playd’.

[1649] Cf. Wright (App. I).

[1650] Lawrence (Fortnightly, May 1916) has shown that the rebuilt Fortune of 1623 and Red Bull of c. 1632 were probably roofed, and Wright’s description confuses the two phases of these houses.

[1651] Chapman’s Byron (1625) is said to have been acted ‘at the Blacke-Friers and other publique Stages’, Heywood’s English Traveller (1633), A Maidenhead Well Lost (1634), and Love’s Mistress (1636) to have been ‘publikely acted’ at the Cockpit, and Shirley’s Martyred Soldier (1638) to have been acted ‘at the Private House in Drury Lane and at other publicke Theaters’. This is exceptional terminology, but shows the obsolescence of the distinction.

[1652] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1653] Old Fortunatus (Rose, 1599), prol. 81, ‘this small circumference’; Warning for Fair Women (? Curtain, 1599), prol. 83, 88, ‘all this fair circuit ... this round’; Hen. V (Curtain or Globe, 1599), prol. 11, ‘this cockpit ... this wooden O’; E. M. O. (Globe, 1599), prol. 199, epil. 4406, ‘this thronged round ... this faire-fild Globe’; Sejanus (Globe, 1603), comm. v, ‘the Globe’s fair ring’; Three English Brothers (Curtain or Red Bull, 1607), epil., ‘this round circumference’; Merry Devil of Edmonton (Globe, 1608), prol. 5, ‘this round’. On the other hand, Whore of Babylon (Fortune, 1607), prol. 1, ‘The charmes of Silence through this Square be throwne’.

[1654] Ordish, 12.

[1655] Before the Swan was built, Nashe wrote in The Unfortunate Traveller (1594), ‘I sawe a banketting house belonging to a merchant that was the meruaile of the world.... It was builte round of green marble like a Theater without’ (Works, ii. 282).

[1656] Cf. chh. iv, xvi (introd.).

[1657] Atlantic Monthly (1906), xcvii. 369.

[1658] Kirkman also says in the preface to The Wits (1672), ‘I have seen the Red Bull Play-house, which was a large one’; but he is referring, more certainly than Wright, to the rebuilt house.

[1659] Cf. Albright, 40; Lawrence, i. 12, and E. S. xxxii. 44.

[1660] There is a dot in Wheatley’s facsimile over the second well-marked ‘r’ of the word ‘orchestra’. Is it possible that Van Buchell misread it ‘orchestia’?

[1661] Cf. Brereton in Homage, 204.

[1662] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1663] The Theatrum of Jonson’s 1616 Folio t.p. is oval, rather than round, but it is safer to take this, in spite of its hut, as representing Jonson’s notion of a classical theatre.

[1664] Cf. ch. xvi. Graves, 32, tries to minimize the structural influence of inn-yards on the theatres, and even doubts whether the actors preferred to act in these ‘rather than in the great halls’. But I do not think that he makes much of a case. Had the inns, indeed, ‘great halls’ at all?

[1665] Gosson, P. C. (1582), ‘it is the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through every gallery’; Hamlet, III. ii. 10, ‘tear a passion to tatters, to very rags, to split the ears of the groundlings, who for the most part are capable of nothing but inexplicable dumb-shows and noise’; Dekker, G. H. B. (1609), ‘your Groundling and Gallery-Commoner buyes his sport by the penny ... neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the Scar-crows in the yard hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea, throw durt euen in your teeth’; Bartholomew Fair (1614), ind. 51, ‘the vnderstanding Gentlemen o’ the ground here, ask’d my iudgement’, 59, 79; The Hog Has Lost His Pearl (1614), prol.:

We may be pelted off for ought we know,

With apples, egges, or stones, from thence belowe;

W. Fennor, Descriptions (1616):

the understanding, grounded, men for their just reward,

Shall gape and gaze among the fools in the yard.

So later, Vox Graculi (1623), ‘they will sit dryer in the galleries then those who are the understanding men in the yard’; Shirley, The Changes (1632):

Many gentlemen

Are not, as in the days of understanding,

Now satisfied with a Jig;

Shirley, The Doubtful Heir (1640), prol.:

No shews, no frisk and, what you most delight in,

Grave understanders, here’s no target-fighting.

[1666] Proscenium is the proper classical word for the space in front of the scena; cf. p. 539.

[1667] Albright has no justification for introducing into his reconstruction of a typical Shakespearian stage the tapering, instead of quadrangular, platform which characterizes the late engraving in The Wits, and to a less degree those in Roxana and Messallina.

[1668] Wegener, 125, collects examples of the use of traps. They served, inter alia, for the representation of ‘hell-mouth’, which the Elizabethan stage inherited from the miracle-plays (cf. p. 544), and the space under the stage was known as ‘hell’; cf. Dekker, News from Hell (1606, Works, ii. 92, 139), ‘Mary the question is, in which of the Play-houses he [the Devil] would have performed his prize.... Hell being vnder euerie one of their Stages, the Players (if they had owed him a spight) might with a false Trappe doore haue slipt him downe, and there kept him, as a laughing stocke to al their yawning spectators.... Tailors ... (as well as Plaiers) haue a hell of their owne, (vnder their shop-board).’

[1669] Cf. Graves, 41. The register of the association of Masters of Defence (Sloane MS. 2530; cf. extracts in A. Hutton, The Sword and the Centuries, 259) records many ‘prizes’ played at theatres and theatrical inns during the sixteenth century; cf. App. D, Nos. lx-lxii, Case is Altered, II. vii. 28, ‘First they [maisters of defence] are brought to the publicke Theater’, and for later periods Henslowe, i. 98 (the Rose, 1598), the fatal contest at the Swan in 1602, and Herbert, 47, 81. For acrobats cf. App. D, No. cxxiii, on the use of the Swan by Peter Bromvill in 1600. Henslowe, i. 98, 106, records loans in connexion with vaulting performances with a horse, perhaps at the Rose, in 1598 and 1599 by John Haslett or Hassett, who was also paid for court performances (App. B) in 1603 and 1608.

[1670] T. M. Black Book (1604, Bullen, Middleton, viii. 7) opens with Lucifer ascending, as Prologue to his own Play:

Now is hell landed here upon the earth,

When Lucifer, in limbs of burning gold,

Ascends the dusty theatre of the world,...

... my tortured spleen

Melts into mirthful humour at this fate,

That heaven is hung so high, drawn up so far,

And made so fast, nailed up with many a star;

And hell the very shop-board of the earth,...

... And now that I have vaulted up so high

Above the stage-rails of this earthen globe,

I must turn actor and join companies.

Rails are shown in the late Roxana and Messallina engravings of indoor stages.

[1671] Cf. H. Logeman in Anglia, xix. 117.

[1672] Dekker, G. H. B. (1609), ‘on the very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce ... must our fethered Estridge ... be planted’ ... ‘Salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the rushes, or on stooles about you ... take vp a rush, and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants’; 1 Hen. IV, III. i. 214, ‘She bids you on the wanton rushes lay you down’. In The Gentleman Usher (c. 1604, Blackfriars), II. i. 72, ‘Enter Bassiolo with Servants, with rushes and a carpet’, and Bassiolo says,

lay me ’em thus,

In fine smooth threaves; look you, sir, thus, in threaves.

Perhaps some tender lady will squat here,

And if some standing rush should chance to prick her,

She’d squeak, and spoil the songs that must be sung.’

[1673] Lawrence, i. 39, 161.

[1674] G. Harvey (1579, Letter Book, 67), ‘sum maltconceivid comedye fitt for the Theater, or sum other paintid stage whereat thou and thy liuely copesmates in London may lawghe ther mouthes and bellyes full for pence or twoepence apeece’; Spenser, Tears of the Muses (1591), 176, ‘That wont with comick sock to beautefie The painted Theaters’; cf. Graves, 68. Coryat, i. 386, in 1608, found a Venice play-house ‘very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately Play-houses in England: neyther can their Actors compare with us for apparell, shewes and musicke’. So in Case is Altered, II. vii. 30, the plays in Utopia (= England) are ‘set foorth with as much state as can be imagined’.

