CHAPTER I.
[(1)] What I say of Uri and the other democratic Cantons must not be misunderstood, as if I all accepted the now exploded dreams which made out the Waldstädte or Forest Cantons to have had some special origin, and some special independence, apart from the rest of Germany. The researches of modern scholars have shown, not only that the Forest Cantons were members of the Empire like their neighbours, but that various lesser lords, spiritual and temporal, held different rights within them. Their acquisition of perfect independence, even their deliverance from other lords and promotion to the state of Reichsunmittelbarkeit or immediate dependence on the Empire, was a work of time. Thus Uri itself, or part of it, was granted in 853 by Lewis the German to the Abbey of Nuns (Fraumünster) in Zürich, and it was not till 1231 that its independence of any lord but the Emperor was formally acknowledged. But the universal supremacy of the Empire in no way interfered with the internal constitution of any district, city, or principality; nor was such interference necessarily implied even in subjection to some intermediate lord. The rule of a female monastery especially would be very light. And from the earliest times we find both the men of Uri in general and the men of particular parts of the district (Gemeinden, Communes, or parishes) spoken of as communities capable of acting together, and even of treating with those who claimed to be their masters. (“Nos inhabitantes Uroniam” appear in a deed of 955 as capable of making an agreement with the officer of the Abbey at Zürich.) All this is in no way peculiar to the Forest Cantons; it is no more than what we find everywhere; what is peculiar is that, whereas elsewhere the old local communities gradually died out, in the Forest Cantons they lived and flourished, and gained new rights and powers till they grew into absolutely independent commonwealths. I think therefore that I have a right to speak of the democracy of Uri as immemorial. It is not immemorial in its fully developed shape, but that fully developed shape grew step by step out of earlier forms which are strictly immemorial and common to the whole Teutonic race.
On the early history of the democratic Cantons, a subject than which none has been more thoroughly misunderstood, I am not able to point to any one trustworthy work in English. Among the writings of Swiss scholars—shut up for the most part from readers of other nations in the inaccessible Transactions of local Societies—there is a vast literature on the subject, of the whole of which I am far from pretending to be master. But I may refer to the Essai sur l’Etat des Personnes et la Condition des Terres dans le Pays d’Ury au XIIIe Siècle, by the Baron Frederick de Gingins-la-Sarraz, in the Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte, i. 17; to Dr. J. R. Burckhardt’s Untersuchungen über die erste Bevölkerung des Alpengebirgs in the same collection, iv. 3; to the early chapters of the great work of Bluntschli, Geschichte des schweizerischen Bundesrechtes (Zürich, 1849), and of Blumer’s Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte der schweizerischen Demokratien (St. Gallen, 1850); to Dr. Alfons Huber, Die Waldstaette (Innsbruck, 1861), and Dr. Wilhelm Vischer, Die Sage von der Befreiung der Waldstädte (Leipzig, 1867). Dr. H. von Liebenau, in Die Tell-Sage zu dem Jahre 1230, takes a line of his own. The results of the whole inquiry will be found in the most accessible form in M. Albert Rilliet’s Les Origines de la Confédération Suisse (Genève et Bâle, 1868).
[(2)] Individual Swiss mercenaries may doubtless still be found in foreign armies, as Italy some years back knew to her cost. But the Federal Constitution of 1848 altogether swept away the system of military capitulations which used to be publicly entered into by the Cantons.
[(3)] See Johannes von Müller, Geschichte der schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft, Book v., c. 1 (vol. xvi. p. 25, of his sämmtliche Werke, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1832, and the note in vol. xxii. p. 14; or the French translation, vol. viii. p. 35: Paris and Geneva, 1840). The description in Peterman Etterlin’s Chronicle, p. 204 (Basel, 1752), is worth quoting in the original. “Dann do der Hertzog von Burgunn gesach den züg den berg ab züchen, schein die sunn gerad in sy, und glitzet als wie ein spiegel, des gelichen lüyet das horn von Ury, auch die harschorne von Lutzern, und was ein sölich toffen, das des Hertzogen von Burgunn lüt ein grusen darab entpfiengent, und trattent hinder sich.”
[(4)] The magistrates rode when I was present at the Landesgemeinden of 1863 and 1864. I trust that so good a custom has not passed away.
[(5)] On the character and position of Phôkiôn, see Grote, xi. 382, xii. 481; and on the general question of the alleged fickleness of the Athenian people, see iv. 496.
