Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 2 of 7

by Edgar Thurston

G

Gābit.—A Bombay fishing caste returned at the census, 1901. To Malpe in the South Canara district, during the fishing season, come fishermen with a flotilla of keeled and outrigged sailing boats from Ratnagiri in the Bombay Presidency. Hither also come fishermen from Goa. The reasons given by the Ratnagiri fishermen for coming southward are that fish are not so abundant off their own coast, competition is keener, and salt more expensive. Moreover, the crystals of Bombay salt are too large for successful curing, and “do not agree with the fish, of which the flesh is turned black.” If, they said contemptuously, they were to sun-dry fish by the local method, their people would laugh at them for bringing back, not fish, but dried cow-dung for fuel. The Ratnagiri boats go well out of sight of land to the fishing ground, where they catch seir, pomfret, cat-fish (Arius), and other big fish near the surface, and sharks in deeper water. If the fishing is not good near Malpe, they may go south as far as Mangalore. To the Ratnagiri fishermen the seir (Cybium) is the most valuable and lucrative fish. Under existing arrangements, by which clashing of interests is avoided, the fishery at Malpe is divided into two zones, viz., the deep sea fished by the large Ratnagiri boats, and the shallow littoral water by the smaller local and Goa boats.

Gadaba.—The Gadabas are a tribe of agriculturists, coolies, and hunters in the Vizagapatam district. Hunting is said to be gradually decreasing, as many of the forests are now preserved, and shooting without a license is forbidden. Men sometimes occupy themselves in felling trees, catching birds and hares, and tracking and beating game for sportsmen. The Gadabas are also employed as bearers in the hills, and carry palanquins. There is a settlement of them on the main road between Sembliguda and Koraput, in a village where they are said to have been settled by a former Rāja expressly for such service. It is said that the Gadabas will not touch a horse, possibly because they are palanquin-bearers, and have the same objection to the rival animal that a cabman has for a motor-car.

There is a tradition that the tribe owes its name to the fact that its ancestors emigrated from the banks of the Godābari (Godāvari) river, and settled at Nandapur, the former capital of the Rājas of Jeypore. The Gadabas have a language of their own, of which a vocabulary is given in the Vizagapatam Manual. This language is included by Mr. G. A. Grierson[1] in the Mundā linguistic family.

The tribe is apparently divided into five sections, called Bodo (big) or Gutōb, Pārenga, Olāro, Kaththiri or Kaththara, and Kāpu. Of these, the last two are settled in the plains, and say that they are Bodo and Olāro Gadabas who migrated thither from the hills. As among the Gadabas, so among the Savaras, there is a section which has settled on the plains, and adopted Kāpu as its name. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, nearly a thousand Gadabas are returned as belonging to the Chenchu sub-division. Chenchu is the name of a separate jungle tribe in the Telugu country, and I have been unable to confirm the existence of a Chenchu sub-division among the Gadabas.

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, Mr. H. G. Turner states that “very much akin to the Gadabas are a class called Kerang Kāpus. They will not admit any connexion with them; but, as their language is almost identical, such gainsaying cannot be permitted them. They are called Kerang Kāpu from the circumstance of their women weaving cloths, which they weave from the fibre of a jungle shrub called Kerang (Calotropis gigantea).” Mr. H. A. Stuart remarks[2] that “the Kāpu Gadabas are possibly the Kerang Kāpus mentioned by Mr. Turner as akin to the Gadabas, for I find no mention of the caste under the full name of Kerang Kāpu, nor is Kerang found as a sub-division of either Kāpu or Gadaba.” Writing concerning the numeral system of the Kerang Kāpus, Mr. Turner observes that it runs thus: Moi, Umbar, Jugi, O, Malloi, Turu, Gū, Tammar, Santing, Goa, and for eleven (1 and following numbers), they prefix the word Go, e.g., Gommoi, Gombāro, etc. The Kerang Kāpus can count up to nineteen, but have no conception of twenty. According to Mr. W. Francis, the only tribe on the hills which has this system of notation is the Bonda Poraja. The Gadabas have very similar names for the first five numerals; but, after that, lapse into Oriya, e.g., sāt, āt, nō, das, etc. The Bonda Poraja numerals recorded by Mr. Francis are mūyi, baar, gii, oo, moloi, thiri, goo, thamām, and so on up to nineteen, after which they cannot count. This system, as he points out, agrees with the one described by Mr. Turner as belonging to the Kerang Kāpus. The Gutōb Gadaba numerals recorded by Mr. C. A. Henderson include muititti (1 + a hand), and martitti (2 + a hand).

Some Gadaba women wear a bustle or dress improver, called irrē or kittē. This article of attire is accounted for by the following tradition. “A goddess visited a Gadaba village incognito, and asked leave of one of the women to rest on a cot. She was brusquely told that the proper seat for beggars was the floor, and she consequently decreed that thenceforth all Gadaba women should wear a bustle to remind them to avoid churlishness.”[3] The Gadaba female cloths are manufactured by themselves from cotton thread and the fibre of silloluvāda or ankudi chettu (Holarrhena antidysenterica) and bōda luvāda or bodda chettu (Ficus glomerata). The fibre is carefully dried, and dyed blue or reddish-brown. The edges of the cloth are white, a blue strip comes next, while the middle portion is reddish-brown with narrow stripes of white or blue at regular intervals. The Gadabas account for the dress of their women by the following legend. When Rāma, during his banishment, was wandering in the forests of Dandaka, his wife Sīta accompanied him in spite of his entreaties to the contrary. It was one of the cruel terms of his stepmother Kaika that Rāma should wear only clothing made from jungle fibre, before leaving the capital. According to the Hindu religion, a virtuous wife must share both the sorrows and joys of her lord. Consequently Sīta followed the example of Rāma, and wore the same kind of clothing. They then left the capital amidst the loud lamentation of the citizens. During their wanderings, they met some Gadaba women, who mocked and laughed at Sīta. Whereupon she cursed them, and condemned them to wear no other dress but the cloth made of fibre. In a note on the Gadabas,[4] Mr. L. Lakshminarayan writes that “although mill-prepared cloths are fast replacing house-spun cloths in all communities, yet, in the case of the Gadabas, there is a strong superstition which prevents the use of cloths prepared outside, particularly in regard to the cloths worn by their women. The legend (about Sīta) is fully believed by the Gadabas, and hence their religious adherence to their particular cloth. At the time of marriage, it is absolute that the Gadaba maiden should wear this fibre-made cloth, else misfortune will ruin the family. A bundle of twigs is brought, and the stems freed of leaves are bruised and twisted to loosen the bark, and are then dried for two or three days, after which the bark is ripped out and beaten down smooth with heavy sticks, to separate the bark from the fibre. The fibre is then collected, and combed down smooth, and spun into a tolerably fine twist. It is this twist that the Gadaba maiden weaves in her crude loom, and prepares from it her marriage sāri. According to a good custom among these people, a Gadaba maiden must learn to weave her cloths before she becomes eligible for marriage. And no Gadaba ever thinks of marrying a wife who cannot prepare her own cloths. Men can use cotton and other cloths, whereas women cannot do so, for they are under the curse of Sīta. But the passion for fineries in woman is naturally so strong that the modern Gadaba woman is now taking the liberty of putting cotton thread for the woof and ankudu fibre for the warp, and thus is able to turn out a more comfortable and finer cloth. But some old crones informed me that this mixed cloth is not so auspicious as that prepared wholly from the fibre.”

Some Gadaba women wear immense earrings made of long pieces of brass wire wound into a circle, which hang down from a hole in the ear, and sometimes reach to the shoulders. The wire is sold in the shandy (market) at so much a cubit. The head-dress of some of the women consists of a chaplet of Oliva shells, and strings of beads of various sizes and colours, or the red and black berries of Abrus precatorius, with pendants which hang over the forehead. The women also wear bead necklaces, to which a coin may sometimes be seen attached as a pendant. Bracelets and rings are as a rule made of brass or copper, but sometimes silver rings are worn. Toe-rings and brass or silver anklets are considered fashionable ornaments. Among the Olāro Gadabas, the wearing of brass anklets by a woman indicates that she is married. For teaching backward children to walk, the Gadabas employ a bamboo stick split so as to make a fork, the prongs of which are connected by a cross-bar. The apparatus is held by the mother, and the child, clutching the cross-bar, toddles along.

Among the Bodo and Olāro sections, the following septs occur:—Kōra (sun), Nāg (cobra), Bhāg (tiger), Kīra (parrot), and Gollāri (monkey). The Gadabas who have settled in the plains seem to have forgotten the sept names, but will not injure or kill certain animals, e.g., the cobra.

Girls are as a rule married after puberty. When a young man’s parents think it time for him to get married, they repair to the home of an eligible girl with rice and liquor, and say that they have come to ask a boon, but do not mention what it is. They are treated to a meal, and return home. Some time afterwards, on a day fixed by the Disāri, three or four aged relatives of the young man go to the girl’s house, and the match is fixed up. After a meal, they return to their homes. On the day appointed for the wedding ceremonies, the bridegroom’s relations go to the home of the bride, taking with them a rupee towards the marriage expenses, a new cloth for the girl’s mother, and half a rupee for the females of the bride’s village, which is regarded as compensation for the loss of the girl. To the bride are given a glass bead necklace, and brass bangles to be worn on the right wrist. A feast follows. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the village of the bridegroom, in front of whose home a pandal (booth), made of four bamboo poles, covered with green leaves, has been erected. Within the pandal, stems of the sāl (Shorea robusta), addagirli, and bamboo joined together, are set up as the auspicious post. Beside this a grindstone is placed, on which the bride sits, with the bridegroom seated on her thighs. The females present throw turmeric powder over them, and they are bathed with turmeric-water kept ready in a new pot. They are then presented with new cloths, and their hands are joined together by the officiating Disāri. A feast, with much drinking, follows, and the day’s proceedings conclude with a dance. On the following day, mud is heaped up near the pandal, into which the Disāri throws a handful of it. The remainder of the mud is carried into the pandal by the contracting couple, who pour water over it, and throw it over those who are assembled. All then proceed to a stream, and bathe. A further feast and dance follows, of which the newly married couple are spectators, without taking part in it.

In a note on marriage among the Pārenga Gadabas, Mr. G. F. Paddison writes that they have two forms of marriage rite, one of which (bibā) is accompanied by much feasting, gifts of bullocks, toddy, rice, etc. The most interesting feature is the fight for the bride with fists. All the men on each side fight, and the bridegroom has to carry off the bride by force. Then they all sit down, and feast together. In the other form (lethulia), the couple go off together to the jungle, and, when they return, pay twenty rupees, or whatever they can afford, to the girl’s father as a fine. A dinner and regular marriage follow elopement and payment of the fine.

The ghorojavai system, according to which a man works for a stated period for his future father-in-law, is practiced by the Gadabas. But a cash payment is said to be now substituted for service. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. If she does not marry him, the second husband has to pay a sum of money, called in Oriya the rānd tonka, to him. When a man divorces his wife, her relations are summoned, and he pays her two rupees before sending her away. Of this sum, one rupee is paid as buchni for suspicion regarding her chastity, and the other as chatni for driving her away. A divorced woman may remarry.

In the hills, the village headman is called Janni or Nāyako, and in the plains Naidādo. He is assisted by a Kīrasāni, who is also the caste priest.

Concerning the religion of the Gadabas, Mr. H. D. Taylor writes[5] that it is “simple, and consists of feasts at stated intervals. The chief festival is Ittakaparva, or hunting feast, in March and April. On this occasion, the whole male population turns out to hunt, and, if they return unsuccessful, the women pelt them with cow-dung on their return to the village; if, however, successful, they have their revenge upon the women in another way. The chief deities (though spoken of generally under the term Dēvata or Mahāprabhu) are Ganga Dēvi or Tākurāni, Iswara or Mouli, Bhairava, and Jhankara. It is Iswara or Mouli who is worshipped at Chaitra. Jhankara is the god of land, rainfall and crops, and a cow is sacrificed to him. There are not, as a rule, temples, but the pūja (worship) place consists of a sacred grove surrounded with a circle of stones, which takes the name of Jhankara from the god to whom pūja is performed. Ganga Dēvi, Iswara and Mouli have temples at certain places, but as a rule there is no building, and the site of pūja is marked by trees and stones. To Iswara a she-buffalo is sacrificed at Chaitra. To the other Dēvatas cocks and goats are sacrificed. Ganga Dēvi or Tākurāni is the goddess of life and health, both of men and cattle; to her pigs, goats, and pigeons are sacrificed. There are one or two curious superstitions. If a member of the caste is supposed to be possessed of a devil, he or she is abused and beaten by other members of the caste until the devil is cast out. In some parts the superstition is that a piece of wild buffalo horn buried in the ground of the village will avert or cure cattle disease.” Sometimes a sāl or kōsangi tree is planted, and surrounded by a bamboo hedge. It is worshipped with animal sacrifices at harvest time, and the Kīrasāni acts as priest.