[1675] App. I; but cf. p. 524, n. 1.

[1676] Malcontent (1604, Globe), ind., ‘Good sir, will you leave the stage? I’ll help you to a private room’; cf. Sir J. Davies’ epigram, infra.

[1677] Wright, Hist. Hist. 407, ‘The prices were small (there being no scenes)’.

[1678] L. Wager’s Mary Magdalene (1566) has a prologue which says that the actors will take ‘halfpence or pence’ from the audience, but this was probably used by strolling actors and continues the miracle-play tradition. At almost the same date, a jest in Merry Tales, Wittie Questions and Quick Answers (1567, Hazlitt, Jest Books, i. 145) tells how men stood at the gate of a play at Northumberland Place, ‘with a boxe (as the facion is) who toke of euery persone that came in a peny or an half peny at the least’.

[1679] J. Mayne in Jonsonus Virbius (1638):

So when thy Fox had ten times acted been,

Each day was first, but that ’twas cheaper seen;

And so thy Alchemist played o’er and o’er,

Was new o’ the stage, when ’twas not at the door.

[1680] G. Harvey (p. 530, supra); Lyly, Pappe with an Hatchet (Works, iii. 408); cf. Martin’s Month’s Mind (1589, App. C, No. xl). Lodge, Scillaes Metamorphosis (1589), will not ‘tie my pen to Pennie-knaves delight’, and S. Rowlands, Letting of Humour’s Blood in the Head Vein (1600), bids poets not ‘To teach stage parrots speak for penny pleasure’; cf. Case is Altered, I. i. 104, ‘Tut, giue me the penny, giue me the peny, I care not for the Gentlemen, I, let me haue a good ground’.

[1681] Cf. ch. xvi, introd. Field says in 1583 (App. C, No. xxxi), ‘Euery dore hath a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely stipend’.

[1682] E. M. O. (1599), ind. 425, ‘Let me neuer liue to looke as highe as the two-pennie roome, againe’; T. Garzoni, Hospitall of Incurable Fooles (tr. 1600), epist., ‘a Player that in speaking an Epilogue makes loue to the two pennie roume for a plaudite’; Satiromastix (1602), epil. 2690, ‘Are you pleas’d?... if you be not, by’th Lord Ile see you all—heere for your two pence a peice agen before Ile loose your company.... Good night, my two-penny Tenants’; Mad World, my Masters (c. 1604–6), v. ii. 36, ‘some ... that ... took a good conceit of their parts into th’ two-penny room’; Woman Hater (1607), prol. 5, ‘I do pronounce this, to the utter discomfort of all two-penny Gallery men, you shall have no bawdery’; Fleire (1607), ii. 30, ‘They (like your common players) let men come in for twopence a peece’; Dekker, News from Hell (1606, Works, ii. 96), ‘You may take him ... in the afternoones, in the twopeny roomes of a Play-house, like a Puny, seated Cheeke by Iowle with a punke’, Seven Deadly Sins (1606, ii. 53), ‘Sloth ... will come and sit in the two-pennie galleries amongst the gentlemen, and see their knaveries and their pastimes’, The Dead Term (1608, iv. 55), ‘Players ... prostitute themselues to the pleasures of euery two-penny drunken Plebeian’, Lanthorn and Candle-Light (1608, iii. 216), ‘Pay thy twopence to a Player, in his gallerie maist thou sitte by a Harlot’, Raven’s Almanac (1609, iv. 184), ‘As if you sat in the moste perspicuous place of the two-penny gallerie in a play-house’; Roaring Girl (1611), v. 1, ‘One of them is a nip; I took him once i’ the two-penny gallerie at the Fortune’; &c., &c.

[1683] Dekker, Seven Deadly Sins (1606, Works, ii. 53), ‘Their houses smoakt euery after noone with Stinkards who were so glewed together in crowdes with the steames of strong breath, that when they came foorth, their faces lookt as if they had beene per boyld’, Raven’s Almanac (1609, iv. 194), ‘Hee shall be glad to play three houres for two pence to the basest stinkard in London, whose breth is stronger than garlicke, and able to poison all the twelve penny roomes’, Work for Armourers (1609, iv. 96), ‘tearme times, when the Twopeny Clients and Peny Stinkards swarme together to heere the Stagerites’; vide n. 2, infra, and p. 534, n. 1.

[1684] Satiromastix (1602), 1669, ‘a Gentleman or an honest Cittizen shall not sit in your pennie-bench Theaters, with his Squirrell by his side cracking nuttes ... but he shall be Satyr’d and Epigram’d vpon’; T. M. Black Book (1604), ‘penny-rooms at theatres’; T. M. Ant and Nightingale (1604), ‘stinkards sitting in the penny galleries of a theatre, and yawning upon the players’; Dekker, Gull’s Horn Book (1609, Works, ii. 208), ‘thou ... hast vouchsafed to be acquainted with penny galleries’; Wit Without Money (c. 1614), iv. 1, ‘break in at plays like prentices for three a groat, and crack nuts with the scholars in peny rooms again’.

[1685] A. Copley, Wits, Fits and Fancies (1595; ed. 1614, p. 124), tells of a man cast off by his brother, an actor, who sent him sixpence in a sheet of paper, to show that, ‘though his brother had vowed not in seven years to see him, yet he for his sixpence could come and see him upon the stage at his pleasure’. If Platter’s 3d. was the highest normal charge in the sixteenth century, the 6d. may represent a first night’s charge.

[1686] Most of the allusions to 6d. charges relate to private houses (cf. p. 556), but Beaumont’s grammar lecture (cf. ch. xxiii) gives this price for the Bankside, and T. M. Black Book (1604, Bullen, Middleton, viii. 41) has ‘I give and bequeath to you Benedick Bottomless, most deep cut-purse, all the benefit of ... the sixpenny rooms in play-places, to cut, dive and nim’. Later, The Actors Remonstrance (1643) professes that the players will not admit into their ‘sixpenny rooms those unwholesome enticing harlots that sit there merely to be taken up by prentices or lawyers’ clerks’; cf. Lawrence, i. 36, who thinks that the lord’s rooms became the sixpenny rooms. For the 1s. charge, cf. p. 533, n. 1, and Malcontent (1604), ind. 63, ‘I say, any man that hath wit may censure, if he sit in the twelve-penny room’; Dekker, G. H. B. (1609), ‘When at a new play you take up the twelve-penny rome next the stage; (because the Lords and you may seeme to be haile fellow wel-met) there draw forth this booke, read alowd, laugh alowd, and play the Antickes, that all the garlike mouthed stinkards may cry out, Away with the fool’; Hen. VIII (1613), prol., ‘may see away their shilling’; Overbury, Characters (ed. Rimbault, 154, The Proud Man), ‘If he have but twelvepence in ’s purse he will give it for the best room in a play-house’.

[1687] They include women, and certainly look more like spectators than actors or musicians.

[1688] E. Guilpin, Skialetheia (1598), ep. 53:

See you him yonder, who sits o’re the stage,

With the Tobacco-pipe now at his mouth?

In E. M. O. (1599), 1390 (Q₁), Brisk is said to speak of lords ‘as familiarlie as if hee had ... ta’ne tabacco with them ouer the stage i’ the Lords roome’. Dekker-Wilkins, Jests to Make you Merry (1607, Works, ii. 292), has a jest of ‘one that sat ouer the stage’ on a wench in the two-penny room. Farmer-Chetham MS. (seventeenth-century, ed. Grosart, i. 104) has an epigram on Spongus, who ‘Plays at Primero over the stage’.

[1689] Satiromastix (1602), 2612, ‘You must forsweare to venter on the stage when your play is ended, and to exchange curtezies and complements with gallants in the Lordes roomes’. The subject is well discussed by Lawrence (i. 29), The Situation of the Lords’ Room.