[(6)] Some years ago I went through all the elections to the Bundesrath or Executive Council in Switzerland, and found that in eighteen years it had only twice happened that a member of the Council seeking reelection had failed to obtain it. I therefore think that I was right in congratulating a member of the Federal Council, whom I had the pleasure of meeting last year, on being a member of the most permanent government in Europe.
[(7)] Under the so-called Helvetic Republic of 1798, the Cantons ceased to be sovereign States, and became mere divisions, like counties or departments. One of the earliest provisions of this constitution abolishes the ancient democracies of the Forest Cantons. “Die Regierungsform, wenn sie auch sollte verändert werden, soll allezeit eine repräsentative Demokratie sein.” (See the text in Bluntschli, ii. 305.) The “repräsentative Demokratie” thus forced on these ancient commonwealths by the sham democrats of Paris was meant to exclude the pure democracy of Athens and Uri.
The Federal system was in some sort restored by the Act of Mediation (Vermittlungsakte) of Napoleon Buonaparte, when First Consul in 1803. See the text in Bluntschli, ii. 322.
[(8)] Appenzell, though its history had long been connected with that of the Confederates, was not actually admitted as a Canton till December 1513, being the youngest of the thirteen Cantons which formed the Confederation down to 1798. See Zellweger, Geschichte des Appenzellischen Volkes, ii. 366, and the text in his Urkunden, ii. part 2, p. 481, or in the older Appenzeller Chronick of Walser (Saint Gallen, 1740), 410, and the Act in his Anhang, p. 18. The frontispiece of this volume contains a lively picture of a Landesgemeinde. In 1597 the Canton was divided into the two Half-cantons of Ausser-Rhoden, Protestant, and Inner-Rhoden, Catholic. See Zellweger, iii. part 2, p. 160; Walser, 553.
[(9)] On armed assemblies see Norman Conquest, ii. 331.
[(10)] I perhaps need hardly insist on this point after the references given in my first note; but I find it constantly needful to explain that there is no such thing as a Swiss nation in any but a political sense. The Cantons were simply members of the Empire which gradually won a greater independence than their fellows. And the Forest Cantons, and the German-speaking Swiss generally, do not even form a distinct part of the German nation; they are simply three settlements of the Alemanni, just as the three divisions of Lincolnshire are three settlements of the Angles.
[(11)] The earliest instance that I know of the use of the word Englaland is in the Treaty with Olaf and Justin in 991. Its earliest use in the English Chronicles is in 1014. See Norman Conquest, i. 78, 276, 605, 629. The oldest use that I know of the name Yorkshire (Eoforwicscír) is in the Chronicles under 1065. See Norman Conquest, ii. 478. Deira is, of course, as old as Gregory the Great’s pun.
[(12)] The real history of English parishes has yet to be worked out. I feel sure that they will be found to have much more in common with the continental Gemeinden than would seem at first sight. Some hints may be found in a little pamphlet which I lately came across, called “The Parish in History.”
[(13)] The nature of democracy is set forth by Periklês in the Funeral Oration, Thucydides, ii. 37: ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ' ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται· μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ὡς ἕκαστος ἐν τῷ εὐδοκιμεῖ. It is set forth still more clearly by Athênagoras of Syracuse, vi. 39, where the functions of different classes in a democracy are clearly distinguished: ἐγὼ δέ φημι πρῶτα μὲν δῆμον ξύμπαν ὠνομάσθαι, ὀλιγαρχίαν δὲ μέρος, ἔπειτα φύλακας μὲν ἀρίστους εἶναι χρημάτων τοὺς πλουσίους, βουλεῦσαι δ' ἂν βέλτιστα τοὺς ξυνετοὺς, κρῖναι δ' ἂν ἀκούσαντας ἄριστα τοὺς πολλοὺς, καὶ ταῦτα ὁμοίως καὶ κατὰ μέρη καὶ ξύμπαντα ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ ἰσομοιρεῖν. Here a distinct sphere is assigned both to wealth and to special intelligence. Nearly the same division is drawn by a writer who might by comparison be called aristocratic. Isokratês (Areop. 29) holds that the management of public affairs should be immediately in the hands of the men of wealth and leisure, who should act as servants of the People, the People itself being their master—or, as he does not scruple to say, Tyrant—with full power of reward and punishment: ἐκεῖνοι διεγνωκότες ἦσαν ὅτι δεῖ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ὥσπερ τύραννον καθιστάναι τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ κολάζειν τοὺς ἐξαμαρτάνοντας καὶ κρίνειν περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, τοὺς δὲ σχολὴν ἄγειν δυναμένους καὶ βίον ἱκανὸν κεκτημένους ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν κοινῶν ὥσπερ οἰκέτας, καὶ δικαίους μὲν γενομένους ἐπαινεῖσθαι καὶ στέργειν ταύτῃ τῇ τιμῇ, κακῶς δὲ διοικήσαντας μηδεμιᾶς συγγνώμης τυγχάνειν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς μεγίσταις ζημίαις περιπίπτειν. This he elsewhere (Panath 166) calls democracy with a mixture of aristocracy—not oligarchy (τὴν δημοκρατίαν τὴν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ μεμιγμένην).