“There is,” Mr. G. F. Paddison writes, “rather a curious custom in connection with a village goddess. Close to her shrine a swing is kept. On this swing, once a year at the great village festival, thorns are placed, and the village priest or priestess sits on them without harm. If the pūjāri is a male, he has been made neuter. But, if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman performs the ceremony. [At the fire-walking ceremony at Nuvagōde in Ganjam, the priest sits on a thorny swing, and is endowed with prophetic powers.] When there is small-pox or other epidemic disease in a village, a little go-cart is built, composed of a box on legs fixed to a small board on wheels. In this box is placed a little clay image, or anything else holy, and carried away to a distant place, and left there. A white flag is hoisted, which looks like quarantine, but is really intended, I think, to draw the goddess back to her shrine. Vaccination is regarded as a religious ceremony, and the Gadabas, I believe, invariably present the vaccinator as the officiating priest with rice.”

The Gadabas, like other hill tribes, name their children after the day of the week on which they are born. On the plains, however, some give their children low-country names, e.g., Rāmudu, Lachigadu, Arjanna, etc.

Males are, as a rule, burnt; but, if a person dies in the night or on a rainy day, the corpse is sometimes buried. Women and children are usually buried, presumably because they are not thought worth the fuel necessary for cremation. Only relations are permitted to touch a corpse. Death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste occupation must not be engaged in. Stone slabs are erected to the memory of the dead, and sacrifices are offered to them now and again.

The Gadabas have a devil dance, which they are willing to perform before strangers in return for a small present. It has been thus described by Captain Glasfurd.[6] “At the time of the Dusserah, Hōli, and other holidays, both men and women dance to the music of a fife and drum. Sometimes they form a ring by joining hands all round, and with a long hop spring towards the centre, and then hop back to the full extent of their arms, while they at the same time keep circling round and round. At other times, the women dance singly or in pairs, their hands resting on each other’s wrists. When fatigued, they cease dancing, and sing. A man steps out of the crowd, and sings a verse or two impromptu. One of the women rejoins, and they sing at each other for a short time. The point of these songs appears to consist in giving the sharpest rejoinder to each other. The woman reflects upon the man’s ungainly appearance and want of skill as a cultivator or huntsman, and the man retorts by reproaching her with her ugliness and slatternly habits.” In connection with dancing, Mr. Henderson writes that “all the Gadaba dancing I have seen was the same as that of the Porjas, and consisted of a sort of women’s march, at times accompanied by a few men who wander round, and occasionally form a ring through which the line of women passes. Sometimes the men get on each other’s shoulders, and so form a sort of two-storied pyramid. The women’s song is comparatively quite melodious.”

In recent years, some Gadabas have emigrated to Assam, to work in the tea-gardens. But emigration has now stopped by edict.

For the information contained in this article, I am mainly indebted to notes by Mr. C. A. Henderson, Mr. W. Francis, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, and the Kumara Rajā of Bobbili.

Gādi (cart).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Gādidhē Kandla (donkey’s eyes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gādu.—A common suffix to the name of individuals among various Telugu classes, e.g., Rāmigādu, Subbigādu.

Gaduge (throne).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Gaita.—A sub-division of Konda Rāzu.

Gajjal (a small bell).—A sub-division of Toreya.

Gāli.—Gāli or Gālollu, meaning wind, devil, or spirit, is recorded as an exogamous sept of Kamma, Kuruba, and Māla.

Gamalla.—The Gamallas are a class of toddy-drawers, and distillers and vendors of arrack in the Telugu country and are supposed to be Īdigas who have bettered themselves, and separated from that caste. Both Gamallas and Īdigas worship the deity Kāttamayya. At the census, 1891, some returned Īdiga as their sub-division. In the Cuddapah district some toddy-drawers style themselves Asilivāndlu. Possibly the Īdiga, Gamalla, and Asili toddy-drawing classes only represent three endogamous sections of a single caste. In the Nellore district, the toddy-drawers style themselves Gamandla or Gavandlavāndlu, and say that they have one gōtra Kaumandlapu or Gaumandlapu. It is probable that the name Gamandla or Gavandla has been coined by Brāhman purōhits, to connect the caste with Kaumandala Mahārishi of the Purānas. The Gamallas say that they were created to draw toddy by the sage Kavundinya, and that they belong to the Gaundla varnam (caste). I am informed that a Purānam, called Gamandla or Gamudi Purānam, has been created. In the social scale, the toddy-drawers appear to occupy a higher position in the Telugu than in the Tamil country, and they are sometimes said to be Telagas or Balijas, who have adopted toddy-drawing as a profession. The more prosperous members of the community are toddy and arrack (liquor) shop-keepers, and the poorer members extract toddy from the palm-trees.

The Kāpus of the Nellore district employ Gamallas as their cooks and domestic servants, and all menial service and cooking are done by Gamallas in the houses of Kāpus on the occasion of festivals and marriages.

Concerning the origin of the Gamallas, the following legend is current. A Rishi was doing penance by standing on his head, and, like the chamæleon, living on light and air, instead of food. According to some, the Rishi was Kaumandla, while others do not know his name. An Īdiga girl passed by the Rishi, carrying a pot filled with toddy, which polluted the air, so that the Rishi could not continue the penance. Being struck with the girl’s beauty, he followed her to her home, and pointed out to her that she was the cause of his mishap. He asked her to become his wife, but she announced that she was already married. Eventually, however, they became secretly united, and, in consequence, the whole town caught fire. The girl’s husband, returning home with some toddy, was amazed at the sight, and she, to protect him, hid the Rishi in a vat. Into this vat the husband poured the toddy, which made the Rishi breathe hard, so that the toddy, for the first time on record, began to foam. Noticing this, the husband found a lingam, into which the Rishi had been transformed. This lingam was worshipped by the Gamandlas, and they are at the present day Saivites.

Like other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have exogamous septs, such as parvathāla (hills), kudumalu (a cake), annam (cooked rice), and pandhi (pig). Among gōtras, the following may be noted:—kavundinya, kārunya, vāchalya, and surāpāndēsvara (surā pānda, toddy pot).

Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and remarriage of widows is permitted, though the tendency at the present day is to abandon the practice. At the wedding of a widow, the bottu (marriage badge) is tied round her neck at night. Prior to the marriage ceremony, the worship of female ancestors must be performed. A new female cloth, betel, and flowers, are placed on a tray, and worshipped by the mothers of the contracting couple. The cloth is given as a present to a sister or other near relation of the bride or bridegroom.

Gamallas.

The dead are cremated, and the widow breaks one or two of her bangles. Fire must be carried to the burning-ground by the father of the deceased, if he is alive. On the day following cremation, the hot embers are extinguished, and the ashes collected, and shaped into an effigy, near the head of which three conical masses of mud and ashes are set up. To these representatives of Rudra, Yama, and the spirit of the departed, cooked rice and vegetables are offered up on three leaves. One of the leaves is given to the Jangam, who officiates at the rite, another to a washerman, and the third is left, so that the food on it may be eaten by crows. All, who are assembled, wait till these birds collect, and the ashes are finally poured on a tree. On the ninth, tenth, or eleventh day after death, a ceremony called the peddadinam (big day) is performed. Cooked rice, curry, meat, and other things, are placed on a leaf inside the house. Sitting near this leaf, the widow weeps and breaks one or two of the glass bangles, which she wears on the wrist. The food is then taken to a stream or tank (pond), where the agnates, after shaving, bathing, and purification, make an effigy of the dead person on the ground. Close to this cooked rice and vegetables are placed on three leaves, and offered to the effigy. The widow’s remaining bangles are broken, and she is presented with a new cloth, called munda koka (widow’s cloth) as a sign of her condition. All Gamallas, rich or poor, engage on this occasion the services of Māla Pambalas and Bainēdus (musicians and story-tellers) to recite the story of the goddess Ankamma. The performance is called Ankamma kolupu. Some of the Mālas make on the ground a design, called muggu, while the others play on the drum, and carry out the recitation. The design must be made in five colours, green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), white (rice flour), red (turmeric and lime), yellow (turmeric), and black (burnt rice-husk). It represents a male and female figure (Vīrulu, heroes), who are supposed to be the person whose peddadinam is being celebrated, and an ancestor of the opposite sex. If the family can afford it, other designs, for example of Ankamma, are also drawn. On the completion of the muggu, cocoanuts, rice, and betel are offered, and a fowl is sacrificed.

Like many other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have a class of beggars, called Eneti, attached to them, for whom a subscription is raised when they turn up.

The Gamallas are mostly Saivites, and their priests are Ārādhya Brāhmans, i.e., Telugu Brāhmans, who have adopted some of the customs of the Lingāyats. They worship a variety of gods and goddesses, who include Pōtharāju, Kātamayya, Gangamma, Mathamma, and Thallamma, or Thadlamma. Once or twice during the year, a pot of toddy is brought from every house to the shrine of Thallamma, and the liquor contained in some of the pots is poured on the floor, and the remainder given to those assembled, irrespective of caste.

At the festival of Dīpāvali, the celebrants bathe in the early morning, and go, in wet clothes, to an ant-hill, before which they prostrate themselves, and pour a little water into one of the holes. Round the hill they wind five turns of cotton thread, and return home. Subsequently they come once more to the ant-hill with a lamp made of flour paste. Carrying the light, they go thrice or five times round the hill, and throw into a hole therein split pulse (Phaseolus Mungo). During the whole of this day they fast. On the following morning they again go to the hill, pour milk into it, and snap the threads wound round it.

Gamalla muggu.

At the festival of Sankarānthi, the principal member of every family observes the worship of ancestors. Various articles are placed in a room on leaf plates representing the ancestors, who are worshipped by the celebrant after he has been purified by bathing. Taking a little of the food from each leaf, he places it on a single leaf, which is worshipped, and placed in the court-yard, so that the crows may partake thereof. The remainder of the food is distributed among the members of the family.

At the census, 1901, some Gamallas returned themselves as Settigādu (Chetti).

Gampa (basket).—A sub-division of Kamma and Telaga, and an exogamous sept of Oddē. The name, among the Kammas, refers to a deadly struggle at Gandikōta, in which some escaped by hiding in baskets. Gampa dhōmpti is the name of a sub-division of the Mādigas, whose marriage offerings to the god are placed in a basket.

Ganāyata.—Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of Lingāyat Jangams in the Nellore, Cuddapah, and Kurnool districts. The Sanskrit word Ganam means Siva’s attendants.

Gandham (sandal paste).—An exogamous sept of Balijas, one sub-division of whom is called Gandhavāllu or Gandhapodi (sandal perfume sellers). The paste made by rubbing sandal (Santalum album) wood on a stone with water is widely used in connection with Hindu ceremonial observance. A Brāhman, for example, after worshipping, smears his body with the paste. At festivals, and other ceremonial occasions, sandal paste is distributed to guests along with betel leaves and areca nuts (pān-supāri). Gandhapodi also occurs as an exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gandikōta.—A sub-division of Kamma. Gandi Kōttei is recorded[7] as a sub-division of Kāpu or Reddi, “found only in Madura and Tinnevelly, and also known simply as Kōttei Reddis. Kōttei is the Tamil for a fort, the corresponding Telugu word being kōta. Their females do not appear in public.”

Gāndla.—See Gāniga.

Gangadikāra.—Gangadikāra, said doubtfully to mean those who lived on the banks of the Ganges, has been recorded as a sub-division of the Holeyas, Okkiliyans, and Vakkaligas. The name probably refers to Gangavādi, the country of the Gangas, a royal line which ruled over the greater part of the modern Mysore in former times.

Gangeddu.—The Gangeddulu are a class of mendicants, who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls. “The exhibition of sacred bulls, known as Gangeddulu (Ganga’s bulls) is very common in the towns and villages of Southern India. The presence of the swāmi (god) bull, as he is popularly called, is made known by his keeper playing on a small drum, which emits a dismal, booming sound, in the intervals of addressing his dumb companion in a piercing voice. The bull is led about from house to house, and made to go through several tricks, which he does with evident zest. The keeper in the meanwhile talks to him, and puts questions to him, to which he replies by shakes of his head. He will kneel down in an attitude of worship, with his head inclined to the ground, or he will approach you, and gently rub his nozzle against your hand. Usually a diminutive cow accompanies the bull, and, like him, is grandly attired, and resounds with tinkling bells. She is introduced to the spectators as the bull’s ammagaru, that is consort or spouse. Then a scene between the pair is enacted, the gist of which is that the husband is displeased with the wife, and declines to hold converse with her. As a result of the difference, he resolves to go away, and stalks off in high dudgeon. The keeper attempts to make peace between them, and is rewarded by being charged by the irate husband and knocked down, though no harm is done to him as the animal’s horns are padded. The keeper rises, shakes himself, and complains woefully of the treatment he has received. Indeed, it is only after a great deal of coaxing and wheedling, and promises of buying him endless quantities of rice cakes and other bazaar delicacies, that the bull condescends to return, and a reconciliation is effected.”