[1690] Sir J. Davies, Epigrams (prob. < 1596), ep. 28, In Sillam, ‘He that dares take Tobacco on the stage’; ep. 3, In Rufum:

Rufus the Courtier at the theatre

Leauing the best and most conspicuous place,

Doth either to the stage himselfe transfer,

Or through a grate doth show his doubtful face,

For that the clamorous frie of Innes of court

Filles vp the priuate roomes of greater prise:

And such a place where all may haue resort

He in his singularitie doth despise.

It is not, I think, sitting on the stage that is satirized in J. Hall, Virgedemiarum (1597), i. 3, but a performance by illiterate amateurs on a ‘hired Stage’.

[1691] C. Revels (1601), ind. 138:

‘3. Child ... Here I enter.

1. What, vpon the stage too?

2. Yes: and I step forth like one of the children, and ask you, Would you have a Stool, Sir?

3. A Stoole Boy?

2. I Sir, if you’le giue me sixe Pence, I’le fetch you one.

3. For what I pray thee? what shall I doe with it?

2. O God Sir! will you betraye your Ignorance so much? why, throne your selfe in state on the stage, as other Gentlemen vse Sir’;

All Fools (c. 1604), prol. 30:

if our other audience see

You on the stage depart before we end,

Our wits go with you all and we are fools.

Isle of Gulls (1606), ind., ‘But come boy, furnish us with stools’.... ‘He [the author] is not on the stage amongst gallants preparing a bespoke Plaudite’.

K. B. P. (1607), ind. 41:

Wife below Rafe below.

Wife. Husband, shall I come vp husband?

Citizen. I cunny. Rafe helpe your mistresse this way: pray gentlemen make her a little roome, I pray you sir lend me your hand to helpe vp my wife.... Boy, let my wife and I haue a cupple stooles.... Come vp Rafe.

It must not be assumed from this burlesque that women usually sat on the stage, even at the private houses.

[1692] What You Will (1602), ind., ‘Let’s place ourselves within the curtains, for good faith the stage is so very little, we shall wrong the general eye else very much’; Faery Pastoral (1603), author’s note, ‘If so be that the Properties of any of These, that be outward, will not serue the turne by reason of concourse of the People on the Stage, Then you may omit the sayd Properties’. In Wily Beguiled (possibly a Paul’s play), 2021, comes the s. d. ‘Stands vpon a stoole’, in a wood scene.

[1693] E. M. O. (1599), 585 (Q₁), ‘Sit o’ the stage and flout; prouided, you haue a good suit’; 1784, ‘rich apparell ... takes possession of your stage at your new play’; A Mad World, my Masters (c. 1604–6), v. ii. 38, ‘The actors have been found i’ th’ morning in a less compass than their stage, though it were ne’er so full of gentlemen’; Woman Hater (1607), i. 3, ‘All the Gallants on the stage rise, vail to me, kiss their hand, offer me their places’. It is true that Roaring Girl (1611), ii. 1, has ‘the private stages audience, the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’, but this may only point to a higher price for a stool at the private house, and in any case cannot outweigh the allusions of Davies and Jonson before the Blackfriars, or probably Paul’s, were reopened, or T. M. Black Book (1604, Bullen, Middleton, viii. 42), ‘Barnaby Burning-glass, arch tobacco-taker of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common and private’; Dekker, G. H. B. (1609), ‘Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage’ (cf. the whole passage on the procedure and advantages of sitting on the stage, where Dekker clearly mingles traits of both types of house, in App. H). Wallace, ii. 130, argues that the custom was started at Blackfriars and was confined to the private houses, but is hopelessly confuted by C. R. Baskervill in M. P. viii. 581.

[1694] Malcontent (1604, Globe), ind.:

‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool.

Tire-man. Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here.

Sly. Why, we may sit upon the stage at the private house. Thou dost not take me for a country gentleman, dost? dost think I fear hissing?...

Lowin. Good sir, will you leave the stage? I’ll help you to a private room.

Sly. Come, coz, lets take some tobacco’;

M. D’Olive (1606, Blackfriars), IV. ii. 173, ‘I’ll take up some other fool for the Duke to employ: every ordinary affords fools enow; and didst not see a pair of gallants sit not far hence like a couple of bough-pots to make the room smell?’

[1695]

Yet, Grandee’s, would you were not come to grace

Our matter, with allowing vs no place.

Though you presume Satan a subtill thing,

And may haue heard hee’s worne in a thumbe-ring;

Doe not on these presumptions, force vs act,

In compasse of a cheese-trencher. This tract

Will ne’er admit our vice, because of yours.

Anone, who, worse than you, the fault endures

That your selues make? when you will thrust and spurne,

And knocke vs o’ the elbowes, and bid, turne;

As if, when wee had spoke, wee must be gone,

Or, till wee speake, must all runne in, to one,

Like the young adders, at the old ones mouth?

Would wee could stand due North; or had no South,

If that offend: or were Muscouy glasse,

That you might looke our Scenes through as they passe.

We know not how to affect you. If you’ll come

To see new Playes, pray you affoord vs roome.

[1696] Wallace, ii. 142.

[1697] Dekker, G. H. B. (1609), ‘You may ... haue a good stoole for sixpence ... creepe from behind the Arras, with your Tripos or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other’; cf. pp. 535, n. 3, 536, n. 2.

[1698] Cf. ch. xx.

[1699] Godfrey (Architectural Review, xxiii. 239) has no authority for his internal roofed staircases and landings in the narrow spaces between the galleries and the sides of the stage.

[1700] Henslowe made a ‘penthowsse shed at the tyeringe howsse doore’ of the Rose in 1591. Doubtless the stage could also be reached from in front; cf. the K. B. P. passage on p. 536.

[1701] Gosson, P. C. (1582, App. C, No. xxx), tells how youths are wont ‘to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through euery gallery’ in search of attractive company; cf. p. 532.

[1702] Cf. p. 541, and ch. xi.

[1703] Peacham, however, may be merely versifying the story of the choleric justice and the provincial audience which laughed when he ‘first peept out his head’ in Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (Works, i. 188), and reading in a feature, in the process, of the stage as known to himself; and the same applies to Davenant, The Unfortunate Lovers (c. 1638), prol., on the play-goers of old times:

For they, he swears, to the theatre would come,

Ere they had din’d, to take up the best room;

There sit on benches, not adorn’d with mats,

And graciously did vail their high-crown’d hats

To every half-dress’d player, as he still

Through the hangings peeped to see how the house did fill.

For Caroline practice, cf. T. Goffe, Careless Shepherdess ind.:

I never saw Rheade peeping through the curtain,

But ravishing joy entered into my heart;

also Tatham’s prologue for the Fortune players, when they moved to the Red Bull in 1640:

Forbear

Your wonted custom, banding tile and pear

Against our curtains, to allure us forth;

I pray, take notice, these are of more worth;

Pure Naples silk, not worsted.

I defer a full consideration of stage hangings to the chapters on staging; cf. vol. iii, p. 78.