The unfavourable meaning which is often attached to the word democracy, when it does not arise from simple ignorance, probably arises from the use of the word by Aristotle. He makes (Politics, iii. 7) three lawful forms of government, kingship (βασιλεία), aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία),and what he calls specially πολιτεία or commonwealth. Of these he makes three corruptions, tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy (τυραννίς, ὀλιγαρχία, δημοκρατία), defining democracy to be a government carried on for the special benefit of the poor (πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τὸ τῶν ἀπόρων). In this there is something of a philosopher’s contempt for all popular government, and it is certain that Aristotle’s way of speaking is not that which is usual in the Greek historians. Polybios, like Herodotus and Thucydides, uses the word democracy in the old honourable sense, and he takes (ii. 38) as his special type of democracy the constitution of the Achaian League, which certainly had in it a strong element of practical aristocracy (see History of Federal Government, cap. v.): ἰσηγορίας καὶ παρρησίας καὶ καθόλου δημοκρατίας ἀληθινῆς σύστημα καὶ προαίρεσιν εἰλικρινεστέραν οὐκ ἂν εὕροι τις τῆς παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπαρχούσης. In short, what Aristotle calls πολιτεία Polybios calls δημοκρατία; what Aristotle calls δημοκρατία Polybios calls ὀχλοκρατία.
[(14)] It follows that, when the commonwealth of Florence disfranchised the whole of the noble families, it lost its right to be called a democracy. See the passing of the Ordinance of Justice in Sismondi, Républiques Italiennes, iv. 65; Chroniche di Giovanni Villani, viii. 1.
[(15)] On Slavery in England, see Norman Conquest, i. 81, 333, 368, 432, iv. 385. For fuller accounts, see Kemble’s Saxons in England, i. 185; Zöpfl, Geschichte der deutschen Rechtsinstitute, 62. The three classes of nobles, common freemen, and slaves cannot be better set forth than in the Life of Saint Lebuin (Pertz, ii. 361): “Sunt denique ibi, qui illorum lingua edlingi, sunt qui frilingi, sunt qui lassi dicuntur, quod in Latina sonat lingua, nobiles, ingenuiles, atque serviles.”
[(16)] On the Wite-þeow, the slave reduced to slavery for his crimes, see Kemble, Saxons in England, i. 200. He is mentioned several times in the laws of Ine, 24, 48, 54, where, as usual in the West-Saxon laws, a distinction is drawn between the English and the Welsh wite-þeow. The second reference contains a provision for the case of a newly enslaved þeow who should be charged with a crime committed before he was condemned to slavery.
[(17)] I wish to leave the details of Eastern matters to Eastern scholars. But there are several places in the Old Testament where we see something very much like a general assembly, combined with distinctions of rank among its members, and with the supremacy of a single chief over all.
[(18)] Iliad, xx. 4.
Ζεὺς δὲ Θέμιστα κέλευσε θεοὺς ἀγορήνδε καλέσσαι
Κρατὸς ἄπ' Οὐλύμπω πολυπτύχου· ἡ δ’ ἄρα πάντη
Φοιτήσασα κέλευσε Διὸς πρὸς δῶμα νέεσθαι.
Οὔτε τις οὖν Ποταμῶν ἀπέην, νόσφ' Ὠκεανοῖο,
Οὔτ' ἄρα Νυμφάων ταί τ' ἄλσεα καλὰ νέμονται,
Καὶ πηγὰς ποταμῶν, καὶ πίσεα ποιήεντα.
Besides the presence of the Nymphs in the divine Mycel Gemót, something might also be said about the important position of Hêrê, Athênê, and other female members of the inner council.
We find the mortal Assembly described at length in the second book of the Iliad, and indeed by implication at the very beginning of the first book.
[(19)] We hear the applause of the assembly in i. 23 and ii. 333, and in the Trojan Assembly, xviii. 313.