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Gangeddulu, Erudāndis, or Perumāl Mādukkārans, often acquire and train deformed male calves. It is a popular superstition that for a family to keep such animals in its possession is to court destruction. Consequently, when one is born, information is sent to a Gangeddu, who, on his arrival, is sumptuously fed. The calf is then washed, and a new cloth tied to its horns. A small present of money is made to the Gangeddu, and he takes the animal away. Temples sometimes dispose of their deformed calves in a similar manner. When the trained animals are exhibited in public, the deformity, which is the hall-mark of a genuine Gangeddu, is shown, usually at the commencement of the performance, or at any time at the bidding of any of the spectators. It is only after the exhibition of the deformity, which is usually concealed within the trappings of the animal, that remuneration, generally in kind, or in old rags and copper coins, is doled out to them. Villagers worship the bulls, when they happen to pass their houses, and, as soon as they enter a village, the females wash the feet of the animals with milk and water. They then adorn their foreheads with kunkumam (aniline powder) and turmeric paste, and burn incense and camphor before them. Cocoanuts, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, and money are also offered in a plate, and are the perquisite of the Gangeddu. The bulls are thus venerated, as they represent Basavanna, the sacred bull which is the vehicle of Siva.

The language of the Gangeddulu is Telugu, but those who have migrated to the Tamil country also speak the language of the south. They profess the Vaishnavite religion, and are of the Tengalai persuasion. They have Brāhman gurus (religious preceptors), who reside at Srirangam, Tirupati, and other places. By them the Gangeddulu are branded on the shoulder with the emblems of the chank and chakram, and initiated into the mysteries of the Dāsari priesthood. But, though they call themselves Dāsaris, the Gangeddulu have no marital or other connection with the Dāsaris. In addition to training and exhibiting the performing bulls and cultivating land, the Gangeddulu officiate as Dāsaris in the month of Peratāsi (September-October). Their principal insignia of office are the chank shell, which is blown to announce their arrival, and the iron lamp (called Garudasthambha), which is kept burning, and is said to represent Venkatēsa, the presiding deity at Tirupati. As Dāsaris, little is expected of them, except offering fruits to the god, and assisting at funerals. Several proverbs, of which the following are examples, are current concerning this aspect of their life:—

The mistake of a Dāsari is excused with an apology.

The songs of a Dāsari are known only to the god, i.e., they are unintelligible and unreal.

For the song of a Dāsari alms are the payment, i.e., that is all the song is worth.

Sing again what you have sung, oh! Dāsari with dirty teeth.

When a beggar was asked whether he was a Dāsari or a Jangam, he replied that it depends on the next village. This in reference to his being a time-server.

A Gangeddu mendicant is, like his bulls, picturesquely attired. He is very punctilious about having his sect-mark on the forehead, invariably wears a turban, and his body is clothed in a long white cloth robe. When going about with the performing bulls, the Gangeddulu generally travel in pairs, one carrying a drum, and the other a bell-metal gong. One of them holds in one hand the nose-rope of the bull, and in the other the whip. The bulls are dressed up in a patch work quilt with two eye-holes in it. Of names which are given to the animals, Rāma and Lakshmana are very popular. The tameness of the bulls is referred to in the proverb “As mild as a Gangeddu.”

The Perumāl Mādukkārans, or Perumāl Erudukkārans, both of which names indicate those who lead bulls about, are found chiefly in the Chingleput, North and South Arcot districts. “Every now and then,” Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes,[8] “throughout Madras, a man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seen leading about a bull, as fantastically got up as himself with cowries (Cypræa arabica shells) and rags of many colours, from door to door. The bull is called in Tamil Perumāl erudu, and in Telugu Ganga eddu, the former meaning Vishnu’s bull and the latter Ganga’s bull. The origin of the first is given in a legend, but that of the last is not clear. The conductors of these bulls are neatherds of high caste, called Pū Idaiyan, i.e., flower neatherds (see Idaiyan), and come from villages in the North and South Arcot districts. They are a simple and ignorant set, who firmly believe that their occupation arises out of a command from the great god Venkatāchalapati, the lord of the Venkatāchala near Tirupaddi (Tirupati) in the North Arcot district. Their legend is as follows. Among the habitual gifts to the Venkatāchala temple at Tirupaddi were all the freaks of nature of the neighbourhood as exhibited in cattle, such as two-tailed cows, five-legged bulls, four-horned calves, and so on. The Pū Idaiyans, whose original duty was to string flowers for the temple, were set to graze these abortions. Now to graze cows is an honour, but to tend such creatures as these the Pū Idaiyans regarded as a sin. So they prayed to Venkatāchalapati to show them how they could purge it away. On this, the god gave them a bull called after himself the Perumāl bull and said: ‘My sons, if you take as much care of this bull as you would of your own children, and lead it from house to house, begging its food, your sin will be washed away.’ Ever since then they have been purging themselves of their original sin. The process is this. The bull leader takes it from house to house, and puts it questions, and the animal shakes its head in reply. This is proof positive that it can reason. The fact is the animal is bought when young for a small sum, and brought up to its profession. Long practice has made its purchasers experts in selecting the animals that will suit them. After purchase the training commences, which consists in pinching the animal’s ears whenever it is given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head at the sight of bran. I need hardly say that a handful of bran is ready in its conductor’s hands when the questions are put to it. It is also taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily to it. As regards the offerings made to these people, one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls, and the remaining five-sixths to the conductors. They look upon it as ‘good work’, but the village boys and girls think it the greatest fun in the world to watch its performances, and the advent of a Vishnu’s bull is hailed by the youngsters with the greatest delight.”

Gangimakkalu.—Gangimakkalu, or Gangaputra, meaning children or sons of Ganga, the goddess of water, is the name of a sub-division of Kabbēra. The allied Gangavamsamu, or people of Ganga, is a name for Jālāris.

Gāniga or Gāndla.—The name Gāniga is derived from the Telugu gānuga, meaning an oil-mill. The Gānigas are said[9] to be “the oil pressers of the Canarese people, corresponding to the Telugu Gāndla and the Tamil Vāniyan. This caste is sub-divided into three sections, none of whom eat together or intermarry. These sections are the Heggānigas, who yoke two oxen to a stone oil-mill; Kirgānigas, who make oil in wooden mills; and Ontiyeddu Gānigas, who yoke only one animal to the mill. They are collectively known as Jōtipans or Jōtinagarams (people of the city of light). In addition to pressing oil, they also make palm-leaf umbrellas, cultivate land, and work as labourers. They employ Brāhmans to perform their ceremonies. Their guru is the head of the Vyāsarāya mutt at Ānegundi. Early marriage is practiced. Widow remarriage is not allowed. They eat fish, mutton, and fowls, but do not drink liquor. Chetti is their title.” In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that the guru of the Gānigas is the head of the mutt at Sringeri, and that they employ Havig Brāhmans for their ceremonies. Sringeri is the name of a Smarta (Saivite) mutt or religious institution at several places, such as Tanjore and Kumbakōnam; and there is a town of this name in Mysore, from which the mutt derives its name.

Concerning the Gānigas of the Mysore Province, Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar writes as follows.[10] “The account locally obtained connects this caste with the Nagartās, as forming the leading communities of the left-hand faction, in opposition to the Lingayats and other castes composing the right-hand faction. Caste supremacy is ever associated in India with preternatural mythology. If the average Brāhman traces his nobility literally to the face of Brahma, according to the Vēdic Purusha Sūkta, every other castelet claims a patent of superiority in a similar miraculous origin. The Gānigas allege that they immigrated from the north at a time beyond living memory. A Mysore noble, named Mallarāje Ars, established and first peopled the pēte (market town) of Bangalore, when the Gānigas first came there, followed by the Nagartās, who are said to have been co-emigrants with the Gānigas. Mallarāj made Sattis and Yajamāns (headmen) of the principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the house-tax. The Gānigas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites. Their guru is known as Dharmasivāchārsvāmi in the Madras Presidency, and certain gōtras (family names) are said to be common to the Gānigas and Nagartās, but they never eat together or intermarry. The Gānigas claim the peculiar privilege of following the Vishnu image or car processions, throughout the province, with flags exhibiting the figures of Hanumān and Garuda, and torches. These insignia are alleged to have been aboriginally given to an ancestor, named Siriyāla Satti, by Rāma, as a reward for a valuable gem presented by him. The Gānigas call themselves Dharmasivāchār Vaisyās like the Nagartās, and the feud between them used often to culminate in much bitter unpleasantness. The order includes a small division of the linga-wearing oilmongers, known as Sajjanā (good men), whose population is a small fraction of the community. The Sajjanās, however, hold no social intercourse of any kind with the other sub-divisions.”

The Gānigas of Sandūr, in the little Marātha State of that name, returned Yenne (oil) and Kallu (stone) as sub-divisions. The average cephalic index of these Gānigas was very high, being 80.5 as against 77.6 for the Gānigas of Mysore city.

“The oil-mill of the Gānigas is,” Mr. W. Francis writes,[11] “a sort of large wooden mortar, usually formed out of the heart of a tamarind tree, and firmly imbedded in the ground. A wooden cylinder, shod with iron, fits roughly into the cavity. A cross beam is lashed to this in such a way that one end is close to the ground, and to this a pair of bullocks or buffaloes are fastened. By an arrangement of pullies, the pressure of the cylinder can be increased at pleasure. As the bullocks go round the trough, the seeds are crushed by the action of the cylinder, so that the expressed oil falls to the bottom, while the residuum, as oil-cake, adheres to the side of the mortar.”

The following note refers to the Onteddu (single bullock) Gānigas, who claim superiority over those who employ two bullocks in working their oil-mills. The former belong to the right-hand, and the latter to the left-hand faction. Among them are various sub-divisions, of which the Dēva and Onteddu may intermarry, while the Kasi, Teli (gingelly: Sesamum), and Chandanapu are endogamous. Like other Telugu castes they have gōtras, some of which are interesting, as there are certain prohibitions connected with them. For example, members of the Badranollu and Balanollu gōtras may not cut the tree Erythroxylon monogynum. In like manner, members of the Vīranollu and Viththanollu gōtras are forbidden to cut Feronia elephantum, and those of the Vēdanollu gōtra to cut Nyctanthes arbor-tristis. Members of certain other gōtras do not cultivate turmeric, sugarcane, or the millet (Panicum miliare).

The Onteddu Gānigas are Saivites, and disciples of Lingāyat Brāhmans (Ārādhyas). Some, however, wear the sacred thread, and others bear on the forehead the red streak of the Vaishnavites. In some places, their special deity is Chaudeswara, who is the god of some of the weaving classes. In the Kistna district they claim Mallikārjunasvāmi as their deity.

Their primary occupation is oil-pressing, but some are traders in cotton, oil-seeds, etc., or cultivators. In some localities, the animal which works the oil-mill is not blindfolded, while it is in others, because, it is said, it would otherwise fall down after a few revolutions. Crushing gingelly oil is, according to the Shāstras, a sinful act, but condoned inasmuch as Dēvatas use this oil for lamps, and men in temples. For the removal of the oil-cake, or turning the seeds in the mill, the left hand only is used. Burning the tongue with a piece of gold, as a means of purification after some offence has been committed, is a common practice.

Gānga bride and bridegroom.

The marriage rites conform, for the most part, to the Telugu type. But, while the wrist thread is being tied on, common salt is held in the hand. A dagger (bāku) is then given to the bridegroom, who keeps it with him till the conclusion of the ceremonies. On the wedding day, the bridegroom wears the sacred thread. The tāli is not an ordinary bottu, but a thread composed of 101 thin strings, which is removed on the last day, and replaced by a bottu. On the third day, the bride and bridegroom worship a jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera), and the latter, removing his sacred thread, throws it on the tree. Five young men, called Bāla Dāsulu, also worship the tree, and, if they are wearing the sacred thread, throw it thereon. The dead are as a rule buried, in a sitting posture if the deceased was an orthodox Saivite. If a young man dies a bachelor, the corpse is married to an arka plant (Calotropis gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the flowers thereof. The final death ceremonies are performed on the eleventh day. Food is offered to crows and the soul of the dead person, who is represented by a wooden post dressed with his clothes. The bangles of a widow are broken near the post, which is finally thrown into a tank or stream.

Gāniga further occurs as an occupational name for Lingāyat oil-vendors, and for Mogers who are employed as oil-pressers.

Ganta.—Ganta or Gantla, meaning a bell, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kamma and Balija. Gantelavāru, or men of the bell, is given by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri[12] as the family name of one section of the Donga (thieving) Dāsaris, and of the Kabbēras, who are said to join the ranks of this criminal class. Gantugāzula occurs, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Koracha. In the Vizagapatam Manual, the Tiragati Gantlavallu are described as repairing hand-mills, catching antelopes, and selling their skins.

Ganti (a hole pierced in the ear-lobe).—An exogamous sept of Gūdala.

Gāradi.—Gāradi or Gāradiga is the name of a class of mendicants in the Telugu country and Mysore who are snake-charmers, practice sleight of hand, and perform various juggling and mountebank tricks.

Garappa (dry land).—A synonym of Challa Yānādi.

Gatti.—A small caste of cultivators, found chiefly near Kumbla and Someswara in the Kasaragod tāluk of South Canara. Other names for the caste are Poladava and Holadava, both signifying men of the field. Like the Bants, they follow the aliya santāna law of inheritance (in the female line), have exogamous septs or balis, and, on the day of the final death ceremonies, construct car-like structures, if the deceased was an important personage in the community. The Bants and Gattis interdine, but do not intermarry. The headman of the Gattis is called Gurikāra. The God of the Someswara temple is regarded as the caste deity, and every family has to pay an annual fee of four annas to this temple. Failure to do so would entail excommunication.

