B. MASKS
Gesta Grayorum. 1594
[MS.] Harl. MS. 541, f. 138, contains the speeches in the Shrovetide mask, probably in the hand of Francis Davison. The opening hymn is not included, and the final hymn seems to have been added by another hand.
1688. Gesta Grayorum: or, the History Of the High and mighty Prince Henry Prince of Purpoole, Arch-Duke of Stapulia and Bernardia, Duke of High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St. Giles and Tottenham, Count Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell, Great Lord of the Cantons of Islington, Kentish-Town, Paddington and Knights-bridge, Knight of the most Heroical Order of the Helmet, and Sovereign of the Same. Who Reigned and Died, A.D. 1594. Together with A Masque, as it was presented (by His Highness’s Command) for the Entertainment of Q. Elizabeth; who, with the Nobles of both Courts, was present thereat. For W. Canning. [Epistle to Matthew Smyth, of the Inner Temple, signed ‘W. C.’ The publication is recorded in Trinity Term 1688 (Arber, London Term Catalogues, ii. 230).]
Editions in Nichols, Elizabeth1, 2, iii. 262 (1807–23), and by W. W. Greg (1914, M. S. R.) and B. Brown (1921).
This is a narrative of the reign of a Christmas Prince, or Lord of Misrule (cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 417), appointed at Gray’s Inn for the Christmas of 1594. The Prince was a Norfolk man, Henry Helmes, and a list of the members of the Inn who held positions at his court is given in the tract. The revels began on St. Thomas’s Eve, 20 Dec., continued until Twelfth Night, were resumed at Candlemas, and again at Shrovetide, when the Prince’s reign terminated.
On Innocents’ Day, 28 Dec., at night, the Inner Temple were entertained, and a stage set up, but the crowd was too great for the ‘inventions’ contemplated, and ‘it was thought good not to offer any thing of account, saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen; and after such sports, a Comedy of Errors (like to Plautus his Menechmus) was played by the players. So that night was begun, and continued to the end, in nothing but confusion and errors; whereupon, it was ever afterwards called, The Night of Errors’. On 30 Dec. an indictment was preferred against a supposed sorcerer, containing a charge ‘that he had foisted a company of base and common fellows, to make up our disorders with a play of errors and confusions; and that that night had gained to us discredit, and itself a nickname of Errors’. Presumably the players of Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors were the Chamberlain’s men, and the Treasurer of the Chamber’s record (App. B) of a play at court by these men, as well as the Admiral’s, on 28 Dec. is a slip for 27 Dec. (M. L. R. ii. 10).
On 3 Jan. many nobles were entertained with a show illustrating the amity of Graius and Templarius. It was followed by speeches from six ‘Councellors’, advising respectively ‘the Exercise of War’, ‘the Study of Philosophy’, ‘Eternizement and Fame, by Buildings and Foundations’, ‘Absoluteness of State and Treasure’, ‘Vertue, and a Gracious Government’, and ‘Pass-times and Sports’. These are ascribed by Spedding, i. 342, to Francis Bacon (q.v.), a view which finds some confirmation in the fact that the Alnwick MS., many of the contents of which are by Bacon, once contained a copy of some ‘Orations at Graies Inne Revells’ (Burgoyne, xii). It is amusing to note that on 5 Dec. 1594 Lady Bacon, his mother, wrote to his brother Anthony, ‘I trust they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel at Gray’s Inn’ (Spedding, i. 326). The speeches of three of the ‘Councellors’, with one by the Prince, are also preserved, without ascription, in Inner Temple Petyt MS. 583, 43, f. 294.
On 6 Jan. appeared six Knights of the Helmet ‘in a very stately mask, and danced a new devised measure; and after that they took to them ladies and gentlewomen, and danced with them their galliards, and so departed with musick’.
On 1 Feb. the Prince visited Greenwich, and promised to return at Shrovetide. On his way back, he was met with a Latin oration by a boy at St. Paul’s School.
At Shrovetide, the Prince took his mask to the court at Whitehall. The maskers were the Prince of Purpoole and his Seven Knights; the torchbearers eight Pigmies; the presenters Proteus, Thamesis, Amphitrite, and one of the Prince’s Esquires; the musicians two Tritons, two Nymphs, and a Tartarian Page.
The performance was upon a stage. After a hymn, the presenters made speeches setting out how the Prince and Knights were in an Adamantine Rock, to be released by Proteus, on the discovery of a Power (the Queen) of more attractive virtue. The maskers issued from the Rock, and danced ‘a new devised measure, &c.’; then took ladies, and danced ‘their galliards, courants, &c.’; then danced ‘another new measure’. The Pigmies brought in eight escutcheons, with the maskers’ impresses, which the Esquire presented to the Queen. The maskers then entered the rock, while another hymn was sung.