[(20)] On the whole nature of the Homeric ἀγορή see Gladstone’s Homer and the Homeric Age, iii. 14. Mr. Gladstone has to my thinking understood the spirit of the old Greek polity much better than Mr. Grote.
[(21)] There is no need to go into any speculations as to the early Roman Constitution, as to the origin of the distinction of patres and plebs, or any of the other points about which controversies have raged among scholars. The three elements stand out in every version, legendary and historical. In Livy, i. 8, Romulus first holds his general Assembly and then chooses his Senate. And in c. 26 we get the distinct appeal from the King, or rather from the magistrates acting by his authority, to an Assembly which, whatever might be its constitution, is more popular than the Senate.
[(22)] It is hardly needful to show how the Roman Consuls simply stepped into the place of the Kings. It is possible, as some have thought, that the revolution threw more power into patrician hands than before, but at all events the Senate and the Assembly go on just as before.
[(23)] Tacitus, de Moribus Germaniæ, c. 7-13:
“Reges ex nobilitate; Duces ex virtute sumunt. Nec Regibus infinita aut libera potestas; et Duces exemplo potius quam imperio: si prompti, si conspicui, si ante aciem agant, admiratione præsunt.... De minoribus rebus Principes consultant; de majoribus omnes; ita tamen ut ea quoque quorum penes plebem arbitrium est apud Principes pertractentur.... Ut turbæ placuit, considunt armati. Silentium per Sacerdotes, quibus tum et coercendi jus est, imperatur. Mox Rex, vel Princeps, prout ætas cuique, prout nobilitas, prout decus bellorum, prout facundia est audiuntur, auctoritate suadendi magis quam jubendi potestate. Si displicuit sententia, fremitu adspernantur; sin placuit, frameas concutiunt. Honoratissimum adsensûs genus est, armis laudare. Licet apud concilium adcusare quoque et discrimen capitis intendere.... Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis et Principes, qui jura per pagos vicosque reddant. Centeni singulis ex plebe comites, consilium simul et auctoritas, adsunt. Nihil autem neque publicæ neque privatæ rei nisi armati agunt.”
For a commentary, see Zöpfl, Geschichte der deutschen Rechtsinstitute, p. 94. See also Allen, Royal Prerogative, 12, 162.
[(24)] See Norman Conquest, i. 95. The primitive Constitution lasted longest at the other end of the Empire, in Friesland. See Eichhorn, Deutsche Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte, ii. 265, iii. 158. Zöpfl, Geschichte der deutschen Rechtsquellen, p. 154.
[(25)] Τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἤθη κρατείτω is an ecclesiastical maxim; rightly understood, it is just as true in politics.
[(26)] See my papers on “the Origin of the English Nation” and “the Alleged Permanence of Roman Civilization in England” in Macmillan’s Magazine, 1870.
[(27)] See Schmid, Gesetze der Angel-Sachsen, on the words “wealh” and “wylne.” Earle, Philology of the English Tongue, 318. On the fact that the English settlers brought their women with them, see Historical Essays, p. 36.
[(28)] On Eorlas and Ceorlas I have said something in the History of the Norman Conquest, i. 80. See the two words in Schmid, and the references there given.
[(29)] On the Barons of Attinghausen, see Blumer, Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte der schweizerischen Demokratien, i. 122, 214, 272.
[(30)] I cannot at this moment lay my hand on my authority for this curious, and probably mythical, custom, but it is equally good as an illustration any way.
[(31)] This custom is described by Diodôros, i. 70. The priest first recounted the good deeds of the King and attributed to him all possible virtues; then he invoked a curse for whatever has been done wrongfully, absolving the King from all blame and praying that the vengeance might fall on his ministers who had suggested evil things (τὸ τελευταῖον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων ἀρὰν ἐποιεῖτο, τὸν μὲν βασιλέα τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐξαιρούμενος, εἰς δὲ τοὺς ὑπηρετοῦντας καὶ διδάξαντας τὰ φαῦλα καὶ τὴν βλαβὴν καὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀξιῶν ἀποσκῆψαι). He wound up with some moral and religious advice.
[(32)] Tacitus (Germ. 25) distinguishes “eæ gentes quæ regnantur” from others. And in 43 he speaks of “erga Reges obsequium” as characteristic of some particular tribes: see Norman Conquest, i. 579.
[(33)] On the use of the words Ealdorman and Heretoga, see Norman Conquest, i. 581, and the references there given.
[(34)] See Norman Conquest, i. 583, and the passages in Kemble and Allen there referred to.