Gattu (bank or mound).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gaud.—A title of Sādar.

Gauda.—The Gaudas or Gaudos are a large caste of Canarese cultivators and cattle-breeders. “Gauda and Gaudo,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,[13] “are really two distinct castes, the former being Canarese and the latter Uriya. Each name is, however, spelt both ways. The two names are, I presume, etymologically the same. The ordinary derivation is from the Sanskrit go, a cow, but Dr. Gustav Oppert contends[14] that the root of Gauda is a Dravidian word meaning a mountain. Among the Canarese, and to a less extent among the Uriyas also, the word is used in an honorific sense, a custom which is difficult to account for if Dr. Oppert’s philology is correct.” “Gaudas,” Mr. Stuart writes further,[15] “also called Hālvaklumakkalu (children of the milk class), are very numerously represented in the South Canara district. They have a somewhat elaborate system of caste government. In every village there are two headmen, the Grāma Gauda and the Vattu or Gattu Gauda. For every group of eight or nine villages there is another head called the Māganē Gauda, and for every nine Māganēs there is a yet higher authority called the Kattēmanēyava. The caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis, which are of the usual exogamous character. The names of some of these are as follows: Bangāra (gold), Nandara, Malāra (a bundle of glass bangles, as carried about for sale), Sālu, Hemmana (pride or conceit), Kabru, Gōli (Portulaca oleracea, a pot-herb), Basruvōgaru (basru, belly), Balasanna, and Karmannāya. Marriage is usually adult, and sexual license before marriage with a member of the caste is tolerated, though nominally condemned. The dhārē form of marriage (see Bant) is used, but the bridal pair hold in their joined hands five betel leaves, one areca nut and four annas, and, after the water has been poured, the bridegroom ties a tāli to the neck of the bride. Divorce is permitted freely, and divorced wives and widows can marry again. A widow with children, however, should marry only her late husband’s elder brother. If she marries any one else, the members of her former husband’s family will not even drink water that has been touched by her. They burn their dead. On the third day, the ashes are made into the form of a man, which is cut in two, buried, and a mound made over it. In the house two planks are placed on the ground, and covered with a cloth. On one of these, a vessel containing milk is placed, and on the other a lamp, rice, cocoanut, pumpkin, etc., are deposited. The agnates and some boys go round the plank three times, and afterwards go to the mound, taking with them the various articles in a cloth. Three plantain leaves are spread in front of the mound, and cooked food, etc., placed thereon. Four posts are set up round the mound, and cloths stretched over them, and placed round the sides. On the sixteenth day, sixteen plantain leaves are placed in a row, and one leaf is laid apart. Cakes, cooked fowl’s flesh, toddy and arrack (liquor) are placed on the leaves in small leaf-cups. The assembled agnates then say “We have done everything as we should do, and so our ancestors who have died must take the man who is now dead to their regions. I put the leaf which is apart in the same row with the sixteen leaves.”

“Once a year, in the month of Mituna (June-July), the Gaudas perform a ceremony for the propitiation of all deceased ancestors. They have a special preference for Venkatarāmaswāmi, to whom they make money offerings once a year in September. They employ Brāhmins to give them sacred water when they are under pollution, but they do not seek their services for ordinary ceremonies. They are, for the most part, farmers, but some few are labourers. The latter receive three or four seers of paddy a day as wages. Their house language is Tulu in some places, and Canarese in others, but all follow the ordinary system of inheritance, and not the custom of descent through females. Their title is Gauda.”

As bearing on the superstitious beliefs of the people of South Canara, the following case, which was tried before the Sessions Judge in 1908, may be cited. A young Gauda girl became pregnant by her brother-in-law. After three days’ labour, the child was born. The accused, who was the mother of the girl, was the midwife. Finding the delivery very difficult, she sent for a person named Korapulu to come and help her. The child was, as they thought, still-born. On its head was a red protuberance like a ball; round each of its forearms were two or three red bands; the eyes and ears were fixed very high in the head; and the eyes, nose, and mouth were abnormally large. Korapulu and the girl’s younger sister at once carried the mother out of the out-house lest the devil child should do her harm or kill her. The accused called for a man named Isuf Saiba, who was standing in the yard outside. He came in, and she asked him to call some of the neighbours, to decide what to do. The child, she said, was a devil child, and must be cut and killed, lest it should devour its mother. While they were looking at the child, it began to move and roll its eyes about, and turn on the ground. It is a belief of the villagers that such a devil child, when born and brought in contact with the air, rapidly grows, and causes great trouble, usually killing the mother, and sometimes killing all the inmates of the house. The accused told Isuf Saiba to cover the child with a vessel, which he did. Then there was a sound from inside the vessel, either of the child moving or making some sound with its mouth. The accused then put her hand under the vessel, dragged the child half way out, and then, while Isuf Saiba pressed the edge of the earthenware vessel on the abdomen of the child, the accused took a knife, and cut the body in half. When the body was cut in two, there was no blood, but a mossy green liquid, or a black liquid, oozed out. The accused got two areca leaves, and put one piece of the child on one, and one on the other, and told Isuf Saiba to get a spade, and come and bury them. So they went out into the jungle close to the house, and Isuf Saiba dug two holes about half a yard deep, one on one hillock, and one on another. In these two holes the two pieces of the child were separately buried. The object of this was to prevent the two pieces joining together again, in which case the united devil child would have come out of the grave, and gone to kill its mother. The birth and death of this devil child were not kept secret, but were known throughout the village.

Gauda or Gaudu further occurs as a title of Īdiga, Kuruba, and Vakkaliga, an exogamous sept and gōtra of Kuruba and Kurni, and a sub-division of Golla.

Gaudi.—It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that a Maleru (temple servant) woman, who cohabits with one of a lower class than her own, is degraded into a Gaudi.

Gaudo.—The Gaudos are described, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as “the great pastoral caste of the Ganjam Oriyas. Like those of all the cowherd classes, its members say that they are descended from the Yādava tribe, in which Krishna was born (cf. Idaiyan). The majority of the Gaudos in the northern districts are now cultivators, but there is evidence that the keeping and breeding of cattle is their traditional occupation. The most important sub-division is Sollokhondia; many of them are herdsmen and milk-sellers. Fourteen sub-divisions have been reported. They are Apoto, Bēhara, Bolodiya, Dongāyato, Dumālo, Gōpopuriya, Kolāta, Komiriya, Kusilya, Lādia, Madhurāpurya, Mogotho, Pattilia, and Sollokhondia.” In the Census Report, 1871, it is noted that “there are many Gowdus of high social standing, who have gotten unto themselves much wealth in cattle. These men own, in many instances, large herds of buffaloes, which, being reared in the boundless pastures of the hills, are much prized by the cartmen of the low country for draught purposes.”

Of the sub-division noted above, Bēhara is apparently a title only. Bolodiya is the name of a section of the Tellis, who use pack-bullocks (bolodi, a bull) for carrying grain about the country. Pattilia must be a mistake for Pachilia. The sections among the Gaudos which are recognised by all castes in the Ganjam district are Sollokhondia, Bhatta, Gōpopuriya, Madhurāpuriya, Mogotho, Apoto, and Pachilia. These, with the exception of Gōpopuriya and Madhurāpuriya, seem to be endogamous sub-divisions. The Bhatta Gaudos go by the name of Gōpopuriya in some places and Madhurāpuriya in others, both these names being connected with the legendary history of the origin of the caste. The Apoto and Bhatta Gaudos are sometimes employed as palanquin-bearers. The Mogotho Gaudos, who live on the hills, are regarded as an inferior section, because they do not abstain from eating fowls. The Sollokhondia section is regarded as superior, and consequently all Oriya castes, Brāhman and non-Brāhman, will accept water at the hands of members thereof. An orthodox Oriya non-Brāhman, and all Oriya Brāhmans, will not receive water from Telugu or Tamil Brāhmans, whom they call Komma Brāhmans, Komma being a corrupt form of karma, i.e., Brāhmans who are strict in the observance of the various karmas (ceremonial rites).

The Sollokhondia Gaudos are agriculturists, rear cattle and sheep, and sometimes earn a living by driving carts. They have gōtras, among which the most common are Moiro (peacock), Nāgasiro (cobra), and Kochimo (tortoise). Their caste council is presided over by a hereditary headman called Mahānkudo, who is assisted by a Bhollobaya, Desiya, and Khorsodha or Dhondia. The Khorsodha is the caste servant, and the Desiya eats with a delinquent who is received back into the fold after he has been tried by the council. The Sollokhondias are for the most part Paramarthos, i.e., followers of the Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism. They show a partiality for the worship of Jagannāthaswāmi, and various Tākurānis (village deities) are also reverenced. Bairāgis are the caste priests.

The marriage prohibitions among the Sollokhondias are those which hold good among many Oriya castes, but marriage with the maternal uncle’s daughter (mēnarikam) is sometimes practiced. On the evening preceding the marriage day (bibha), after a feast, the bride and bridegroom’s parties go to a temple, taking with them all the articles which are to be used in connection with the marriage ceremonial. On their way back, seven married girls, carrying seven vessels, go to seven houses, and beg water, which is used by the bridal couple for their baths on the following day. Either on the day before the wedding day, or on the bibha day, the bridegroom is shaved, and the bride’s nails are pared. Sometimes a little of the hair of her forehead is also cut off. The marriage rites do not materially differ from those of the Bhondāris (q.v.).

The dead, excepting young children, are burnt. The eldest son carries a pot of fire to the burning ground. On the day following cremation, the mourners revisit the spot, and, after the fire has been extinguished, make an image of a man with the ashes on the spot where the corpse was burnt. To this image food is offered. Seven small flags, made of cloths dyed with turmeric, are stuck into the shoulders, abdomen, legs, and head of the image. A fragment of calcined bone is carried away, put into a lump of cow-dung, and kept near the house of the deceased, or near a tank (pond). On the ninth day after death, towards evening, a bamboo, split or spliced into four at one end, is set up in the ground outside the house beneath the projecting roof, and on it a pot filled with water is placed. On the spot where the deceased breathed his last, a lamp is kept. A hole is made in the bottom of the pot, and, after food has been offered to the dead man, the pot is thrown into a tank. On the tenth day, a ceremony is performed on a tank bund (embankment). The piece of bone, which has been preserved, is removed from its cow-dung case, and food, fruits, etc., are offered to it, and thrown into the tank. The bone is taken home, and buried near the house, food being offered to it until the twelfth day. On the eleventh day, all the agnates bathe, and are touched with ghī (clarified butter) as a sign of purification. Srādh (memorial service) is performed once a year on Sankarānthi (Pongal) day. Food, in the form of balls, is placed on leaves in the backyard, and offered to the ancestors. Some food is also thrown up into the air.

All sections of the Gaudos have adopted infant marriage. If a girl fails to secure a husband before she attains puberty, she has to go through a form of marriage called dharma bibha, in which the bridegroom is, among the Sollokhondias, represented by an old man, preferably the girl’s grandfather, and among the other sections by a sahāda or shādi tree (Streblus asper) or an arrow (khando).

Like various other Oriya castes, the Gaudos worship the goddess Lakshmi on Thursdays in the month of November, which are called Lakshmi varam, or Lakshmi’s day. The goddess is represented by a basket filled with grain, whereon some place a hair ball, which has been vomited by a cow. The ball is called gāya panghula, and is usually one or two inches in diameter. The owner of a cow which has vomited such a ball regards it as a propitious augury for the prosperity of his family. A feast is held on the day on which the ball is vomited, and, after the ball has been worshipped, it is carefully wrapped up, and kept in a box, in which it remains till it is required for further worship. Some people believe that the ball continues to grow year by year, and regard this as a very good sign. Bulls are said not to vomit the balls, and only very few cows do so.

Gauliar.—A synonym for Lingāyat Gollas, or Kannadiyans.

Gaundala.—A synonym of Gamalla.

Gauri.—A division of Okkiliyan, named after Gauri, Siva’s consort. The equivalent Gaura occurs among the Kōmatis, and Gauriga among the Mēdaras. One division of the Kabbēras is called Gaurimakkalu, or sons of Gauri.

Gautama.—A Brāhmanical gōtra adopted by Bhatrāzus, Khatris, and Kondaiyamkōttai Maravans. Gautama was a sage, and the husband of Ahalya, who was seduced by Indra.

Gavala (cowry shell: Cypræa arabica).—An exogamous sept of Mādiga. A cotton thread string, with cowries strung on it, is one of the insignia of a Mādiga Mātangi.

Gavalla.—A synonym for Gamalla.

Gavara.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “this caste is practically confined to the Vizagapatam district, and they have been classed as cultivators on the strength of a statement to that effect in the District Manual. Gavara is, however, an important sub-division of Kōmatis (traders), and these Gavaras are probably in reality Gavara Kōmatis. These are so called after Gauri, the patron deity of this caste.”

