FOOTNOTES:
[1] Italy and Her Invaders. Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892.
[2] Male imperando summum imperium amittitur.—Publius Syrus.
[3] Decline and Fall, chap. xx.
[4] Any one who wishes to gain an insight into the fundamental principles which governed those relations cannot do better than read the opening chapters of Sorel's L'Europe et la Révolution Française.
[5] Ecclesiastes i. 9.
[6] Life and Letters of Sir James Graham, vol. ii. p. 328.
[7] Lord Farrer says: "It is the privilege of honourable trade that, like mercy, it is twice blessed; it blesseth him that gives and him that takes; each of its dealings is of necessity a benefit to both parties. But traders and speculators are not always the most scrupulous of mankind. Their dealings with savage and half-civilised nations too often betray sharp practice, sometimes violence and wrong. The persons who carry on our trade on the outskirts of civilisation are not distinguished by a special appreciation of the rights of others, nor are the speculators, who are attracted by the enormous profits to be made by precarious investments in half-civilised countries, people in whose hands we should desire to place the fortunes or reputation of our country. When a difficulty arises between ourselves and one of the weaker nations, these are the persons whose voice is most loudly raised for acts of violence, of aggression, or of revenge."—The State in its Relation to Trade, p. 177.
[8] It should never be forgotten that, in Oriental countries, whatever good is done to the masses is necessarily purchased at the expense of incurring the resentment of the ruling classes, who abused the power they formerly possessed. Seeley (Expansion of England, p. 320) says with great truth: "It would be very rash to assume that any gratitude, which may have been aroused here and there by our administration, can be more than sufficient to counterbalance the discontent which we have excited among those whom we have ousted from authority and influence."
[9] Juvenal, xiv. 176-8.
[10] "La supériorité des Anglo-Saxons! Si on ne la proclame pas, on la subit et on la redoute; les craintes, les méfiances et parfois les haines que soulève l'Anglais l'attestent assez haut....
"Nous ne pouvons faire un pas à travers le monde, sans rencontrer l'Anglais. Nous ne pouvons jeter les yeux sur nos anciennes possessions, sans y voir flotter le pavilion anglais." A Quoi tient la Supériorité des Anglo-Saxons?—Demolins. This work, as well as another on much the same subject (L'Europa giovane, by Guglielmo Ferrero), were reviewed in the Edinburgh Review for January 1898.
[11] Vie de Turgot, i. 47. In the debate on the India Act in 1858, Sir George Cornewall Lewis, whose views were generally distinguished for their moderation, said: "I do most confidently maintain that no civilised Government ever existed on the face of this earth which was more corrupt, more perfidious, and more capricious than the East India Company was from 1758 to 1784, when it was placed under Parliamentary control."
[12] "It still remains true that there is a large body of public opinion in England which carries into all politics a sound moral sense, and which places a just and righteous policy higher than any mere party interest. It is on the power and pressure of this opinion that the high character of English government must ultimately depend."—Map of Life, Lecky, p. 184. It will be a matter for surprise if the ultra-bureaucratic spirit, coupled with a somewhat pronounced degree of commercial egotism, do not prove the two rocks on which German colonial enterprise will be eventually shipwrecked.
[13] Butcher, Some Aspects of the Greek Genius, p. 27.
[14] Essays. "Of Honour and Reputation."
[15] Sir Charles Wood's Administration of Indian Affairs, 1859-66. West. 1867. Sir Algernon West was Private Secretary to Sir Charles Wood, afterwards Lord Halifax, who was the first Secretary of State for India appointed after the passing of the India Act of 1858, and, therefore, inaugurated the new system.
[16] See, inter alia, Chesney's Indian Polity, p. 136.
[17] Perhaps the best-known example is "Salus populi suprema lex esto," a maxim which, as Selden has pointed out (Table Talk, ciii.), is very frequently misapplied. See also the advice given by the Emperor Claudius to the Parthian Mithridates (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 11).