[1704] For the classical sense of Scaena, cf. the passage from Vitruvius quoted in vol. iii, p. 3. Florio, Dictionary (1598), s.v. Scena, ‘a skaffold, a pavillion, or forepart of a theatre where players make them readie, being trimmed with hangings, out of which they enter upon the stage’, points to the identity of scene and tire-house front. This structure has therefore precisely the double function of the ‘domus’ of the court plays; cf. ch. xix. I owe the quotation to Graves, 15, who adds, The Englysshe Mancyne upon the foure Cardynale Vertues (c. 1520), ‘a disgyser yt goeth into a secret corner callyd a sene of the pleyinge place to chaunge his rayment’, and Palsgrave, Acolastus (1540), prol., ‘our scenes, that is to saye, our places appoynted for our players to come forth of’. The English ‘Mancyne’ is a translation, earlier than A. Barclay’s, of Dominic Mancini’s De Quatuor Virtutibus (1516), and the original has only ‘Histrio, qui in scaenam vadit’. The notion of scena as not a mere wall, but a shelter for performers, is mediaeval, and appears to go back to an early definition from σκῆνος, a hut or tent, found, e. g., side by side with the regular mediaeval misunderstanding of the classical art of acting in Hugutius, Liber Derivationum, ‘Scena est umbraculum siue locus obumbratus in theatro et cortinis coopertus similis tabernaculis mercenariorum, quae sunt asseribus vel cortinis opertae, et secundum hoc scena potest dici a scenos, quod est domus, quae in modum domus erat constructa. In umbraculo latebant personae larvatae, quae ad vocem recitatoris exigebantur ad gestus faciendos’; cf. Herrmann, 280, W. Cloetta, Komödie und Tragödie im Mittelalter (1890), 38; Mediaeval Stage, ii. 208. It is revised on humanist lines by Jodocus Badius Ascensius in the Praenotamenta to his Terence of 1502, ‘Intra igitur theatrum ab una parte opposita spectatoribus erant scenae et proscenia, id est loca lusoria ante scenas facta. Scenae autem erant quaedam umbracula seu absconsoria, in quibus abscondebantur lusores, donec exire deberent. Ante autem scenas erant quaedam tabulata, in quibus personae qui exierant ludebant.’

[1705] The Roxana engraving shows a projecting building at the back of the stage, but this can hardly be regarded as throwing light upon sixteenth-century structure.

[1706] C. Revels (1601), ind. 160. The author is not ‘in the Tiring-house, to prompt us aloud, stampe at the Booke-holder, sweare for our Properties, cursse the poore Tire-man, rayle the Musique out of tune’; Bartholomew Fair (1614), ind. 8, ‘I am looking, lest the Poet heare me, or his man, Master Broome, behind the Arras.... Hee has (sirreuerence) kick’d me three, or foure times about the Tyring-house, I thanke him, for but offering to putt in, with my experience’; v. iii. 57, ‘I would be glad drinke with the young company; which is the Tiring-house?’

[1707] Every Woman in her Humour, p. 354, ‘He would ... stamp and stare (God blesse us,) like a play-house book-keeper when the actors misse their entrance’; R. J. I. iv. 7,

Nor no without-book prologue, faintly spoke

After the prompter, for our entrance.

The actor’s signal for entrance was already his ‘cue’; cf. M. N. D. III. i. 77, ‘And so every one according to his cue’; Isle of Gulls, ii. 2, ‘you know your que’; ii. 3, ‘She hath entred the Dutches iust at her que’.

[1708] 2 Ant. Mellida, II. i. 30, ‘The tiring man hath not glued on my beard half fast enough’. A tireman appears in the inductions to Malcontent, ‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool’, and to What You Will, ‘Enter Tire-man with lights’. ‘Steven the tyerman’ of the Admiral’s in 1596 is probably the Steven Magett of other entries by Henslowe (i. 31, 44, 45).

[1709] Speakers in the induction to Bartholomew Fair (1614) are the Booke-Holder and the Stage-Keeper, who ‘kept the Stage in Master Tarletons time’, and whose work is ‘sweeping the Stage? or gathering vp the broken apples for the beares within?’

[1710] The Fortune company, c. 1617 (H. P. 85), offer to employ a dismissed ‘gatherer’ as ‘a nessessary atendaunt on the stage’ and to mend garments. On 27 Dec. 1624 the Master of Revels (Var. iii. 112; Herbert, 74) issued a warrant of protection for Nicholas Underhill, Robert Pallant, John Rhodes, and eighteen others ‘all imployed by the kings maiesties servantes in theire quallity of playinge as musitions and other necessary attendantes’. In Devil’s Charter (1607), 3016, is the s. d. ‘Alexander vnbraced betwixt two Cardinalls in his study looking vpon a booke, whilst a groome draweth the curtaine’. Is this ‘groom’ a character or an ‘attendant’? In any case attendants were naturally, with musicians and even ‘gatherers’ (on whom cf. ch. xi), used at need for supernumeraries; cf. the gatherers in the Frederick and Basilea plot (1597, H. P. 136) and 2 If You Know Not Me (1606), p. 297, ‘Enter ... the waits in sergeants’ gowns’. The long list of men and boys in the procession at the end of 1 Tamar Cham (1602, H. P. 148) must have taxed all such resources. For the use of boys as attendants, cf. Bartholomew Fair, V. iii. 65, ‘Ha’ you none of your pretty impudent boyes, now; to bring stooles, fill Tabacco, fetch Ale, and beg money, as they haue at other houses?’ Seventeenth-century gossip (Centurie of Prayse, 417) made Shakespeare join the stage as a ‘serviture’.

[1711] Lawrence, i. 75, ii. 159; Wegener, 150; G. H. Cowling, Music on the Shakespearian Stage, 29, 70, 80. I refer to Cowling and to E. W. Naylor, Shakespeare and Music, for discussions of the instruments used—drums, timbrels, bells (percussion instruments), sackbuts, trumpets, horns (brass instruments), cornets, hautboys, recorders, fifes (wood instruments), viols, lutes, citterns, pandores (string instruments)—of such terms as ‘flourish’, ‘sennet’, ‘tucket’, ‘peal’, ‘alarum’, ‘consort’, and of other technical matters with which I am not qualified to deal. The Admiral’s inventories of 1598 (H. P. 115, 116, 118) include ‘iij trumpettes and a drum, and a trebel viall, a basse viall, a bandore, a sytteren ... j chyme of bells ... iij tymbrells ... j sack-bute’.

[1712] Malcontent, ind. 89. The additions for the King’s are ‘to entertain a little more time, and to abridge the not-received custom of music in our theatre’. But ‘abridge’ only means shorten, and there are s. ds. for music between the acts of Sejanus (Globe, 1603) and in the plot of Dead Man’s Fortune (Admiral’s, c. 1590, H. P. 133); cf. Dekker, Belman of London (1608, Works, iii. 76), ‘These were appointed to be my Actes, in this goodly Theater, the musicke betweene, were the Singers of the Wood’. But such evidence is rare, and Lawrence, i. 75, and Cowling, 67, do not discriminate sufficiently the practice of the public theatres from that of the private theatres on the one hand and the early neo-classic court plays on the other. Here music is an integral part of the intermedii or dumb-shows, which are little more than survivals in the full-blown public drama; cf. F. A. Foster in E. S. xliv. 8, and Hamlet, III. ii. 13, ‘inexplicable dumb-shows’.

[1713] Cf. p. 551.

[1714] Alphonsus, prol., ‘after you haue sounded thrise, let Venus be let downe from the top of the Stage’; Heywood, Four Prentices, prol., ‘Do you not know that I am the prologue? Do you not see the long black velvet coat upon my back? Have I not all the signs of the prologue about me? Have you not sounded thrice?’; Dekker, Satiromastix, epist., ‘In steed of the trumpets sounding thrice, before the play begin, it shall not be amisse ... first to beholde this short Comedy of Errors’; G. H. B. (cf. App. H), ‘untill the quaking prologue hath (by rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to give the trumpets their cue that hee’s upon point to enter’; E. M. O. (Q₁), 107, ‘Inductio, sono secundo’, 402, ‘Sound the third time. Enter Prologue’. Jonson has a similar arrangement (F₁) in the private house plays Cynthia’s Revels and Poetaster, but probably the trumpets were here replaced by more elaborate music; cf. 1 Ant. Mellida, ind. 1, ‘the music will sound straight for entrance’; What You Will, ind. 1 (s. d.), ‘Before the music sounds for the Act’; C. Revels (Q₁), 1435, ‘Like an unperfect Prologue, at third musique’. Surely this is the origin of the ‘first’, ‘second’, and ‘third’ (or ‘curtain tune’) music of the Restoration and eighteenth-century overtures, described by Lawrence, ii. 155. Exceptionally the prologue in Percy’s C. and C. Errant is between the second and third sounding.