For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. A tradition is current that the Gavaras originally lived at Vēngi, the ancient capital of the Eastern Chālukyan kings, the ruins of which are near Ellore in the Godāvari district. The king was desirous of seeing one of their women, who was gōsha (in seclusion), but to this they would not consent. Under orders from the king, their houses were set on fire. Some of them bolted themselves in, and perished bravely, while others locked up their women in big boxes, and escaped with them to the coast. They immediately set sail, and landed at Pūdimadaka in the Anakāpalli tāluk. Thence they marched as far as Kondakirla, near which they founded the village of Wādapalli or Wōdapalli, meaning the village of the people who came in boats. They then built another village called Gavarla Anakāpalli. They received an invitation from king Pāyaka Rao, the founder of Anakāpalli, and, moving northwards, established themselves at what is now known as Gavarapēta in the town of Anakāpalli. They began the foundation of the village auspiciously by consecrating and planting the sandra karra (Acacia sundra), which is not affected by ‘white-ants,’ instead of the pāla karra (Mimusops hexandra), which is generally used for this purpose. Consequently, Anakāpalli has always flourished.

The Gavaras speak Telugu, and, like other Telugu castes, have various exogamous septs or intipērulu.

Girls are married either before or after puberty. The custom of mēnarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle’s daughter, is in force, and it is said that he may also marry his sister’s daughter. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a woman who has had seven husbands is known as Beththamma, and is much respected.

Some Gavaras are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites, but difference in religion is no bar to intermarriage. Both sections worship the village deities, to whom animal sacrifices are offered. The Vaishnavites show special reverence to Jagganāthaswāmi of Orissa, whose shrine is visited by some, while others take vows in the name of this god. On the day on which the car festival is celebrated at Pūri, local car festivals are held in Gavara villages, and women carry out the performance of their vows. A woman, for example, who is under a vow, in order that she may be cured of illness or bear children, takes a big pot of water, and, placing it on her head, dances frantically before the god, through whose influence the water, which rises out of the pot, falls back into it, instead of being spilt.

The Vaishnavites are burnt, and the Saivites buried in a sitting posture. The usual chinna (little) and pedda rōzu (big day) death ceremonies are performed.

Men wear a gold bangle on the left wrist, and another on the right arm. Women wear a silver bangle on the right wrist, and a bracelet of real or imitation coral, which is first worn at the time of marriage, on the left wrist. They throw the end of their body-cloth over the left shoulder. They do not, like women of other non-Brāhman castes in the Vizagapatam district, smoke cigars.

The original occupation of the caste is said to have been trading, and this may account for the number of exogamous septs which are named after Settis (traders). At the present day, the Gavaras are agriculturists, and they have the reputation of being very hard-working, and among the best agriculturists in the Vizagapatam district. The women travel long distances in order to sell vegetables, milk, curds, and other produce.

The caste titles are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nāyudu.

Gāya (cow).—An exogamous sept of Kondra.

Gayinta.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste of hill cultivators, speaking Oriya and Telugu. The name is said to be derived from gayinti, an iron digging implement. Gayinta is reported to be the same as Gaintia, a name of Enētis or Entamaras.

Gāzula.—Gāzula or Gazul (glass bangle) has been recorded as a sub-division of Balija, Kāpu, and Toreya. The Gāzula Balijas make glass bangles. The Toreyas have a tradition that they originated from the bangles of Machyagandhi, the daughter of a fisherman on the Jumna, who was married to king Shantanu of Hastinapūr.

Gēdala (buffaloes).—A sept of Bonthuk Savara.

Geddam (beard).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Padma Sālē.

Gejjala (bells tied to the legs while dancing).—An exogamous sept of Balija and Korava.

Gejjēgāra.—A sub-caste of the Canarese Pānchālas. They are described, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, as makers of small round bells (gungru), which are used for decorating the head or neck of bullocks, and tied by dancing-girls round their ankles when dancing.

Gennēru (sweet-scented oleander).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gentoo.—Gentoo or Jentu, as returned at times of census, is stated to be a general term applied to Balijas and Telugu speaking Sūdras generally. The word is said by Yule and Burnell[16] to be “a corruption of the Portuguese Gentio, a gentile or heathen, which they applied to the Hindus in contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, i.e., Mahomedans. The reason why the term became specifically applied to the Telugu people is probably because, when the Portuguese arrived, the Telugu monarchy of Vijayanagar was dominant over a great part of the peninsula.” In a letter written from prison to Sir Philip Francis, Rājah Nuncomar referred to the fact that “among the English gentry, Armenians, Moores and Gentoos, few there is who is not against me.” Gentoo still survives as a caste name in the Madras Quarterly Civil List (1906).

Ghair-i-Mahdī.—The name, meaning without Mahdī, of a sect of Muhammadans, who affirm that the Imām Mahdī has come and gone, while orthodox Muhammadans hold that he is yet to come.

Ghāsi.—See Haddi.

Ghontoro.—A small caste of Oriyas, who manufacture brass and bell-metal rings and bangles for the hill people. The name is derived from ghonto, a bell-metal plate.

Gidda (vulture).—A sept of Poroja.

Gikkili (rattle).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Giri Rāzu.—A contraction of Puragiri Rāzu or Puragiri Kshatriya, by which names some Perikes style themselves.

Goa.—A sub-division of Kudubis, who are said to have emigrated from Goa to South Canara.

Gō Brāhman.—A name given to Brāhmans by Kammālans, who style themselves Visva Brāhmans.

Gōdagula.—The Gōdagulas are recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being the same as the Gūdalas, who are a Telugu caste of basket-makers. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, they are a distinct caste, speaking Oriya, and sometimes calling themselves Oddē (Oriya) Mēdara. Like the Mēdaras, they work in split bamboo, and make sundry articles which are not made by other castes who work in this medium. Unlike the Gūdalas, they are a polluting class, and have the following legend to account for their social degradation. God told them to make winnows and other articles for divine worship. This, they did, and, after they had delivered them, they attended a marriage feast, at which they eat flesh and drank liquor. On their return, God called on them to vomit the food which they had partaken of, and they accordingly brought up the meat and drink, whereon God cursed them, saying “Begone, you have eaten forbidden food.” They craved for forgiveness, but were told in future to earn their living as bamboo-workers. The custom of mēnarikam, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle’s daughter, is so rigidly enforced that, if the uncle refuses to give his daughter in marriage, the man has a right to carry her off, and then pay a fine, the amount of which is fixed by the caste council. A portion thereof is given to the girl’s parents, and the remainder spent on a caste feast. If the maternal uncle has no daughter, a man may, according to the ēduru (or reversed) mēnarikam custom, marry his paternal aunt’s daughter. Six months before the marriage ceremony takes place, the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony is performed. The bridegroom’s family pay six rupees to the bride’s family, to provide the girl with turmeric, wherewith she adorns herself. On the day fixed for the wedding, the parents of the bridegroom go with a few of the elders to the bride’s house, and couple the request to take away the girl with payment of nine rupees and a new cloth. Of the money thus given, eight rupees go to the bride’s parents, and the remainder to the caste. The bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, who meets her at the pandal (booth) erected in front of his house. They are bathed with turmeric water, and sacred threads are put on their shoulders by the Kula Maistri who officiates as priest. The couple then play with seven cowry (Cyprœa arabica) shells, and, if the shells fall with the slit downwards, the bride is said to have won; otherwise the bridegroom is the winner. This is followed by the mūdu ākula hōmam, or sacrifice of three leaves. A new pot, containing a lighted wick, is placed before the couple. On it are thrown leaves of the rāyi āku (Ficus religiosa), marri āku (Ficus Bengalensis), and juvvi āku (Ficus Tsiela). The Kula Maistri of the bridegroom’s party spreads out his right hand over the mouth of the pot. On it the bride places her hand. The bridegroom then places his hand on hers, and the Kula Maistri of the bride’s village puts his hand on that of the bridegroom. The elders then call out in a loud voice “Know, caste people of Vaddādi Mādugula; know, caste people of Kimedi; know, caste people of Gunupuram and Godairi; know, caste people of all the twelve countries, that this man and woman have become husband and wife, and that the elders have ratified the ceremony.” The contracting couple then throw rice over each other. On the morning of the following day, the saragatha ceremony is performed. The bridegroom’s party repair to the bank of the local stream, where they are met by the caste people, who are presented with betel, a cheroot, and a pot of jaggery (crude sugar) water as cool drink. The sacred threads worn by the bride and bridegroom are removed at the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, or vice versâ. Divorce is also allowed, and a divorcée may remarry. Her new husband has to pay a sum of money, a portion of which goes to the first husband, while the remainder is devoted to a caste feast. The dead are burnt, and the chinna rōzu (little day) death ceremony is observed.

Gōda-jāti (wall people).—A sub-division of Kammas. The name has reference to a deadly struggle at Gandikōta, in which some escaped by hiding behind a wall.

Gōda-poose (wall polishing).—An exogamous sept of Tsākala.

Gōdāri.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu leather-workers in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. They are stated, in the Vizagapatam Manual, to make and sell slippers in that district. Gōdāri is, I gather, a synonym of Mādiga, and not a separate caste.

Goddali (spade or axe).—An exogamous sept of Oddē and Panta Reddi.

Gōdomālia (belonging to, or a group of forts).—A sub-division of Bhondāri, the members of which act as barbers to Rājahs who reside in forts.

Gōlaka.—Recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a name meaning bastard, and clubbed with the Moilis, or temple servants in South Canara descended from dancing-girls. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, it is defined as a term applied to the children of Brāhmans by Malerus, or temple servants.

Gōli (Portulaca oleracea: a pot-herb).—An exogamous sept of Gauda.

Gōlkonda.—A sub-division of Tsākala.

Golla.—“The Gollas,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,[17] “are the great pastoral caste of the Telugu people. The traditions of the caste give a descent from the god Krishna, whose sportings with the milk maids play a prominent part in Hindu mythology. The hereditary occupation of the Gollas is tending sheep and cattle, and selling milk, but many of them have now acquired lands and are engaged in farming, and some are in Government service. They are quiet, inoffensive, and comparatively honest. In the time of the Nabobs, this last characteristic secured to them the privilege of guarding and carrying treasure, and one sub-division, Bokhasa Gollas, owes its origin to this service. Even now those who are employed in packing and lifting bags of money in the district treasuries are called Gollas, though they belong to other castes. As a fact they do hold a respectable position, and, though poor, are not looked down upon, for they tend the sacred cow. Sometimes they assert a claim to be regarded as representatives of the Gō-Vaisya division. Their title is Mandādi, but it is not commonly used.” Mr. Stuart writes further[18] that “the social status of the Gollas is fairly high, for they are allowed to mix freely with the Kāpu, Kamma, and Balija castes, and the Brāhmans will take buttermilk from their hands. They employ Sātānis as their priests. In their ceremonies there is not much difference between them and the Kāpus. The name Golla is generally supposed to be a shortened form of Sanskrit Gōpāla” (protector of cows). The Gollas also call themselves Kōnānulu, or Kōnarlu, and, like the Tamil Idaiyans, sometimes have the title Kōnar. Other titles in common use are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nayudu.

In the Manual of the Kurnool district, it is stated that the Gollas “keep sheep, and sell milk and ghī (clarified butter). They eat and mess with the Balijas, and other high caste Sūdras; but, unlike their brethren of the south, in the matter of street processions, they are classed with goldsmiths, or the left-hand section. When any one is reduced to poverty, the others give him each a sheep, and restore his flock. They occasionally dedicate their girls to Venkatēsa as Basavis” (prostitutes).

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “in the country round Mādgole, legends are still recounted of a line of local Golla chieftains, who gave their name to Golgonda, and built the forts, of which traces still survive in those parts”. Each Telugu New Year’s day, it is stated, Gollas come across from Godāvari, and go round the Golla villages, reciting the names of the progenitors of the fallen line, and exhibiting paintings illustrative of their overthrow.

“At Vajragada (diamond fort) are the ruins of a very large fortress, and local tradition gives the names of seven forts, by which it was once defended. These are said to have been constructed by the Golla kings. A tale is told of their having kidnapped a daughter of the ruler of Mādgole, and held out here against his attacks for months, until they were betrayed by a woman of their own caste, who showed the enemy how to cut off their water-supply. They then slew their womenkind, says the story, dashed out against the besiegers, and fell to a man, fighting to the last.”

Concerning the Gollas of Mysore, I gather[19] that “there are two main divisions in this caste, viz., Ūru (village) and Kādu (forest). The two neither intermarry, nor eat together. A section of the Gollas, by guarding treasure while on transit, have earned the name of Dhanapāla. In fact, one of the menial offices in Government treasuries at the present day is that of Golla. The caste worships Krishna, who was born in this caste. The Kādu Gollas are said to have originally immigrated from Northern India, and are still a nomadic tribe, living in thatched huts outside the villages. Some of their social customs are akin to those of the Kādu Kurubas. It is said that, on the occurrence of a childbirth, the mother with the babe remains unattended in a small shed outside the village from seven to thirty days, when she is taken back to her home. In the event of her illness, none of the caste will attend on her, but a Nāyak (Bēda) woman is engaged to do so. Marriages among them are likewise performed in a temporary shed erected outside the village, and the attendant festivities continue for five days, when the marriage couple are brought into the village. The Golla is allowed to marry as many wives as he likes, and puberty is no bar to marriage. They eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. The wife cannot be divorced except for adultery. Their females do not wear the bodice (ravikē) usually put on by the women of the country. Nor do they, in their widowhood, remove or break the glass bangles worn at the wrists, as is done in other castes. But widows are not allowed to remarry. Only 98 persons have returned gōtras, the chief being Yādava, Karadi, Atrēya, and Amswasa. The first two are really sub-sects, while Atrēya is the name of a Brāhmin Rishi.” Yādava, or descendant of King Yādu, from whom Krishna was descended, also occurs as a synonym for Idaiyan, the great Tamil shepherd class.