[18] "The idea of forcing everything to an artificial equality has something, at first view, very captivating in it. It has all the appearance imaginable of justice and good order; and very many persons, without any sort of partial purposes, have been led to adopt such schemes, and to pursue them with great earnestness and warmth. Though I have no doubt that the minute, laborious, and very expensive cadastre, which was made by the King of Sardinia, has done no sort of good, and that after all his pains a few years will restore all things to their first inequality, yet it has been the admiration of half the reforming financiers of Europe; I mean the official financiers, as well as the speculative."—Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis, ii. 126.
[19] Mill, History of British India, vi. 433.
[20] Elphinstone, History of India, p. 77.
[21] Lord Lawrence said: "Light taxation is, in my mind, the panacea for foreign rule in India." Bosworth Smith, Life of Lord Lawrence, vol. ii. p. 497.
[22] The essential portions of this despatch, in so far as the purposes of the present argument are concerned, are given in Sir Richard Temple's work (p. 185), and in Bosworth Smith's Life of Lord Lawrence, vol. ii. p. 186.
[23] Goldwin Smith, Lectures on the Study of History, p. 154.
[24] Morley's Life of Gladstone, vol. iii. p. 467.
[25] Weise, 1841, vol. ii. p. 303.
[26] Loci Critici, p. 40.
[27] History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 326.
[28] The use by Pericles of this metaphor rests on the authority of Aristotle (Rhet. i. 7. 34). Herodotus (vii. 162) ascribes almost the identical words to Gelo, and a similar idea is given by Euripides in Supp. 447-49.
[29] Memoirs, vol. i. p. 328.
[30] On the Sublime, xxx.
[31] Literature of the Victorian Era, p. 382.
[32] On the Sublime, c. v.
[33] Aristotle's Theory of Poetry and Fine Art, p. 398.
[34] Miscellaneous Writings, Conington, vol. i. p. 162.
[35] iii. 1045 ff.
[36] Mr. Gladstone's merits as a translator were great. His Latin translation of Toplady's hymn "Rock of Ages," beginning "Jesus, pro me perforatus," is altogether admirable.
[37] Od. iii. 78-82.
[38] "As a mortal, thou must nourish each of two forebodings—that to-morrow's sunlight will be the last that thou shalt see: and that for fifty years thou wilt live out thy life in ample wealth."
[39] History of English Poetry, iii., 394.
[40] Hipp. 331.
[41] "Great Zeus, why didst thou, to man's sorrow, put woman, evil counterfeit, to dwell where shines the sun? If thou wert minded that the human race should multiply, it was not from women they should have drawn their stock."—Hipp. 616-19.
[42] Decline and Fall, v. 185.
[43] Book ii. c. 11.
[44] Eighteenth Century Literature, vol. vi. p. 331.
[45] "By us he fell, he died, and we will bury him."
[46] Il. xxiii. 116.
[47] Od. xi. 733.
[48] Nineteenth Century, May 1913, p. 972.
[49] When I was at Delhi in 1881, a Nikolsaini, i.e. a worshipper of John Nicholson, came to see me. He showed me a miniature of Nicholson with his head surrounded by an aureole.
[50] Memoirs of Henry Reeve, ii. 329.
[51] The Story of a Soldier's Life. Field-Marshal Viscount Wolseley. Constable.
[52] After carefully reading the book, I am in doubt as to the specific occasions to which allusion is here made.
[53] This expression is used with reference to a warning to civilians that they should "keep their hands off the regiment." I do not know if any recent instances have occurred when civilians have wished to touch the essential portions of what is known as the "regimental system," but I have a very distinct recollection of the fact that this accusation was very freely, and very unjustly, brought against the army reformers in Lord Cardwell's time. Of these, Lord Wolseley was certainly the most distinguished. I think he will bear me out in the assertion that it was only by civilian support that, in the special instances to which I allude, the opposition was overcome.