[1715] Chaste Maid in Cheapside, V. iv. 1 (s. d.), ‘There is a sad song in the music-room’; cf. Thracian Wonder, IV. i. 182, ‘Pythia speaks in the musick Room behind the Curtain’, 186, ‘Pythia above, behind the curtains.’ But these, although early plays, are in late prints, and the other examples of a music-room ‘above’ given by Lawrence, i. 91, are Caroline. Jasper Mayne says of Jonson (1638, Jonsonus Virbius), ‘Thou laid’st no sieges to the music-room’. My own impression is that when the lord’s room over the tire-house was disused by spectators (cf. p. 537) it became indifferently available for actors and for music, and that here, rather than, as is possible, higher still in the scenic wall, was the normal place for the seventeenth-century music, when it was not needed elsewhere, or the space needed for other purposes. The introduction of the high proscenium arch at the Restoration caused difficulties, and various experiments were tried in placing the music above (Lawrence, i. 91, 161; ii. 160; W. G. Keith, The Designs for the First Movable Scenery on the English Public Stage in Burlington Magazine, xxv. 29, 85), before the modern situation was adopted.

[1716] Cf. ch. x.

[1717] R. J., prol. 12, ‘the two hours’ traffic of our stage’; Alchemist, prol. 1, ‘these two short hours’; Hen. VIII, prol. 13, ‘two short hours’; T. N. K., prol. 28, ‘Sceanes ... worth two houres travell’; Heywood, Apology, 11 (Beeston’s c. v.), ‘two houres well spent’; Barth. Fair, ind., ‘the space of two hours and a half and somewhat more’. Perhaps plays tended to grow shorter. Fenton (1574) and Northbrooke (1577–8) give ‘two or three houres’, and Whetstone (1578) three hours (cf. App. C), but Dekker (cf. p. 533, n. 3) seems to regard three hours as an exceptionally long period.

[1718] Cotgrave, French-English Dict. (1611), s.v. Falot, ‘a cresset light (such as they use in play-houses) made of ropes wreathed, pitched and put into small and open cages of iron’; cf. Lawrence, ii. 13, who thinks the cressets were part of the lighting of private houses. But would they not smoke and smell badly, if used indoors? There is no particular reason for translating the lucernae of Christ Church hall in 1566, with Schelling and Lawrence, as ‘cressets’.

[1719] Nashe (iii. 329), epist. to Astrophel and Stella (1591), ‘here you shal find a paper stage streud with pearle, an artificial heau’n to ouershadow the faire frame’; Wagnerbook (1594, cf. ch. xx), ‘Now aboue all was there the gay Clowdes vsque quaque adorned with the heavenly firmament, and often spotted with golden teares which men callen Stars. There was liuely portrayed the whole Imperiall Army of the faire heauenly inhabitauntes’; Birth of Hercules (1597 <), i. 1, s. d., ‘Ad comoediae magnificentiam apprime conferet ut coelum Histrionium sit luna et stellis perspicue distinctum’; Heywood, Apology (c. 1608), 34, of the Roman theatre, ‘the covering of the stage, which we call the heavens’; Cotgrave, Dict. (1611), s.v. Volerie, ‘a place over a stage, which we call the heavens’. The same word was used for the state over a throne; cf. Cotgrave, s.v. Dais, ‘a cloth of estate, canopie, or Heaven, that stands over the heads of Princes thrones’. Graves, 24, gives examples of heavens used in Tudor pageants. It is to be noted that the ‘heavens’ and ‘hell’ (cf. p. 528) of a theatre continue characteristic features of mediaeval staging (cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 86, 137, 142); cf. All Fools, prol. 1:

The fortune of a stage (like Fortunes selfe)

Amazeth greatest judgments; and none knowes

The hidden causes of those strange effects

That rise from this Hell, or fall from this Heaven.

The theory of J. Corbin in Century (1911), 267, that the heavens was a mere velarium or cloud of canvas thrown out from the hut, will not fit the evidence; cf. Lawrence, ii. 6.

[1720] Cf. vol. iii, p. 78. Is this, or the hut, the ‘garret’ of R. M.’s A Player (cf. p. 546)?

[1721] I do not now regard as tenable my suggestion in The Stage of the Globe (Stratford Town Shakespeare, x. 351) that De Witt represented as outstanding columns what were really mere pilasters in the tire-house wall.

[1722] Kempe, Nine Days Wonder, 6, ‘I remembred one of them to be a noted Cut-purse, such a one as we tye to a poast on our stage, for all people to wonder at, when at a play they are taken pilfring’; cf. Nobody and Somebody, 1893,

Somebody

Once pickt a pocket in this Play-house yard,

Was hoysted on the stage, and shamd about it;

also ch. xx, p. 75; ch. xxi, pp. 108, 141.

[1723] For criticism of the drawing of the heavens and hut, cf. Graves, 22, and Brereton in Homage, 204.

[1724] Henslowe paid in 1595 for ‘mackinge the throne in the heuenes’ at the Rose; cf. R. M., Micrologia (1629), in Morley, Character Writings, 285, A Player, ‘If his action prefigure passion, he raves, rages, and protests much by his painted heavens, and seems in the height of this fit ready to pull Jove out of the garret where perchance he lies leaning on his elbows, or is employed to make squibs and crackers to grace the play’. Wegener, 133, gives examples of the use of machines; for the throne, cf. vol. iii, p. 77.

[1725] Field (1583, App. C, No. xxxi), ‘Those flagges of defiance against God’; Vennar’s apology (1614) for England’s Joy (1602, cf. ch. xxiii). ‘The report of gentlemen and gentlewomens actions, being indeed the flagge to our theatre, was not meerely falcification’; A Mad World, my Masters (1604–6), I. i. 38, III. iii. 143, ‘’Tis Lent in your cheeks; the flag’s down’.... ‘The hair about the hat is as good as a flag upo’ th’ pole, at a common play-house, to waft company’; Dekker, Raven’s Almanac (1609, Works, iv. 210), ‘Another ciuill warre doe I finde will fal betweene players.... For it is thought that Flag will be aduanced (as it were in mortall defiance against Flag)’; Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 96), ‘Play-houses stand ... the dores locked vp, the flagges ... taken down’; Curtain-Drawer of the World (1612), ‘Each play-house advanceth his flag in the aire, whither quickly at the waving thereof are summoned whole troops of men, women, and children’. The maps regularly show flags on the theatres. The Globe fire in 1613 ‘did not spare the silken flagg’ (cf. p. 421). Heywood, Apology, 22, mistranslates Ovid’s ‘Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro’ as:

In those days from the marble house did waive

No sail, no silken flag, no ensign brave.

[1726] Cf. p. 542; Cynthia’s Revels, ind., where the boys struggle for the cloak; Woman Hater, prol. 1, ‘Gentlemen, Inductions are out of date, and a Prologue in Verse, is as stale as a black Velvet Cloak, and a Bay Garland’; Birth of Hercules (1597 <), prol. 5, ‘Thepilogue is in fashion; prologues no more’; and much later. Coronation, prol. 4,

he

That with a little Beard, a long black Cloak,

With a starch’d face, and supple leg hath spoke

Before the plays the twelvemonth.

The prologue appears to be a composite figure, partly representing the poet, and deriving also in part from the presenter of dumb-shows, in part from the Chorus of neo-classic tragedy, and in part from the ‘exposytour in doctorys wede’, developed by miracle-plays and moralities out of the Augustine of the Prophetae; cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 52, 72, 153, 417, 423, 426, 429, 448; F. A. Foster in E. S. xliv. 13; F. Lüders, Prolog und Epilog bei Shakespeare (Sh.-Jahrbuch, v. 274); Creizenach, 275. The short dramatic inductions, often introducing actors in propria persona, favoured by Jonson, Marston, and others about the beginning of the seventeenth century, attempt to give new life to a waning convention.