Golla juggler.

Concerning the Adivi, or forest Gollas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows.[20] “The people of every house in the village let loose a sheep, to wander whither it will, as a sort of perpetual scapegoat. When a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is turned out of the village into a little leaf or mat hut about two hundred yards away. In this hut she must bring forth her offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be called in to be with her before the child is born. For ninety days the woman lives in the hut by herself. If any one touches her, he or she is, like the woman, outcasted, and turned out of the village for three months. The woman’s husband generally makes a little hut about fifty yards from her, and watches over her; but he may not go near her on pain of being outcasted for three months. Food is placed on the ground near the woman’s hut, and she takes it. On the fourth day after parturition, a woman of the village goes to her, and pours water on her, but she must not come in contact with her. On the fifth day, the village people clear of stones and thorny bushes a little bit of ground about ten yards on the village side of the hut, and to this place the woman removes her hut. No one can do it for her, or help her. On the ninth, fifteenth, and thirtieth days, she removes the hut in the same way nearer to the village, and, again, once in each of the two following months. On the ninetieth day, the headman of the village calls the woman to come out of the hut. The dhōbi (washerman) then washes her clothes. She puts on clean clothes, and the headman takes her to the temple of their tutelary deity Junjappa, where the caste pūjari breaks cocoanuts, and then accompanies her to her house, where a purificatory ceremony is performed. Junjappa, it is said, takes good care of the mother and child, so that death is said to be unknown.”

It is stated[21] that, in the Chitaldrūg district of Mysore, “the wife of the eldest son in every family is not permitted to clean herself with water after obeying the calls of nature. It is an article of their belief that their flocks will otherwise not prosper.”

Writing in the early part of the last century about the Gollas, Buchanan informs us that “this caste has a particular duty, the transporting of money, both belonging to the public and to individuals. It is said that they may be safely intrusted with any sum; for, each man carrying a certain value, they travel in bodies numerous in proportion to the sum put under their charge; and they consider themselves bound in honour to die in defence of their trust. Of course, they defend themselves vigorously, and are all armed; so that robbers never venture to attack them. They have hereditary chiefs called Gotugaru, who with the usual council settle all disputes, and punish all transgressions against the rules of caste. The most flagrant is the embezzlement of money entrusted to their care. On this crime being proved against any of the caste, the Gotugaru applies to Amildar, or civil magistrate, and having obtained his leave, immediately causes the delinquent to be shot. Smaller offences are atoned for by the guilty person giving an entertainment.”

The Golla caste has many sub-divisions, of which the following are examples:—

Erra or Yerra (red). Said to be the descendants of a Brāhman by a Golla woman.

Āla or Mēkala, who tend sheep and goats.

Pūja or Puni.

Gangeddu, who exhibit performing bulls.

Gauda, who, in Vizagapatam, visit the western part of the district during the summer months, and settle outside the villages. They tend their herds, and sell milk and curds to the villagers.

Karna.

Pākanāti.

Rācha (royal).

Peddeti. Mostly beggars, and considered low in the social scale, though when questioned concerning themselves they say they are Yerra Gollas.

At the census, 1901, the following were returned as sub-castes of the Gollas:—

Dayyālakulam (wrestlers), Perike Muggalu or Mushti Golla (beggars and exorcists), Podapōtula (who beg from Gollas), Gavādi, and Vadugāyan, a Tamil synonym for Gollas in Tinnevelly. Another Tamil synonym for Golla is Bokhisha Vadugar (treasury northerners). Golla has been given as a sub-division of Dāsaris and Chakkiliyans, and Golla Woddar (Oddē) as a synonym of a thief class in the Telugu country. In a village near Dummagudem in the Godāvari district, the Rev. J. Cain writes,[22] are “a few families of Bāsava Gollalu. I find they are really Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with, and separated from, their neighbours. Some of the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring Kois. The word Bāsava is commonly said to be derived from bhāsha, a language, and the Gollas of this class are said to have been so called in consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of the Gollas.”

Like many other Telugu castes, the Gollas have exogamous septs or intipēru, and gōtras. As examples of the former, the following may be quoted:—

Agni, fire. Āvula, cows. Chinthala, tamarind. Chevvula, ears. Gundala, stones. Gurram, horse. Gorrela, sheep. Gōrantla, henna (Lawsonia alba).

Kōkala, woman’s cloth. Katāri, dagger. Mūgi, dumb. Nakkala, jackal. Saddikūdu, cold rice or food. Sēvala, service. Ullipōyala, onions. Vankāyala, brinjal (Solanum melongena).

• Agni, fire.
• Āvula, cows.
• Chinthala, tamarind.
• Chevvula, ears.
• Gundala, stones.
• Gurram, horse.
• Gorrela, sheep.
• Gōrantla, henna (Lawsonia alba).

• Kōkala, woman’s cloth.
• Katāri, dagger.
• Mūgi, dumb.
• Nakkala, jackal.
• Saddikūdu, cold rice or food.
• Sēvala, service.
• Ullipōyala, onions.
• Vankāyala, brinjal (Solanum melongena).

Some of these sept names occur among other classes, as follows:—

• Āvula, Balijas, Kāpus, and Yerukalas.
• Chinthala, Dēvāngas, Kōmatis, Mālas, and Mādigas.
• Gōrantla, Padma Sālēs.
• Gorrela, Kammas, Kāpus.
• Gurram, Mālas, Padma Sālēs, and Tōgatas.
• Nakkala, Kāttu Marāthis, and Yānādis.

Those who belong to the Rāghindala (Ficus religiosa) gōtra are not allowed to use the leaves of the sacred fig or pīpal tree as plates for their food. Members of the Pālāvili gōtra never construct pālāvili, or small booths, inside the house for the purpose of worship. Those who belong to the Akshathayya gōtra are said to avoid rice coloured with turmeric or other powder (akshantalu). Members of the Kommi, Jammi, and Mūshti gōtras avoid using the kommi tree, Prosopis spicigera, and Strychnos Nux-vomica respectively.

Of the various sub-divisions, the Pūja Gollas claim superiority over the others. Their origin is traced to Simhādri Rāju, who is supposed to have been a descendant of Yayāthi Rāja of the Mahābaratha. Yayāthi had six sons, the last of whom had a son named Kariyāvala, whose descendants were as follows:—

The Gollas are believed to be descended from the four last kings.

According to another legend, there were five brothers, named Pōli Rāju, Erranoku Rāju, Kātama Rāju, Peddi Rāju, and Errayya Rāju, who lived at Yellamanchili, which, as well as Sarvasiddhi, they built. The Rājas of Nellore advanced against them, and killed them, with all their sheep, in battle. On this, Janagamayya, the son of Peddi Rāju, who escaped the general slaughter, made up his mind to go to Kāsi (Benares), and offer oblations to his dead father and uncles. This he did, and the gods were so pleased with him that they transported him in the air to his native place. He was followed by three persons, viz., (1) Kulagentadu, whose descendants now recite the names of the progenitors of the caste; (2) Podapōttu (or juggler), whose descendants carry metal bells, sing, and produce snakes by magic; (3) Thēvasīyadu, whose descendants paint the events which led to the destruction of the Golla royalty on large cloths, and exhibit them to the Gollas once a year. At the time when Janagamayya was translated to heaven, they asked him how they were to earn their living, and he advised them to perform the duties indicated, and beg from the caste. Even at the present day, their descendants go round the country once a year, after the Telugu New Year’s day, and collect their dues from Golla villages.

By religion the Gollas are both Vallamulu (Vaishnavites) and Striramanthulu (Saivites), between whom marriage is permissible. They belong to the group of castes who take part in the worship of Ankamma. A special feature of their worship is that they place in a bamboo or rattan box three or four long whip-like ropes made of cotton or Agave fibre, along with swords, sandals and idols. The ropes are called Vīrathādlu, or heroes’ ropes. The contents of the box are set beneath a booth made of split bamboo (pālāvili), and decorated with mango leaves, and flowers. There also is placed a pot containing several smaller pots, cowry shells, metal and earthenware sandals, and the image of a bull called bolli-āvu (bull idol). When not required for the purpose of worship, the idols are hung up in a room, which may not be entered by any one under pollution.

Golla Ganga muggu.

Some Karna Gollas earn their living by selling poultry, or by going about the country carrying on their head a small box containing idols and Vīrathādlu. Placing this at the end of a street, they do puja (worship) before it, and walk up and down with a rope, with which they flagellate themselves. As they carry the gods (Dēvarlu) about, these people are called Dēvara vallu.

As the Gollas belong to the left-hand section, the Pedda Golla, or headman, has only a Mādiga as his assistant.

At the marriages of Mutrāchas, Mādigas, and some other classes, a form of worship called Vīrala pūja is performed with the object of propitiating heroes or ancestors (vīralu). A kindred ceremony, called Ganga pūja, is carried out by the Gollas, the expenses of which amount to about a hundred rupees. This Ganga worship lasts over three days, during which nine patterns, called muggu, are drawn on the floor in five colours, and represent dhāmarapadmam (lotus flower), pālāvili (booth), sulālu (tridents), sesha panpu (serpent’s play?), alugula simhāsanam (throne of Sakti), Vīradu pērantālu (hero and his wife), Rānivasam (Rāni’s palace), bōnala (food), and Ganga. The last is a female figure, and probably represents Ganga, the goddess of water, though one of the Golla ancestors was named Gangi Rāju. The patterns must be drawn by Mādigas or Mālas. Three Pambalas, or Mādigas skilled in this work, and in reciting the stories of various gods and goddesses, commence their work on the afternoon of the third day, and use white powder (rice flour), and powders coloured yellow (turmeric), red (turmeric and chunam), green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), and black (charred rice husk). On an occasion when my assistant was present, the designs were drawn on the floor of the courtyard of the house, which was roofed over. During the preparation of the designs, people were excluded from the yard, as some ill-luck, especially an attack of fever, would befall more particularly boys and those of feeble mind, if they caught sight of the muggu before the drishti thīyadam, or ceremony for removing the evil eye has been performed. Near the head of the figure of Ganga, when completed, was placed an old bamboo box, regarded as a god, containing idols, ropes, betel, flowers, and small swords. Close to the box, and on the right side of the figure, an earthen tray, containing a lighted wick fed with ghī (clarified butter) was set. On the left side were deposited a kalasam (brass vessel) representing Siva, a row of chembus (vessels) called bōnalu (food vessels), and a small empty box tied up in a cloth dyed with turmeric, and called Brammayya. Between these articles and the figure, a sword was laid. Several heaps of food were piled up on the figure, and masses of rice placed near the head and feet. In addition, a conical mass of food was heaped up on the right side of the figure, and cakes were stuck into it. All round this were placed smaller conical piles of food, into which broomsticks decorated with betel leaves were thrust. Masses of food, scooped out and converted into lamps, were arranged in various places, and betel leaves and nuts scattered all over the figure. Towards the feet were set a chembu filled with water, a lump of food coloured red, and incense. The preparations concluded, three Gollas stood near the feet of the figure, and took hold of the red food, over which water had been sprinkled, the incense and a fowl. The food and incense were then waved in front of the figure, and the fowl, after it had been smoked by the incense, and waved over the figure, had its neck wrung. This was followed by the breaking of a cocoanut, and offering fruits and other things. The three men then fell prostrate on the ground before the figure, and saluted the goddess. One of them, an old man, tied little bells round his legs, and stood mute for a time. Gradually he began to perspire, and those present exclaimed that he was about to be possessed by the spirit of an ancestor. Taking up a sword, he began to cut himself with it, especially in the back, and then kept striking himself with the blunt edge. The sword was wrested from him, and placed on the figure. The old man then went several times round the muggu, shaking and twisting his body into various grotesque attitudes. While this was going on, the bridegroom appeared on the scene, and seated himself near the feet of the figure. Throwing off his turban and upper cloth, he fell on the floor, and proceeded to kick his legs about, and eventually, becoming calmer, commenced to cry. Being asked his name, he replied that he was Kariyavala Rāju. Further questions were put to him, to which he made no response, but continued crying. Incense and lights were then carried round the image, and the old man announced that the marriage would be auspicious, and blessed the bride and bridegroom and the assembled Gollas. The ceremony concluded with the burning of camphor. The big mass of food was eaten by Pūni Gollas.

It is stated in the Manual of the Nellore district that, when a Golla bridegroom sets out for the house of his mother-in-law, he is seized on the way by his companions, who will not release him until he has paid a piece of gold.