The maskers were Henry Helmes (Prince), William Cooke, Jarvis Tevery, John Lambert, Molineux, Grimes, Paylor, and Campnies.
After the mask, the courtiers danced a measure, and Elizabeth said, ‘What! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet?’
The maskers were presented to the Queen ‘on the next day’ and praised by her. The narrative goes on to record that ‘the same night’ was fighting at barriers, in which the Prince took part as a defendant with the Earl of Cumberland against the Earl of Essex and other challengers, and won the prize; and concludes, ‘Thus on Shrove-Tuesday, at the Court, were our sports and revels ended’. The dating is not quite clear, but it seems probable that the mask and barriers were both on the Tuesday, and the presentation on Ash Wednesday, presumably as the Queen went to chapel. Conceivably, however, the mask was on Monday, and the presentation and barriers on Tuesday. The Gray’s Inn records (Fletcher, 107) note a disbursement on 11 Feb. 1595 to William Johnson and Edward Morrys, who served as the Prince’s Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer, of 100 marks for ‘the gentlemen for their sports & shewes this Shrovetyde at the court before the Queens Majestie’. There was also a levy on 8 May for the ‘shewes & desports’ of sums varying from 4s. to 10s. according to status, while the public stock of the house was to contribute £30.
The speeches in the mask were apparently by Francis Davison, one of the Prince’s Gentlemen Pensioners, who included in his Poetical Rapsody (1602), sign. D 3 vo, amongst Sonnets, &c., ‘To his first Loue’, one ‘Vpon presenting her with the speech of Grayes-Inne Maske at the Court 1594, consisting of three partes, The Story of Proteus Transformations, the wonders of the Adamantine Rocke, and a speech to her Maiestie’. The Poetical Rapsody, sign. K 8, also contains the opening hymn of the mask, which begins ‘Of Neptune’s Empyre let us sing’, and ascribes it to Thomas Campion (q.v.). Whether ‘The Song at the ending’, which according to Dr. Greg has been inserted in Harl. MS. 541 by a later hand, is also Campion’s must remain doubtful. The MS. as originally written is just such a present as Davison may have sent to his mistress. A list of ‘Papers lent’ by Davison in Harl. MS. 298 includes ‘Grayes In Sportes under Sr Henry Helmes. Eleaz. Hogdson’.
The Twelve Months. 1608–12
[MS.] Formerly penes Collier, but not now among his papers in Egerton MS. 2623.
Editions by J. P. Collier, Five Court Masques (1848), 131, with title ‘The Masque of the Twelve Months’.
The maskers are the twelve Months; the antimaskers Pages; the presenters Madge Howlet, Pigwiggen a Fairy, Beauty, Aglaia, the Pulses, Prognostication, and Somnus; the musicians the twelve Spheres.
The locality is not given, but the presence of a king is contemplated. The text is disordered, but can easily be reconstructed, as follows: Madge Howlet, ‘going up towards the King’, and Pigwiggen speak the opening dialogue (Collier, 137). The Spheres sing the first song calling Beauty from her fort, the Heart (140). This is the scene; on it are plumes, ‘the ensignes of the darling of the yeare, delicious Aprill’. Beauty, Aglaia, and the Pulses, ‘beating before them up towardes the King’, speak a dialogue (131). The Pages dance an ‘antemasque’ (133). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134). The maskers appear, and are presented by Beauty (134). The second ‘antemasque’ is danced (134). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134). Prognostication enters, and prognosticates (135). The maskers descend, and Beauty describes April, a prince ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’, with a ‘triple plume’ (135). After a second song, ‘they dance their entrie’ (141). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (136). There is a third song (141). ‘They dance their mayne dance: which done, Bewty invites them to dance with the Ladies’ (137). There is a fourth song (142). ‘They dance with the Ladies, and the whole Revells follows’ (137). Beauty calls on Somnus (140). There is a last song (142). ‘They dance their going off’ (140).