[54] Much the same proceeding appears to have been adopted in the Red River expedition, which was conducted with such eminent success by Lord Wolseley in 1870. But there was a difference. Lord Wolseley, in describing that expedition, says: "The Cabinet and parliamentary element in the War Office, that has marred so many a good military scheme, had, I may say, little or nothing to do with it from first to last. When will civilian Secretaries of State for War cease from troubling in war affairs?" In the case of the Soudan campaigns, on the other hand, Lord Kitchener and I had to rely—and our reliance was not misplaced—on the Cabinet and on the parliamentary elements of the Government, to prevent excessive interference from the London offices.
[55] I was present for a few weeks, as a spectator, with Grant's army at the siege of Petersburg in 1864, but the experience was too short to be of much value.
[56] Art of War, Jomini, p. 59.
[57] I think I am correct in saying that Sir Evelyn Wood was of a contrary opinion, but I have been unable to verify this statement by reference to any contemporaneous document.
[58] On the 21st of March 1884 Sir Alfred Lyall wrote to Mr. Henry Reeve: "The Mahdi's fortunes do not interest India. The talk in some of the papers about the necessity of smashing him, in order to avert the risk of some general Mahomedan uprising, is futile and imaginative."—Memoirs of Henry Reeve, vol. ii. p. 329.
[59] Subsequently published in The Nineteenth Century and After for September 1910.
[60] Life of Cobden, Morley, vol. i. p. 231.
[61] Sir Robert Peel, as is well known, did not fall into this error, and even Mr. Cobden appears to have recognised so early as 1849 that his original forecasts on this point were too optimistic. Speaking on January 10, 1849, he said: "At the last stage of the Anti-Corn Law Agitation, our opponents were driven to this position: 'Free Trade is a very good thing, but you cannot have it until other countries adopt it too.' And I used to say: 'If Free Trade be a good thing for us, we will have it; let others take it if it be a good thing for them; if not, let them do without it.'"
[62] Hirst, Life of Friedrich List, p. 134.
[63] Essay on the Influence of Commerce on International Conflicts; F. Greenwood, Ency. Brit. (Tenth Edition).
[64] In connection with this branch of the question, I wish to draw attention to the fact that Professor Shield Nicholson, in his recent brilliant work, A Project of Empire, has conclusively shown that it is a misapprehension to suppose that Adam Smith, in advocating Free Trade, looked merely to the interests of the consumer, and neglected altogether those of the producer. Mr. Gladstone's statement on this subject, made in 1860, is well known.
[65] Reports on the Tariff wars between certain European States, Parliamentary paper, Commercial, No. 1 (1904), p. 46.
[66] High Albania, p. 311.
[67] See on this subject the final remarks in Mr. Bland's very instructive chapter xiv.
[68] It is believed that a proposal to reform the constitution of the Egyptian Legislative Council and to extend somewhat its powers is now under consideration. Any reasonable proposals of this nature should be welcomed, but they will do little or nothing towards granting autonomy to Egypt in the sense in which I understand that word.
[69] This passage occurs in Coningsby, and Mr. Monypenny warns us that "his version of the quarrel between Charles I. and the Parliament is too fanciful to be quite serious; we may believe that he was here consciously paying tribute to the historical caprices of Manners and Smythe."
[70] Mr. Monypenny says in a note that a hostile newspaper gave the following translation of Disraeli's motto: "The impudence of some men sticks at nothing."
[71] What Buffon really wrote was: "Le style est l'homme même."
Iratusque Chremes tumido delitigat ore;
Et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri
Telephus et Peleus.
Ars Poetica, 94-96.
[73] Sir Robert Peel. Charles Stuart Parker. Vol. iii. 425.
[74] Sat. iv, 101.
[75] Life of Lord Goschen, Arthur D. Elliot, p. 163.
[76] History and Historians of the Nineteenth Century. By G.P. Gooch. London: Longmans and Co. 10s. 6d.
[77] Ancient Gems in Modern Settings. By G.B. Grundy. Oxford: Blackwell, 5s
[78] Βένθος ἐχεφροσύνης—the depth of a man's common sense.