The custom of illatom, or application of a son-in-law, obtains among the Gollas, as among the Kāpus and some other Telugu-classes.[23]

In connection with the death ceremonies, it may be noted that the corpse, when it is being washed, is made to rest on a mortar, and two pestles are placed by its side, and a lighted lamp near the head.

There is a proverb to the effect that a Golla will not scruple to water the milk which he sells to his own father. Another proverb refers to the corrupt manner in which he speaks his mother-tongue.

The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a silver churning stick.[24]

Gollāri (monkey).—An exogamous sept of Gadaba.

Gomma.—Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain as the name for Kōyis who live near the banks of the Godāvari river. Villages on the banks thereof are called gommu ūllu.

Gōnapala (old plough).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gōndaliga.—The Gōndaligas are described, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as being mendicants “of Mahratta origin like the Būdabudikes, and may perhaps be a sub-division of them. They are worshippers of Durgi. Their occupation, as the name indicates, is to perform gondala, or a kind of torch-light dance, usually performed in honour of Amba Bhavāni, especially after marriages in Dēsastha Brāhman’s houses, or at other times in fulfilment of any vow.”

Gōndaliga musicians.

Gōnē (a sack).—An exogamous sept of Māala. The Gōnē Perikes have been summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny-bag weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil country. Gunny-bag is the popular and trading name for the coarse sacking and sacks made from jute fibre, which are extensively used in Indian trade.[25] Gōnē is further an occupational sub-division of Kōmati.

The Gōnigas of Mysore are described, in the Census Report, 1901, as sack-weavers and makers of gunny-bags, agriculturists, and grain porters at Bangalore; and it is noted that the abnormal fall of 66 per cent. in the number of the caste was due to their being confounded with Gānigas.

Gonjākāri.—A title of Haddi.

Gonji (Glycosmis penlaphylla).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Gōpālam (alms given to beggars).—An exogamous sept of Togata.

Gōpālan (those who tend cattle).—A synonym of Idaiyan.

Gōpopuriya.—A sub-division of Gaudo.

Gōrantla (Lawsonia alba: henna).—An exogamous sept of Golla and Padma Sālē. The leaves of this plant are widely used by Natives as an article of toilet for staining the nails, and by Muhammadans for dyeing the hair red.

Gorava.—A synonym of Kuruba.

Goravaru.—A class of Canarese mendicants.

Gōrē.—Recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of Lambādi. Gōra means trader or shop-keeper, and trading Lambādis may have assumed the name.

Gorige (Cyamopsis psoralioides).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gorrela (sheep).—An exogamous sept of Golla, Kamma, and Kāpu. Konda gorri (hill sheep) occurs as an exogamous sept of Jātapu.

Gōsangi.—A synonym for Mādiga, recorded as Kōsangi, in the Madras Census Report, 1901. The Gōsangulu are described in the Vizagapatam Manual (1869), as “beggars who style themselves descendants of Jāmbavanta, the bear into which Brahma transformed himself, to assist Rāma in destroying Rāvana. The Gōsangis are considered to be illegitimate descendants of Mādigas, and a curious thing about them is that their women dress up like men, and sing songs when begging. As mendicants they are attached to the Mādigas.”

Gōsāyi or Gōswāmi.—The Gōsāyis are immigrant religious mendicants from Northern and Western India. I gather from the Mysore Census Reports that “they mostly belong to the Dandi sub-division. The Gōsāyi is no caste; commonly any devotee is called a Gōsāyi, whether he lives a life of celibacy or not; whether he roams about the country collecting alms, or resides in a house like the rest of the people; whether he leads an idle existence, or employs himself in trade. The mark, however, that distinguishes all who bear this name is that they are devoted to a religious life. Some besmear their bodies with ashes, wear their hair dishevelled and uncombed, and in some instances coiled round the head like a snake or rope. They roam about the country in every direction, visiting especially spots of reputed sanctity, and as a class are the pests of society and incorrigible rogues. Some of them can read, and a few may be learned; but for the most part they are stolidly ignorant. Most of them wear a yellowish cloth, by which they make themselves conspicuous. The Gōsāyis, although by profession belonging to the religious class, apply themselves nevertheless to commerce and trade. As merchants, bankers and tradesmen, they hold a very respectable position. They never marry. One of the chief peculiarities of this caste is that Brāhmans, Kshatriyās, Vaisyās, and Sūdras, the two former especially, may, if they choose, become Gōsāyis; but if they do so, and unite with the members of this fraternity in eating and drinking, holding full and free intercourse with them, they are cut off for ever from their own tribes. It is this circumstance which constitutes Gōsāyis a distinct and legitimate caste, and not merely a religious order. At death a horrible custom is observed. A cocoanut is broken on the head of the deceased by a person specially appointed for the purpose, until it is smashed to pieces. The body is then wrapped in a reddish cloth, and thrown into the Ganges. A partial explanation of this practice is furnished in Southern India. The final aim of Hindu religious life is Nirvāna or Mōksham in the next life, and this can only be attained by those holy men, whose life escapes, after smashing the skull, through the sushumnā nādi, a nerve so called, and supposed to pervade the crown of the head. The dying or dead Sanyāsi is considered to have led such a holy life as to have expired in the orthodox manner, and the fiction is kept up by breaking the skull post mortem, in mimicry of the guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. Accordingly, the dead body of a Brāhman Sanyāsi in Southern India undergoes the same process and is buried, but never burned or thrown into the river.”

A few Gōsāyis, at the Mysore census, returned gōtras, of which the chief were Achūta and Daridra (poverty-stricken). In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Mandula (medicine man) and Bāvāji are returned as a sub-division and synonym of Gōsāyi. The name Gūsē or Gusei is applied to Oriya Brāhmans owing to their right of acting as gurus or family priests.

Gōsu (pride).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Goundan.—It is noted, in the Salem Manual, that “some of the agricultural classes habitually append the title Goundan as a sort of caste nomenclature after their names, but the word applies, par excellence, to the head of the village, or Ūr Goundan as he is called.” As examples of castes which take Goundan as their title, the Pallis, Okkiliyans, and Vellālas may be cited. A planter, or other, when hailing a Malayāli of the Shevaroy hills, always calls him Goundan.

Goyi (lizard: Varanus).—An exogamous sept of Bottada.

Grāmani.—The title of some Shānāns, and of the headman of the Khatris. In Malabar, the name grāmam (a village) is applied to a Brāhmanical colony, or collection of houses, as the equivalent of the agrahāram of the Tamil country.[26]

Gūdala.—The Gūdalas are a Telugu caste of basket-makers in Vizagapatam and Ganjam. The name is derived from gūda, a basket for baling water. For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The original occupation of the caste is said to have been the collection of medicinal herbs and roots for native doctors and sick persons, which is still carried on by some Gūdalas at Sālūru town. The principal occupations, however, are the manufacture of bamboo baskets, and fishing in fresh water.

Like other Telugu castes, the Gūdalas have exogamous septs or intipērulu, e.g., korra (Setaria italica), paththi (cotton), nakka (jackal) and ganti (hole pierced in the ear-lobe). The custom of mēnarikam, whereby a man should marry his maternal uncle’s daughter, is practiced. Marriage generally takes place before a girl reaches puberty. A Brāhman officiates at weddings. The bride-price (vōli) consists of a new cloth for the bride, and seven rupees for her parents, which are taken by the bridegroom’s party to the bride’s house, together with some oil and turmeric for the bridal bath, and the sathamānam (marriage badge). A feast is held, and the sathamānam is tied on the bride’s neck. The newly married pair are conducted to the house of the bridegroom, where a further feast takes place, after which they return to the bride’s home, where they remain for three days. Widows are permitted to remarry thrice, and the vōli on each successive occasion is Rs. 3, Rs. 2, and Rs. 2–8–0. When a widow is remarried, the sathamānam is tied on her neck near a mortar.

The members of the caste reverence a deity called Ekkaladēvata, who is said to have been left behind at their original home. The dead are cremated, and the chinna rōzu (little day) death ceremony is observed. On the third day, cooked rice is thrown over the spot where the corpse was burnt.

Gūdavandlu.—Recorded, in the Nellore Manual, as Vaishnavites, who earn their livelihood by begging. The name means basket people, and probably refers to Sātānis, who carry a basket (gūda) when begging.

Gudi (temple).—A sub-division of Okkiliyan, an exogamous sept of Jōgi, and a name for temple Dāsaris, to distinguish them from the Donga or thieving Dāsaris.

Gudigāra.—In the South Canara Manual, the Gudigāras are summed up as follows. “They are a Canarese caste of wood-carvers and painters. They are Hindus of the Saivite sect, and wear the sacred thread. Shivalli Brāhmans officiate as their priests. Some follow the aliya santāna mode of inheritance (in the female line), others the ordinary law. They must marry within the caste, but not within the same gōtra or family. Infant marriage is not compulsory, and they have the dhāre form of marriage. Among those who follow the aliya santāna law, both widows and divorced women may marry again, but this is not permitted among the other sections. The dead are either cremated or buried, the former being the preferential mode. The use of alcoholic liquor, and fish and flesh is permitted. Their ordinary title is Setti.”

“The Gudigars, or sandal-wood carvers,” Mr. D’Cruz writes,[27] “are reported to have come originally from Goa, their migration to Mysore and Canara having been occasioned by the attempts of the early Portuguese invaders to convert them to Christianity. The fact that their original language is Konkani corroborates their reputed Konkanese origin. They say that the derivation of the word Gudigāra is from gudi, a temple, and that they were so called because they were, in their own country, employed as carvers and painters in the ornamentation of temples. Another derivation is from the Sanskrit kuttaka (a carver). They assert that their fellow castemen are still employed in turning, painting, and other decorative arts at Goa. Like the Chitrakāras (ornamenters or decorative artists), they claim to be Kshatriyas, and tradition has it that, to escape the wrath of Parasu Rāma in the sixth incarnation of Vishnu, who vowed to destroy all Kshatriyas, they adopted the profession of carvers and car-builders. They are also expert ivory-carvers, and it has been suggested that they may be distantly connected with the Kondikars, or ivory-carvers of Bengal. The art of sandalwood carving is confined to a few families in the Sorab and Sāgar tāluks of the Shimoga district, in the north-west corner of the province. There are two or three families in Sāgar, and about six in Sorab, which contribute in all about thirty-five artisans employed in the craft. The art is also practiced by their relations, who found a domicile in Hanavar, Kumpta, Sirsi, Siddapūr, Biligi, and Banavāsi in the North Canara district. But the work of the latter is said to be by no means so fine as that executed by the artisans of Sorab and Sāgar. The artisans of North Canara, however, excel in pith-work of the most exquisite beauty. They usually make bāsingas, i.e., special forehead ornaments, richly inlaid with pearls, and worn on the occasion of marriage. The delicate tools used by the wood-carvers are made from European umbrella spokes, ramrods, and country steel. The main stimulus, which the art receives from time to time at the present day, is from orders from the Government, corporate public bodies, or Mahārājas, for address boxes, cabinets, and other articles specially ordered for presentations, or for the various fine-art exhibition, for which high prices are paid.” In conversation with the workmen from Sorab and Sāgar for work in the palace which is being built for H. H. the Mahārāja of Mysore, it was elicited that there are some Gudigars, who, from want of a due taste for the art, never acquire it, but are engaged in carpentry and turning. Others, having acquired land, are engaged in cultivation, and fast losing all touch with the art. At Udipi in South Canara, some Gudigars make for sale large wooden buffaloes and human figures, which are presented as votive offerings at the Iswara temple at Hiriadkāp. They also make wooden dolls and painted clay figures.

The following extracts from Mr. L. Rice’s ‘Mysore Gazetteer’ may be appropriately quoted. “The designs with which the Gudigars entirely cover the boxes, desks, and other articles made, are of an extremely involved and elaborate pattern, consisting for the most part of intricate interlacing foliage and scroll-work, completely enveloping medallions containing the representation of some Hindu deity or subject of mythology, and here and there relieved by the introduction of animal forms. The details, though in themselves often highly incongruous, are grouped and blended with a skill that seems to be instinctive in the East, and form an exceedingly rich and appropriate ornamentation, decidedly oriental in style, which leaves not the smallest portion of the surface of the wood untouched. The material is hard, and the minuteness of the work demands the utmost care and patience. Hence the carving of a desk or cabinet involves a labour of many months, and the artists are said to lose their eyesight at a comparatively early age. European designs they imitate to perfection.” And again: “The articles of the Gudigar’s manufacture chiefly in demand are boxes, caskets and cabinets. These are completely covered with minute and delicate scroll-work, interspersed with figures from the Hindu Pantheon, the general effect of the profuse detail being extremely rich. The carving of Sorab is considered superior to that of Bombay or Canton, and, being a very tedious process requiring great care, is expensive. The Gudigars will imitate admirably any designs that may be furnished them. Boards for album-covers, plates from Jorrock’s hunt, and cabinets surrounded with figures, have thus been produced for European gentlemen with great success.” A gold medal was awarded to the Gudigars at the Delhi Durbar Exhibition, 1903, for a magnificent sandal-wood casket (now in the Madras Museum), ornamented with panels representing hunting scenes.