[1727] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 141, 156. Drums and trumpets were used as advertisements in the city at any rate until 1587 (App. C, Nos. xvii, xxxi, xxxviii), and were traditional in the provinces up to the middle of the eighteenth century (Lawrence, ii. 58). Parolles tells us (All’s Well, IV. iii. 298) that Captain Dumain ‘has led the drum before the English tragedians’. Henslowe (i. 118) bought a drum and two trumpets for the Admiral’s ‘when to go into the contry’ in Feb. 1600. In Histriomastix, ii. 80, ‘One of them steppes on the Crosse, and cryes, A Play’.

[1728] H. Moseley, pref. verses to F₁ of Beaumont and Fletcher (1647):

As after th’ Epilogue there comes some one

To tell spectators what shall next be shown;

So here am I.

This is, of course, only Caroline evidence; for the continuance of the practice after the Restoration, cf. Lawrence, ii. 187.

[1729] Grindal to Cecil (1564, App. D, No. xv), ‘these Histriones, common playours who now daylye, butt speciallye on holydayes, sett vp bylles’; Merry Tales, &c. (1567; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar), ‘billes ... vpon postes about London’; Northbrooke (1577, App. C, No. xvi), ‘they use to set vp their billes vpon postes certain dayes before’; Gosson, S. A. (1579, App. C, No. xxii), 44, ‘If players can ... proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters’; Rankins (1587, App. C, No. xxxviii), ‘sticking of their bills in London’; Marston, Scourge of Villainy (Bullen, iii. 302), ‘Go read each post, view what is play’d to-day’; Histriomastix, v. 69, ‘Text-bills must now be turned to iron bills’; Warning for Fair Women, (> 1599):

’Tis you have kept the Theatres so long,

Painted in play-bills upon every post.

That I am scorned of the multitude.

Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), ii. 2:

But, by the way, a Bill he doth espy,

Which showes theres acted some new Comedy.

In Bartholomew Fair, v. iii. 6, Cokes ‘reads the Bill’ of the motion; cf. Lawrence (ii. 55), The Origin of the Theatre Programme.

[1730] Devil an Ass, I. iv. 43, ‘Hee giues him the Play-bill’.

[1731] Arber, ii. 477; iii. 575.

[1732] Henslowe Papers, 106.

[1733] Lawrence, ii. 240.

[1734] Jonson, in printing plays, and following him the editors of the Beaumont and Fletcher F₁ often give the scene and the actors’ names, and casts appear in Duchess of Malfi (1623). But these are not necessarily taken from any documents put before the audiences.

[1735] Lawrence, ii. 154; cf. the stipulation in Burbadge’s lease (p. 387), and W. Fennor, Compter’s Commonwealth (1617), 8, ‘he that first comes in is first seated, like those that come to see playes’.

[1736] Cf. p. 540 (Tatham), and the notices of Hentzner and Platter (ch. xvi, introd.). In K. B. P. the wife comes with her pockets full of sweetmeats, which she bestows upon the actors, liquorice (i. 77), green ginger (ii. 279), sugar-candy (ii. 366), and her husband brings beer (iii. 631). The liquorice would open Ralph’s pipes; cf. ch. xii (Westminster) and C. Revels, ind. 215, ‘I would thou hadst some sugar candyed, to sweeten thy mouth’; Overbury, Characters (ed. Rimbault, 113, A Puny-Clarke), ‘Hee eats ginger-bread at a play-house’.

[1737] Cf. pp. 534, 536 and Hentzner (ch. xvi, introd.); C. Revels, ind. 122, ‘I haue my three sorts of Tabacco, in my Pocket, my light by me’; K. B. P. i. 224, ‘Fie, this stinking Tobacco kils men, would there were none in England, now I pray Gentlemen, what good does this stinking Tobacco? do you nothing, I warrant you make chimnies a your faces’; Dekker, G. H. B., ‘By sitting on the stage, you may ... get your match lighted’; Scornful Lady, I. ii. 52, ‘They wear swords to reach fire at a play’; Sir Giles Goosecap, IV. ii. 87 (street-scene), ‘By this fire, they do, my lord’. Burn, 84, cites a note by Sir J. Caesar in Lansd. MS. 160, p. 302, of a speech by James in a Star Chamber case of 1613, in which he advised gentlemen of the Temple not to frequent plays, whence the smoke of tobacco and the presence of painted ladies should deter them.

[1738] W. Fennor, Descriptions (1616), ‘I suppose this Pamphlet will hap into your hands before a Play begin, with the importunate clamour of “Buy a new Booke!” by some needy companion that will be glad to furnish you with worke for a turned teaster’. Dekker, G. H. B. (cf. App. H), recommends cards.

[1739] V. P. xiv. 593, 599, records a charge against the ambassador Foscarini (1611–15) of pursuing a woman, and ‘sometimes attending the public comedies and standing among the people on the chance of seeing her’. Foscarini said he only went three or four times to the play and that the archduke’s ambassador and his wife did the same. It was given in evidence that the ambassador Giustiniani (Dec. 1605–Oct. 1608) went with the French ambassador and his wife to see Pericles at a cost of 20 crowns. This must have been at the Globe. For the presence of harlots, cf. pp. 534, 535; vol. i, p. 255.

[1740] Dekker, G. H. B. (1609, Works, ii. 201), ‘you can neither shake our Comick Theater with your stinking breath of hisses, nor raise it with the thunder-claps of your hands’ (cf. also App. H); Isle of Gulls, ind., ’Tis growne into a custome at playes if anyone rise (especially of any fashionable sort) about what serious busines soeuer, the rest thinking it in dislike of the play, tho he neuer thinks it, cry “Mew! by Jesus, vilde!” and leaue the poore hartlesse children to speake their Epilogue to the emptie seates’. Later a Gent. says, ‘See it be baudy, or by the light I and all my friends will hisse’, and the Prologue replies, ‘You shoulde not deale gentlemanlike with us els’; E. Guilpin, Skialetheia (1598), prol. to Sat., ‘It is the grand hisse to a filthy play’; Roaring Girl, prol., ‘If that he finds not here, he mews at it’; T. and C., epil.:

my fear is this,

Some galled goose of Winchester would hiss;

Downfall of Robin Hood, ad fin.:

if I fail in this,

Then let my pains be baffled with a hiss;

Devil an Ass, III. v. 41:

If I could but see a piece...

Come but to one act, and I did not care—

But to be seene to rise, and goe away,

To vex the Players, and to punish their Poet—

Keepe him in awe!

[1741] Isle of Gulls, ind., ‘a prepared company of gallants to aplaud his iests and grace out his play’; Histriomastix, ii. 137, ‘Belch.’ ‘What’s an Ingle? Posthaste. One whose hands are hard as battle doors with clapping at baldness’. For the special use of ‘ingle’ (= ‘intimate’) in the sense of a patron of players, cf. Poetaster, I. ii. 18, ‘What! shall I have my sonne a stager now? an enghle for players? a gull? a rooke? a shot-clogge? to make suppers, and bee laught at?’

[1742] Cf. p. 547, n. 1.

[1743] K. to K. a Knave (1594), ad fin.; Looking-Glass, 2282; Locrine, 2276; 2 Hen. IV, epil. 35, ‘And so kneele down before you; but indeed, to pray for the Queene’; Two Wise Men and All the Rest Fools (1619), epil., ‘It resteth that we render you very humble and hearty thanks, and that all our hearts pray for the king and his family’s enduring happiness, and our country’s perpetual welfare. Si placet, plaudite’; cf. ch. xxii.

[1744] Cf. ch. x.

[1745] M. N. D. v. i. 360, ‘Will it please you to see the epilogue, or to hear a Bergomask dance between two of our company?’; Much Ado, v. i. 130, ‘Strike vp, pipers. Dance’; A. Y. L. V. iv. 182.

[1746] Cf. ch. xiii (Leicester’s).