[79] This statement is incorrect. The saying quoted above occurs in Mr. J.R. Lowell's address at the memorial meeting to Dean Stanley, Dec. 13, 1881. He introduces it as "a proverbial phrase which we have in America and which, I believe, we carried from England."
[80] Aspects of Algeria. By Mrs. Devereux Roy. London: Dent and Son. 10s. 6d.
[81] The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913. By W. Miller. Cambridge: At the University Press. 7s. 6d.
[82] This article was, of course, written before the war which subsequently broke out between the Bulgarians and their former allies, the Greeks and the Servians.
[83] The Diary of Frances, Lady Shelley (1818-1873). London: John Murray. 10s. 6d.
[84] History of the Peninsular War, vol. iii. p. 209.
[85] Maxwell's Life of Wellington, vol. i. p. 78
[86] British Statesmen of the Great War, p. 241.
[87] Burma under British Rule. By Joseph Dautremer. London: T. Fisher Unwin. 15s.
[88] The Life of Madame Tallien. By L. Gastine. Translated from the French by J. Lewis May. London: John Lane. 12s. 6d. net.
[89] The Last Phase, p. 203.
[90] The Public Schools and the Empire. By D.H.B. Gray.
[91] Ἐν γὰρ δαιμονίοισι φόβοις φεύγοντι καὶ παῖδες θεῶν—Nem. ix. 27.
[92] Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 3.
[93] Οὐδὲν σοφιζόμεσθα τοῖσιδαίμοσι.—Bacchae, 200.
[94] The World of Homer, p. 34.
[95] Orient and Occident. By Manmath C. Mallik. London: T. Fisher Unwin. 10s. 6d.
[96] It may be noted that Sir Gangadhar Chitnavis's idea of Preference differs widely from that entertained by Sir Roper Lethbridge. The former apparently wishes to abolish the excise duty on Indian cotton goods, but to maintain that levied on similar goods imported from the United Kingdom, whilst levying a still higher duty on goods from other countries.
[97] The Municipalities of the Roman Empire. By J.E. Reid. Cambridge: At the University Press. 10s. 6d.
[98] L'Avènement de Bonaparte, i. 217.
[99] Vide ante, pp. 317-326.
[100] England Under the Stuarts, p. 107. G. Trevelyan.
[101] Hor. Od. iii. 11. 25.
[102] Ann. iv. 13.
[103] Antigonos Gonatas. By W. Woodthorpe Tarn. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. 14s.
[104] Ancient Art and Ritual. By Miss Jane Harrison. London: Williams and Norgate. 1s.
[105] Mr. E.W. Brooks subsequently wrote to The Spectator to explain that "the letter in question was in no sense an official letter from the Society of Friends. It was the product of one small meeting of that body, which appears to have been misinformed by one or more of its members, and was in no sense a letter from the Society of Friends, which, on the subject of Portuguese Slavery, is officially represented by its Anti-Slavery Committee, of which he is himself the Honorary Secretary."
[106] Anglo-Indian Studies. By S.M. Mitra. London: Longmans and Co. 10s. 6d.
[107] Sidelights. By Lady Blennerhassett. Translated by Edith Gülcher. London: Constable & Co. 7s. 6d.
[108] My informant in this matter was the late General Sir Arthur Ellis. Since the above was written, the Duke of Wellington has informed me that there is at Apsley House a watch, not made by Bréguet but by another Paris watchmaker, on which is inscribed, "Ordered by Napoleon for his brother Joseph." The cover is ornamented not with a diamond J, but with a map of the Peninsula. Inside is the portrait of a lady. I do not doubt that this is the watch to which Sir Arthur Ellis alluded.
Let us unfurl the standards!
Let us cross the Balkans!
Shouting "Allah! Allah!"
Let us drink the blood of the foe!
Long live our Padishah!
Long live Ghazi Osman!
[110] Since writing the above it has been pointed out to me that Garrick's song was composed during the Seven Years' War (1756-63).