When a marriage is contemplated, the parents of the couple, in the absence of horoscopes, go to a temple, and receive from the priest some flowers which have been used for worship. These are counted, and, if their number is even, the match is arranged, and an exchange of betel leaves and nuts takes place. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied by his party, to the house of the bride, taking with him a new cloth, a female jacket, and a string of black beads with a small gold ornament. They are met en route by the bride’s party. Each party has a tray containing rice, a cocoanut, and a looking-glass. The females of one party place kunkuma (red powder) on the foreheads of those of the other party, and sprinkle rice over each other. At the entrance to the marriage pandal (booth), the bride’s brother pours water at the feet of the bridegroom, and her father leads him into the pandal. The new cloth, and other articles, are taken inside the house, and the mother or sister of the bridegroom, with the permission of the headman, ties the necklet of black beads on the bride’s neck. Her maternal uncle takes her up in his arms, and carries her to the pandal. Thither the bridegroom is conducted by the bride’s brother. A cloth is held as a screen between the contracting couple, who place garlands of flowers round each other’s necks. The screen is then removed. A small vessel, containing milk and water, and decorated with mango leaves, is placed in front of them, and the bride’s mother, taking hold of the right hand of the bride, places it in the right hand of the bridegroom. The officiating Brāhman places a betel leaf and cocoanut on the bride’s hand, and her parents pour water from a vessel thereon. The Brāhman then ties the kankanams (wrist-threads) on the wrists of the contracting couple, and kindles the sacred fire (hōmam). The guests present them with money, and lights are waved before them by elderly females. The bridegroom, taking the bride by hand, leads her into the house, where they sit on a mat, and drink milk out of the same vessel. A bed is made ready, and they sit on it, while the bride gives betel to the bridegroom. On the second day, lights are waved, in the morning and evening, in front of them. On the third day, some red-coloured water is placed in a vessel, into which a ring, an areca nut, and rice are dropped. The couple search for the ring, and, when it has been found, the bridegroom puts it on the finger of the bride. They then bathe, and try to catch fish in a cloth. After the bath, the wrist-threads are removed.

Gudisa (hut).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Kāpu.

Gudiya.—The Gudiyas are the sweet-meat sellers of the Oriya country. They rank high in the social scale, and some sections of Oriya Brāhmans will accept drinking water at their hands. Sweet-meats prepared by them are purchased for marriage feasts by all castes, including Brāhmans. The caste name is derived from gudo (jaggery). The caste is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in selling sweet-meats and crude sugar, and the other in agriculture. The former are called Gudiyas, and the latter Kolāta, Holodia, or Bolāsi Gudiyas in different localities. The headman of the caste is called Sāsumallo, under whom are assistant officers, called Bēhara and Bhollobaya. In their ceremonial observances on the occasion of marriage, death, etc., the Gudiyas closely follow the Gaudos. They profess the Paramartho or Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and also worship Tākurānis (village deities).

The Gudiyas are as particular as Brāhmans in connection with the wearing of sect marks, and ceremonial ablution. Cloths worn during the act of attending to the calls of nature are considered to be polluted, so they carry about with them a special cloth, which is donned for the moment, and then removed. Like the Gudiyas, Oriya Brāhmans always carry with them a small cloth for this purpose.

The titles of the Gudiyas are Bēhara, Sāhu, and Sāsumallo. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the caste name is given as Godiya.

Gudugudupāndi.—A Tamil synonym for Būdubudukala.

Guha Vellāla.—The name assumed by some Sembadavans with a view to connecting themselves with Guha (or Kuha), who rowed the boat of Rāma to Ceylon, and, as Vellālas, gaining a rise in the social scale. Maravans also claim descent from Guha.

Gujarāti.—A territorial name, meaning people from Gujarāt, some of whom have settled in the south where they carry on business as prosperous traders. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Gujjar is returned as a synonym. At a public meeting held in Madras, in 1906, to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital for animals) it was resolved that early steps should be taken to collect public subscriptions from the Hindu community generally, and in particular from the Nāttukōttai Chettis, Gujarātis, and other mercantile classes. The mover of the resolution observed that Gujarātis were most anxious, on religious grounds, to save all animals from pain, and it was a religious belief with them that it was sinful to live in a town where there was no pinjrapole. A pinjrapole is properly a cage (pinjra) for the sacred bull (pola) released in the name of Siva.[28] It is noted by Mr. Drummond[29] that every marriage and mercantile transaction among the Gujarātis is taxed with a contribution ostensibly for the pinjrapole. In 1901, a proposal was set on foot to establish a Gujarāti library and reading-room in Madras, to commemorate the silver jubilee of the administration of the Gaekwar of Baroda.

Gulimi (pickaxe).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Gullu (Solanum ferox).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Gulti.—A section of Bōya, members of which are to be found in Choolay, Madras City.

Gummadi (Cucurbita maxima).—An exogamous sept of Tsākalas, who will not cultivate the plant, or eat the pumpkin thereof.

Gūna.—Gūna or Gūni is a sub-division of Velama. The name is derived from the large pot (gūna), which dyers use.

Gūna Tsākala (hunchbacked washerman).—Said to be a derisive name given to Velamas by Balijas.

Gundala (stones).—An exogamous sept of Golla.

Gundam (pit).—An exogamous sept of Chenchu.

Gundu (cannon-ball).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Guni.—Guni is the name of Oriya dancing-girls and prostitutes. It is derived from the Sanskrit guna, meaning qualifications or skill, in reference to their possession of qualification for, and skill acquired by training when young in enchanting by music, dancing, etc.

Gunta (well).—A sub-division of Bōyas, found in the Anantapūr district, the members of which are employed in digging wells.

Guntaka (harrow).—An exogamous sept of Kāpu.

Guntala (pond).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gupta.—A Vaisya title assumed by some Mūttāns (trading caste) of Malabar, and Tamil Pallis.

Guri.—Recorded, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as a caste of Paiks or fighting men. Gurikala (marksman) occurs, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Patra.

Gurram (horse).—An exogamous sept of Chenchu, Golla, Māla, Padma Sālē, and Togata. The Gurram Togatas will not ride on horseback. Kudirē, also meaning horse, occurs as a gōtra or exogamous sept of Kurni and Vakkaliga.

Gurukkal.—For the following note on the Gurukkals or Kurukkals of Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The Kurukkals are priests of castes, whose religious rites are not presided over by Ilayatus. They are probably of Tamil origin. Males are often called Nainar and females Nachchiyar, which are the usual titles of the Tamil Kurukkals also. In the Kēralolpatti the caste men are described as Chilampantis, who are the adiyars or hereditary servants of Padmanābhaswāmi in Trivandrum. They seem to have been once known also as Madamūtalis or headmen of matts, and Tēvāra Pandārams, or Pandārams who assisted the Brāhman priest in the performance of religious rites in the Mahārāja’s palace. It is said that the Kurukkals originally belonged to the great Vaisya branch of Manu’s fourfold system of caste, and migrated from the Pāndyan country, and became the dependants of the Kupakkara family of Pottis in Trivandrum, whose influence, both religious and secular, was of no mean order in mediæval times. These Pottis gave them permission to perform all the priestly services of the Ambalavāsi families, who lived to the south of Quilon. It would appear from the Kēralolpatti and other records that they had the kazhakam or sweeping and other services at the inner entrance of Srī Padmanābha’s temple till the time of Umayamma Rāni in the eighth century of the Malabar era. As, however, during her reign, a Kurukkal in league with the Kupakkara Potti handed over the letter of invitation, entrusted to him as messenger, for the annual utsavam to the Tarnallur Nambūdiripād, the chief ecclesiastical functionary of the temple, much later than was required, the Kurukkal was dismissed from the temple service, and ever afterwards the Kurukkals had no kazhakam right there. There are some temples, where Kurukkals are the recognised priests, and they are freely admitted for kazhakam service in most South Travancore temples. To the north of Quilon, however, the Vāriyars and Pushpakans enjoy this right in preference to others. Some Kurukkals kept gymnasia in former times, and trained young men in military exercises. At the present day, a few are agriculturists.

The Kurukkals are generally not so fair in complexion as other sections of the Ambalavāsis. Their houses are known as bhavanams or vidus. They are strict vegetarians, and prohibited from drinking spirituous liquor. The females (Kurukkattis) try to imitate Nambūtiri Brāhmans in their dress and ornaments. The arasilattāli, which closely resembles the cherutāli, is worn round the neck, and the chuttu in the ears. The mukkutti, but not the gnattu, is worn in the nose. The minnu or marriage ornament is worn after the tāli-kettu until the death of the tāli-tier. The females are tattooed on the forehead and hands, but this practice is going out of fashion. The sect marks of women are the same as those of the Nambūtiris. The Kurukkals are Smartas. The Tiruvonam asterism in the month of Avani (August-September) furnishes an important festive occasion.

The Kurukkals are under the spiritual control of certain men in their own caste called Vādhyars. They are believed to have been originally appointed by the Kuppakkara Pottis, of whom they still take counsel.

The Kurukkals observe both the tāli-kettu kalyānam and sambandham. The male members of the caste contract alliances either within the caste, or with Mārāns, or the Vātti class of Nāyars. Women receive cloths either from Brāhmans or men of their own caste. The maternal uncle’s or paternal aunt’s daughter is regarded as the most proper wife for a man. The tāli-kettu ceremony is celebrated when a girl is seven, nine or eleven years old. The date for its celebration is fixed by her father and maternal uncle in consultation with the astrologer. As many youths are then selected from among the families of the inangans or relations as there are girls to be married, the choice being decided by the agreement of the horoscopes of the couple. The erection of the first pillar of the marriage pandal (booth) is, as among other Hindu castes, an occasion for festivity. The ceremony generally lasts over few days, but may be curtailed. On the wedding day, the bridegroom wears a sword and palmyra leaf, and goes in procession to the house of the bride. After the tāli has been tied, the couple are looked on as being impure, and the pollution is removed by bathing, and the pouring of water, consecrated by the hymns of Vādhyars, over their heads. For the sambandham, which invariably takes place after a girl has reached puberty, the relations of the future husband visit her home, and, if they are satisfied as to the desirability of the match, inform her guardians of the date on which they will demand the horoscope. When it is received on the appointed day, the astrologer is consulted, and, if he is favourably inclined, a day is fixed for the sambandham ceremony. The girl is led forward by her maternal aunt, who sits among those who have assembled, and formally receives cloths. Cloths are also presented to the maternal uncle. Divorce is common, and effected with the consent of the Vādhyar. Inheritance is in the female line (marumakkathāyam). It is believed that, at the time of their migration to Travancore, the Kurukkals wore their tuft of hair (kudumi) behind, and followed the makkathāyam system of inheritance (in the male line). A change is said to have been effected in both these customs by the Kupakkara Potti in the years 1752 and 1777 of the Malabar era.

The Kurukkals observe most of the religious ceremonies of the Brāhmans. No recitation of hymns accompanies the rites of nāmakarana and annaprāsana. The chaula and upanāyana are performed between the ninth and twelfth years of age. On the previous day, the family priest celebrates the purificatory rite, and ties a consecrated thread round the right wrist of the boy. The tonsure takes place on the second day, and on the third day the boy is invested with the sacred thread, and the Gāyatri hymn recited. On the fourth day, the Brahmachārya rite is closed with a ceremony corresponding to the Samāvartana. When a girl reaches puberty, some near female relation invites the women of the village, who visit the house, bringing sweetmeats with them. The girl bathes, and reappears in public on the fifth day. Only the pulikudi or drinking tamarind juice, is celebrated, as among the Nāyars, during the first pregnancy. The sanchayana, or collection of bones after the cremation of a corpse, is observed on the third, fifth, or seventh day after death. Death pollution lasts for eleven days. Tekketus are built in memory of deceased ancestors. These are small masonry structures built over graves, in which a lighted lamp is placed, and at which worship is performed on anniversary and other important occasions (See Brāhman.)

Gutōb.—A sub-division of Gadaba.

Gutta Kōyi.—Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain as a name for hill Kōyis.

Guvvala (doves).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Mutrācha.

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[1] Linguistic Survey of India IV, 1906.

[2] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[3] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.

[4] Madras Mail, 1907.

[5] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[6] Manual of the Vizagapatam district.

[7] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[8] Ind. Ant. XVIII, 1889.

[9] Manual of the South Canara district.

[10] Mysore Census Report, 1891.

[11] Gazetteer of the Bellary district.

[12] Calcutta Review, 1905.

[13] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[14] Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha.

[15] Manual of the South Canara district.

[16] Hobson-Jobson.

[17] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[18] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[19] Mysore Census Report, 1901.

[20] Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1, 1888.

[21] Mysore Census Report, 1891.

[22] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879.

[23] See C. Ramchendrier, Collection of decisions of High Courts and the Privy Council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom, etc., Madras, 1892.

[24] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875.

[25] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

[26] Wigram. Malabar Law and Custom.

[27] Thurston. Monograph on Wood-carving in Southern India. 1903.

[28] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson.

[29] Illustrations of the Guzarattee, Mahratlee, and English languages, 1808.