Brotanek, 346, suggests 1 Jan. 1612 as a probable date. I agree with him that ‘charming all warre from his mild monarchie’ (136) suggests James I, although I do not think that ‘our fairy King’ (137) is necessarily a reminiscence of the Mask of Oberon, especially as this fairy king is James and not Henry. In any case ‘the heart of the yeare’ (132), ‘prime of this newe yeare’ (135), ‘this winter nighte’ (141) do not require a performance on 1 Jan. In fact, April and not January leads the months in the mask. I would add to Brotanek’s notes that April is clearly danced by a Prince of Wales, and that ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’ fits in with the uncertainty as to Henry’s matrimonial intentions which prevailed in 1612. But he is not very likely to have given two masks in the winter of 1611–12, nor is there any evidence of any mask that winter except the Love Restored of 6 Jan. Of course The Twelve Months may never have been actually performed. I have thought that it might have been the mask abandoned by Anne on account of the death of the Queen of Spain in Dec. 1611 (cf. Jonson, Love Restored). Beauty, ‘our fairy Queene’, is said to be ‘Great president of all those princely revells’ in honour of the ‘fairy King’. But the mask is danced by men, not women, which seems to put a Queen’s mask out of the question. No mask has yet been traced in the winter of 1609–10. I am afraid I must leave the date open. If Henry led the dance, his death in Nov. 1612 gives one limit. The ‘antemasque’ is more likely to have been introduced after than before 1608. The use of Pigwiggen as a fairy name recurs in Drayton’s Nymphidia, published in 1627.
Mask of Flowers. 6 Jan. 1614
S. R. 1614, Jan. 21 (Nidd). ‘The maske of flowers by the gent. of Graies Inne vppon Twelfe Night 1613.’ Robert Wilson (Arber, iii. 540).
1614. The Maske of Flowers. Presented By the Gentlemen of Graies-Inne, at the Court of Whitehall, in the Banquetting House, vpon Twelfe night, 1613. Being the last of the Solemnities and Magnificences which were performed at the marriage of the right honourable the Earle of Somerset, and the Lady Francis daughter of the Earle of Suffolke, Lord Chamberlaine. N. O. for Robert Wilson. [With Epistle to Sir Francis Bacon by I. G., W. D., T. B. These initials, presumably of Gray’s Inn men, have not been identified.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 735, and H. A. Evans, English Masques (1897).
The maskers, in white embroidered with carnation and silver and vizards, were thirteen transformed Flowers; the antimaskers in ‘the anticke-maske of daunce’ Pantaloon, Courtesan, Swiss and his Wife, Usurer, Midwife, Smug and his Wench, Fretelyne, Bawd, Roaring Boy, Citizen, Mountebank, Jewess of Portugal, Chimney-Sweeper and his Wench; the musicians twelve Garden Gods, also described as Priests, and in the ‘anticke-maske of the song’ Miller, Wine Cooper, Vintner’s Boy, Brewer, Skipper, Fencer, Pedlar, Barber; the presenters Invierno, Primavera, Gallus the Sun’s Post, Silenus, Kawasha, and attendants.
The locality was the Banqueting House, at the lower end of which was a ‘travers painted in perspective’, as a city wall and gate, with temples of Silenus and Kawasha on either side. The antimasks represented a challenge, directed by the Sun, between wine and tobacco. ‘The travers being drawne’ disclosed an elaborate garden sloping up to a mount and arbour (33 ft. long × 21 ft. high) with a bank of flowers before it. Upon a charm the flowers vanished to give place to the maskers, who danced their first and second measure, then took ladies, for ‘measures, corantoes, durettoes, morascoes, galliards’, and then ‘daunced their parting measure’, which was followed by compliments to the king and the bride and groom.
For general notices of the Somerset wedding masks, cf. s.v. Campion, Mask of Squires. On 23 Dec. Chamberlain wrote to Carleton (Birch, i. 282), ‘Sir Francis Bacon prepares a masque to honour this marriage, which will stand him in above £2000; and though he have been offered some help by the House, and specially by Mr. Solicitor, Sir Henry Yelverton, who would have sent him £500, yet he would not accept it, but offers them the whole charge with the honour. Marry, his obligations are such, as well to his majesty as to the great lord and to the whole house of Howards, as he can admit no partner’. On 5 Jan. (Birch, i. 288) he briefly notes, ‘Mr. Attorney’s masque is for to-morrow, and for a conclusion of Christmas and these shows together’.
The records of Gray’s Inn confirm Chamberlain’s account, by giving no signs that any expense fell on the Inn. On a letter by Bacon which may refer to this occasion, cf. s.v. Bacon.
Osborne, James, 82, a not very accurate writer, speaks of a Gray’s Inn mask at court, following an Anglo-Scottish quarrel between Mr. Hawley of Gray’s Inn and Mr. Maxwell. Probably he has this mask, which was to honour a Scot, in mind. The quarrel was in fact over in June 1612 (Birch, i. 173). I doubt whether either this mask or the joint Gray’s Inn and Inner Temple mask of 1612–13 had anything to do with it.