[(35)] See Kemble’s Saxons in England, i. 152, and Massmann’s Ulfilas, 744.
[(36)] See the words driht, drihten in Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.
[(37)] To say nothing of other objections to this derivation, its author must have fancied that ing and not end was the ending of the Old-English participle. The mistake is as old as Sir Thomas Smith. See his Commonwealth of England, p. 12.
[(38)] See Norman Conquest, i. 583, and the passages there quoted. I am afraid of meddling with Sanscrit, but it strikes me that the views of Allen and Kemble are not inconsistent with a connexion with the Sanscrit Ganaka. As one of the curiosities of etymology, it is worth noticing that Mr. Wedgwood makes the word “probably identical with Tartar chan.”
[(39)] We read in the Chronicles, 449, how, on the first Jutish landing in Kent, “heora heretogan wæron twegen gebroðra Hengest and Horsa.” It is only in 455, on the death of Horsa, that “æfter Þam Hengest feng to rice and Æsc his sunu”; and in 488, seemingly on the death of Hengest, “Æsc feng to rice and was xxiiii wintra Cantwara cyning.” So among the West-Saxons, in 495, “coman twegen ealdormen on Brytene, Cerdic and Cynric his sunu.” It is only in 519 that we read “her Cerdic and Cynric West-Sexena rice onfengun.”
[(40)] The distinction between Kings and Jarls comes out very strongly in the account of the battle of Ashdown (Æscesdune) in the Chronicles in 871. The Danes “wæron on twam gefylcum, on oþrum wæs Bagsecg and Healfdene, þa hæðenan cingas and on oðrum wæron þa eorlas.” It may be marked that in the English army King Æthelred is set against the Danish Kings, and his brother the Ætheling Ælfred against the Jarls. So in the Song of Brunanburh we read of the five Kings and seven Jarls who were slain.
| “Fife lagon | sweordum aswefede, |
| on ðæm campstede | swilce seofone eac |
| ciningas geonge, | eorlas Anlafes.” |
We may mark that the Kings were young, as if they had been chosen “ex nobilitate;” nothing is said of the age of the Jarls, who were doubtless chosen “ex virtute.”
[(41)] I have quoted the passage from Bæda about the satraps in Norman Conquest, i. 579. The passage in the Life of Saint Lebuin, quoted in note 15, also speaks of “principes” as presiding over the several pagi or gauen, but he speaks of no King or other common chief over the whole country. And this is the more to be marked, as there was a “generale concilium” of the whole Old-Saxon nation, formed, as we are told, of twelve chosen men from each gau. This looks like an early instance of representation, but it should be remembered that we are here dealing with a constitution strictly Federal.
In the like sort we find the rulers of the West-Goths at the time of their crossing the Danube spoken of as Judices. See Ammianus, xxvii. 5, and the notes of Lindenbrog and Valesius. So also Gibbon, c. xxv. (iv. 305, ed. Milman). So Jornandes[(26)] speaks of “primates eorum, et duces, qui regum vice illis præerant.” Presently he calls Fredigern “Gothorum regulus,” like the subreguli or under-cyningas of our own History. Presently in c. 28 Athanaric, the successor of Fredigern, is pointedly called Rex.
On all this, see Allen, Royal Prerogative, 163.
[(42)] See Norman Conquest, i. 75, 580.
[(43)] The best instance in English History of the process by which a kingdom changed into a province, by going through the intermediate stage of a half-independent Ealdormanship, is to be found in the history of South-Western Mercia under its Ealdorman Æthelred and the Lady Æthelflæd, in the reigns of Ælfred and Eadward the Elder. See Norman Conquest, i. 563.
[(44)] See Norman Conquest, i. 39, 78.
[(45)] Iliad, ix. 160:—
καὶ μοὶ ὑποστήτω, ὅσσον βασιλεύτερός εἰμι.
[(46)] The instances in which a great kingdom has been broken up into a number of small states practically independent, but owning a nominal superiority in the successor of the original Sovereign, are not few. In the case of the Empire I have found something to say about it in my Historical Essays, 151, and in the case of the Caliphate in my History and Conquest of the Saracens, 137. How the same process took place with the Mogul Empire in India is set forth by Lord Macaulay in his Essays on Lord Clive and Warren Hastings. But he should not have compared the great Mogul, with his nominal sovereignty, to “the most helpless driveller among the later Carlovingians,” a class whom Sir Francis Palgrave has rescued from undeserved contempt. But the breaking up of the Western Kingdom is none the less an example of the same law. The most remarkable thing is the way, or rather the three different ways, in which the scattered members have been brought together again in Germany, Italy, and France.