[1747] Murray, ii. 206, 293, 304, 367, ‘upon the Q. players at the dancing on the rop’ (1590, Bridgnorth), ‘vnto the Torkey Tumblers’ (1589–90, Ipswich), ‘to certen playars, playinge uppon ropes at the Crosse Keyes’ (1590, Leicester), ‘to the Quenes men when the Turke wente vpon roppes at Newhall’ (22 April 1590, Norwich); Coventry Corp. MS. A 7 (b), ‘the Queens players & the turk’ (1589–90, Coventry); cf. Nashe, Epistle to Strange Newes (1592, Works, i. 262), ‘Say I am as verie a Turke as hee that three yeeres ago ranne vpon ropes’. A Gloucester payment of 1594–5 for ‘a wagon in the pageant for the Turke’ (Murray, ii. 285) may or may not refer to the acrobat of 1590.

[1748] Cf. ch. xiv.

[1749] Both Hentzner (1598) and Platter (1599) describe it; cf. ch. xvi, introd. Platter saw it at both the Globe and the Curtain, where it was ‘Englisch unndt Irlendisch’. Von Wedel also describes something very much like a well-developed jig after a baiting on the Bankside in 1584 (cf. ch. xvi, Hope).

[1750] Gosson, P. C. (1582; cf. App. C, No. xxx), ‘daunsing of gigges’; Much Ado, II. i. 78, ‘Wooing ... is hot and hasty, like a Scotch jig, and full as fantastical’; Hamlet, III. ii. 132, ‘O God, your only jig-maker’; E. M. O. (Q₁), 1147, ‘a thing studied, and rehearst as ordinarily at his comming from hawking, or hunting, as a Iigge after a play’; Jack Drum, i. 404, ‘as the Iigge is cal’d for when the play is done’; R. Knolles, Six Bookes of a Commonweal (1606), 645, ‘Now adayes they put at the end of euerie Tragedie (as poyson into meat) a comedie or jigge’ (translating Bodin’s ‘obscoena quadam fabula turpissimis ac sordidissimis narrationibus condita’); Cotgrave (1611), ‘Farce ... also, the Iyg at the end of an Enterlude, wherein some pretie knauerie is acted’; Dekker, A Strange Horse Race (1613, Works, iii. 340), ‘As I haue often seene, after the finishing of some worthy Tragedy, or Catastrophe in the open Theaters, that the sceane after the Epilogue hath been more blacke (about a nasty bawdy jigge) then the most horrid sceane in the play was: The stinkards speaking all things, yet no man understanding any thing’; cf. the late Shirley allusion on p. 528. The term is sometimes more loosely used. In James IV, 82, 88, 620, 636, 661, 666, 673, 1116, the speakers of the Induction call the main action a jig; cf. 1 Tamburlaine, prol. 1, ‘iygging vaines of riming mother wits’. Swaen (Sh.-Jahrbuch, xlvi. 122) points out that a tune known as The Cobler’s Jig would fit the dialogue song by cobblers in Locrine, 569. Naylor, 124, gives some account of jig tunes and derives the term from giga, an instrument of the fiddle type.

[1751] Cf. the quotation from K. B. P. on p. 557, and ch. v.

[1752] Tarlton and Kempe (cf. ch. xv) are spoken of as acting in ‘merriments’. I doubt whether anything more technical is meant than a farcical episode in a play, perhaps helped out with such ‘gags’ as Hamlet, III. ii. 42, deprecates.

[1753] Arber, ii. 297, 298, 571, 600, 601, 669, 670, 671; iii. 49, 50, ‘a newe Northerne Jigge’ (5 Jan. 1591), ‘the seconde parte of the gigge betwene Rowland and the Sexton’ (16 Dec. 1591), ‘the thirde and last parte of Kempes Jigge’ (28 Dec. 1591), ‘a merrie newe Jigge betwene Jenkin the Collier and Nansie’ (14 Jan. 1592), ‘a plesant newe Jigge of the broome-man’, ascribed in the margin to Kempe (16 Jan. 1595), ‘a pleasant Jigge betwene a tincker and a Clowne’ (4 Feb. 1595), ‘a ballad of Cuttinge George and his hostis beinge a Jigge’ (17 Feb. 1595), ‘Master Kempes Newe Jigge of the kitchen stuffe woman’ (2 May 1595), ‘Phillips his gigg of the slyppers’ (26 May 1595), ‘a pretie newe Jigge betwene Ffrancis the gentleman Richard the farmer and theire wyves’ (14 Oct. 1595), and ‘Kemps newe Jygge betwixt a Souldiour and a Miser and Sym the clown’ (21 Oct. 1595); cf. ch. xv (Tarlton). Creizenach, 312, cites a list of jig titles by Hoenig in Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum, xxii. 304.

[1754] Have With You to Saffron Walden (Works, iii. 114).

[1755] Henslowe, i. 70, 82.

[1756] E. Guilpin, Skialetheia, Sat. v.

[1757] App. D, No. cl; cf. the quotation from Dekker, supra; Hamlet, II. ii. 522, of Polonius, ‘He ’s for a jig or a tale of bawdry, or he sleeps’; Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), ii. 3, ‘a Curtaine Iigge, a Libell, or a Ballet’. Possibly the Middlesex order has a bearing on the curious variant in the Epistle to Jonson’s Alchemist (1612), where some copies lament ‘the concupiscence of jigges and daunces’, others of ‘daunces and antikes’.

[1758] The Black Man is in Kirkman’s The Wits (1672), and Singing Simpkin is ascribed in undated texts to the Caroline Robert Cox, but a tune of this name was known in Basle in 1592, and a German jig of 1620 seems to be a translation; cf. Herz, 132; F. Bolte, Die Singspiele der englischen Komödianten und ihrer Nachfolger (1893, Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen, vii); W. J. Lawrence (T. L. S. 3 July 1919).

[1759] A. Clark, Shirburn Ballads, 244 (cf. S. R. list, supra, s. a. 1595), ‘M^r Attowel’s Jigge: betweene Francis, a Gentleman; Richard, a farmer; and their wives’. It is in four scenes, sung respectively to the tunes of ‘Walsingham’, ‘The Jewishe Dance’, ‘Buggle-boe’, and ‘Goe from my windo’. In Roxburghe Ballads, i. 201; ii. 101, are ‘Clod’s Carroll, a proper new jigg’, and ‘A mery new Jigge’. Collier’s ‘Jigge of a Horse Loade of Fooles’ (New Facts, 18; cf. Halliwell, Tarlton, xx) is probably a fake.

[1760] Clark, 354, from Bodl. Rawlinson Poet. MS. 185 (c. 1590), ‘A proper new ballett, intituled Rowland’s god-sonne’. It is to the tune of ‘Loth to departe’. Nashe, Summer’s Last Will and Testament, 76, mentions this jig. Two parts of a ‘Rowlandes godson moralised’ were entered in S. R. on 18 and 29 April 1592. Rowland is not a character, and numerous German allusions to and adaptations of a jig beginning ‘Oh neighbour Rowland’ (Herz, 134) have probably some other original. A ‘Roland and the Sexton’ is in the S. R. list, supra. A verse dialogue in Alleyn Papers, 8, mentions ‘bonny Rowland’ and is probably a jig of his cycle; another (p. 29) does not read to me like a jig.

[1761] Cf. ch. xv (Tarlton, Wilson) and Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (Works, i. 244), ‘the queint Comaedians of our time, That when their Play is doone, do fal to ryme’. Armin’s (q.v.) Quips Upon Questions (1600) are probably themes, or based upon the conception of themes. A theme is introduced in Histriomastix, ii. 293. The Lord sets it:

Your poetts and your pottes

Are knit in true-love knots,

and a sixteen-line ‘song extempore’ by Posthaste follows. The verses on ‘theames’ in Gascoigne’s Posies (ed. Cunliffe, 62) are not, I think, improvisations.

[1762] Smith, Commedia dell’ Arte, 175; cf. M. J. Wolff, Shakespeare und die Commedia dell’ arte (Sh.-Jahrbuch, xlvi. 1).

[1763] C. is A. II. vii. 36, of the players in Utopia (England), ‘Sebastian. And how are their plaies? as ours are? extemporall? Valentine. O no! all premeditated things’. The references of Whetstone, Heptameron (1582), Sp. Tragedy, IV. i. 163, Middleton, Spanish Gypsy, IV. ii. 38, are specifically to French and Italian practice, and so too, presumably, A. C. v. ii. 216, ‘The quick comedians Extemporally will stage us’. The interpretation of Hamlet, II. ii. 420, ‘For the law of writ and the liberty, these are the only men’, is open, but Falstaff says in 1 Hen. IV, II. iv. 309, ‘Shall we have a play extempore?’

[1764] Hamlet, III. ii. 42; cf. John a Kent and John a Cumber, iii, ad fin., ‘One of us Johns must play beside the book’.

[1765] In K. B. P., ind. 94, where Ralph ‘should have playd Jeronimo with a Shooemaker for a wager’; Ratseis Ghost (1605, Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 326), ‘I durst venture all the mony in my purse on thy head to play Hamlet with him for a wager’; Dekker, Jests to Make You Merrie (1607, Works, ii. 282), ‘A paire of players, growing into an emulous contention of one anothers worth, refusde to put themselves to a day of hearing (as any Players would haue done) but stood onely vpon their good parts’; cf. ch. xvi (Fortune), ch. xv (Alleyn).

[1766] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.

[1767] 2 Ant. Mellida, prol., ‘within this round ... this ring’; cf. p. 536. Fawn (1604–6), prol., has ‘this fair-filled room’, but the play was transferred to Paul’s from Blackfriars.

[1768] For the existence of tiring-houses in private theatres, cf. inductions to Jack Drum’s Entertainment (Paul’s) and C. Revels (Blackfriars).

[1769] Cf. ch. xvii.

[1770] Dutch Courtesan (c. 1603, Blackfriars), V. iii. 162, ‘my very fine Heliconian gallants, and you my worshipful friends in the middle region’.

[1771] Cf. Wright (App. I). For the origin of the term, cf. the c. v. of L. Digges to Shakespeare’s Poems (1640):

Let but Beatrice

And Benedicke be seene, loe in a trice

The cockpit, galleries, boxes, are all full,

To hear Malvoglio that crosse-garterd gull.

[1772] Dekker, G. H. B. (cf. App. H), with its mingling of ‘public’ and ‘private’ features, cannot be relied on. The Roxana and Wits engravings show spectators ‘over the stage’, but cannot be treated as evidence for the private houses. The Messallina engraving only shows a window closed by curtains.

[1773] Cf. p. 556, infra.

[1774] 1 Ant. Mellida (Paul’s), prol., ‘select and most respected auditors’; What You Will (Paul’s), ind., ‘the female presence, the genteletza, the women’; Jack Drum’s Entertainment (Paul’s), ind., ‘this choise selected influence’. But it was still mixed enough; cf. Jonson’s c. v. to Faithful Shepherdess (Revels, c. 1608–9):

The wise and many-headed bench that sits

Upon the life and death of plays and wits—

Composed of gamester, captain, knight, knight’s man,

Lady or pusill that wears mask or fan,

Velvet or taffata cap, rank’d in the dark

With the shop’s foreman, or some such brave spark,

That may judge for his sixpence.

[1775] Cf. chh. i, x, and M. L. R. ii. 12.

[1776] Jonson, supra; Mich. Term (c. 1606, Paul’s), ‘sixpenny fees all the year long’; Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611, Whitefriars), ‘hier kostet der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten wohl eine halbe kron’; Scornful Lady (1613–16,? Whitefriars), IV. i. 238, ‘I ... can see a play For eighteen-pence again: I can, my lady’; Wit Without Money (? 1614, Whitefriars), i. 1, ‘And who extoled you in the halfcrown boxes, where you might sit and muster all the beauties’. So later, Jonson, Magnetic Lady (1632, Blackfriars), ind., ‘the faeces or grounds of your people, that sit in the oblique caves and wedges of your house, your sinful sixpenny mechanicks’. I am rather puzzled by Percy, C. and C. Errant, ‘Poules steeple stands in the place it did before; and twopence is the price for the going into a newe play there’. Even in 1589 (cf. p. 532) the price at Paul’s was 4d. according to a Marprelate tract, and William Darrell in that year paid 6d. (Hall, Society in Elizabethan Age, 211).

[1777] In Isle of Gulls (1606, Blackfriars), ind., a Gent. can only see an act or two out, for ‘I lay in bed till past three a clock, slept out my dinner and my stomache will toule to supper afore fiue’. Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were at three, and from Michaelmas to Easter only. Percy, on the other hand (cf. ch. xii), says that the Paul’s boys were not allowed to begin before four, after prayers, and the gates of Paul’s shut at six. So, too, Ram Alley (King’s Revels), epil., ‘Thus two hours have brought to end’. Gerschow in 1602 (cf. ch. xii) says that the Chapel acted once a week; cf. Eastward Hoe (1605, Blackfriars), epil., ‘May this attract you hither once a week’.

[1778] Dekker, Seven Deadly Sins (1606, Works, ii. 41), ‘All the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes are clapt downe, as if some Nocturnall, or dismal Tragedy were presently to be acted’.

[1779] What You Will (1601, Paul’s), ‘Enter Atticus, Doricus, and Philomuse, they sit a good while on the stage before the Candles are lighted.... Enter Tier-man with lights’; Mich. Term (1607, Paul’s), ‘Ours [terms] haue but sixpenny fees all the year long, yet we dispatch you in two hours without demur: your suits hang not long here after candles be lighted’; Faithful Shepherdess (1608–9, Blackfriars), Beaumont’s c. v., ‘Some like, if the wax lights be new that day’. Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were ‘nur bei lichtern’. Later we have G. Wither, Fair Virtue (1622), 1781:

those lamps which at a play

Are set up to light the day;

Lenton, The Young Gallants Whirligig (1629):

spangled, rare perfumed attires,

Which once so glister’d at the torchy Friars.

Cf. Lawrence (ii. 1), Light and Darkness in the Elizabethan Theatre; also E. S. xlviii. 213.

[1780] Cf. ch. xii; and for evidence of inter-act music, Lawrence, i. 81; Cowling, 68. Papers on Early Elizabethan Stage Music in Musical Antiquary (Oct. 1909, Jan. 1913) show the origin of the musical tradition in the earlier boy companies; for its seventeenth-century development, cf. Wallace, ii. 114.

[1781] Faithful Shepherdess (1608–9, Blackfriars), Beaumont’s c. v.:

Nor wants there those who, as the boy doth dance

Between the acts, will censure the whole play.

In K. B. P. (1607, Blackfriars) a boy dances after Acts i and iii, and the citizens comment, ‘I will haue him dance Fading; Fading is a fine Iigge’. After Act ii there are fiddlers. After Act iv Ralph intervenes with a May Day speech.

[1782] 2 Ant. Mellida, V. i. 50, ‘Andrugio’s ghost is placed betwixt the music-houses’; Faery Pastoral, s. ds., ‘Highest aloft and on the Top of the Musick Tree the Title The Faery Pastoral. Beneath him pind on Post of the Tree The Scene Eluida Forest Lowest of all ouer the Canopie ΝΑΠΑΙΤΒΟΔΑΙΟΝ or Faery Chappell’.... ‘Here they shutt both into the Canopie Fane or Trophey’; Cuck Queenes and Cuckolds Errants, prol. by Tarlton, ‘standing at entrance of the doore and right vnder the Beame I think Graves, 14, rightly explains ‘Trophey’ as ‘arch’, on the analogy of its use for a triumphal arch in Dekker, Coronation Pageant (1603). The only other use of ‘canopy’ for a structural part of a theatre seems to be in Sophonisba, iv. 1, ‘Play softly within the canopy’.... ‘Syphax hasteneth within the canopy, as to Sophonisba’s bed’. This is a Blackfriars play, but it might conceivably have been written for Paul’s.

Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.
2. Where necessary, original spelling has been retained. 3. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.
4. Hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original. 5. Some words seem to have been written as one word, e.g. thexecutor. These have been retained as in the original.
6. The heading hierarchy used follows the original publication and consequently in some chapters the h4 level has been skipped.