This process of dismemberment, where a nominal supremacy is still kept by the original Sovereign, must be distinguished from that of falling back upon Dukes or Ealdormen after a period of kingly rule. In this latter case it would seem that no central sovereignty went on.
[(47)] At this time of day I suppose it is hardly necessary to prove the elective character of Old-English kingship. I have said what I have to say about it in Norman Conquest, i. 106, 596. But I may quote one most remarkable passage from the report made in 787 to Pope Hadrian the First by George and Theophylact, his Legates in England (Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, iii. 453). “Sanximus ut in ordinatione Regum nullus permittat pravorum prævalere assensum: sed legitime Reges a sacerdotibus et senioribus populi eligantur.” One would like to know who the “pravi” here denounced were. The passage sounds very like a narrowing of the franchise or some other interference with freedom of election, but in any case it bears witness to the elective character of our ancient kingship, and to the general popular character of the constitution.
[(48)] I have described the powers of the Witan, as I understand them and as they were understood by Mr. Kemble, at vol. i. p. 108 of the History of the Norman Conquest and in some of the Appendices to that volume. With regard to the powers of the Witan, I find no difference between my own views and those of Professor Stubbs in the Introductory Sketch to his Select Charters (p. 11), where the relations between the King and the Witan, and the general character of our ancient constitution, are set forth with wonderful power and clearness. But I find Mr. Stubbs and myself differing altogether as to the constitution of the Witenagemót. I look upon it as an Assembly of the whole kingdom, after the type of the smaller assemblies of the shire and other lesser divisions. Mr. Stubbs fully admits the popular character of the smaller assemblies, but denies any such character to the national gathering. It is dangerous to set oneself up against the greatest master of English constitutional history, but I must ask the reader to weigh what I say in note Q in the Appendix to my first volume.
[(49)] I have collected some of the instances of deposition in Northumberland in the note following that on the constitution of the Witenagemót. (Norman Conquest, i. 593.) It is not at all unlikely that the report of George and Theophylact quoted above may have a special reference to the frequent changes among the Northumbrian Kings.
[(50)] I have mentioned all the instances at vol. i. p. 105 of the Norman Conquest: Sigeberht, Æthelred, Harthacnut, Edward the Second, Richard the Second, James the Second. It is remarkable that nearly all are the second of their respective names; for, besides Æthelred, Edward, Richard, and James, Harthacnut might fairly be called Cnut the Second.
[(51)] Tacitus, De Moribus Germaniæ, 13, 14:—“Nec rubor inter comites adspici. Gradus quinetiam et ipse comitatus habet, judicio ejus quem sectantur; magnaque et comitum æmulatio quibus primus apud Principem suum locus; et Principum cui plurimi et acerrimi comites.... Quum ventum in aciem, turpe Principi virtute vinci, turpe comitatui virtutem Principis non adæquare. Jam vero infame in omnem vitam ac probrosum, superstitem Principi suo ex acie recessisse. Illum defendere, tueri, sua quoque fortia facta gloriæ ejus adsignare, præcipuum sacramentum est. Principes pro victoria pugnant; comites pro Principe.” See Allen, Royal Prerogative, 142.
[(52)] The original text of the Song of Maldon will be found in Thorpe’s Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. My extracts are made from the modern English version which I attempted in my Old-English History, p. 192. I went on the principle of altering the Old-English text no more than was actually necessary to make it intelligible. When a word has altogether dropped out of our modern language, I have of course changed it; when a word is still in use, in however different a sense, I have kept it. Many words which were anciently used in a physical sense are now used only metaphorically; thus “cringe” is used in one of the extracts in its primary meaning of bowing or falling down, and therefore of dying.
[(53)] The history of the Roman clientship is another of those points on which legend and history and ingenious modern speculation all come to much the same, as far as our present purpose is concerned. Whether the clients were the same as the plebs or not, at any rate no patricians entered into the client relation, and this at once supplies the contrast with Teutonic institutions.
[(54)] The title of dominus, implying a master of slaves, was always refused by the early Emperors. This is recorded of Augustus by Suetonius (Aug. 53) and Dion (lv. 12), and still more distinctly of Tiberius (Suetonius, Tib. 27; Dion, lvii. 8). Tiberius also refused the title of Imperator, except in its strictly military sense: οὔτε γὰρ δεσπότην ἑαυτὸν τοῖς ἐλευθέροις οὔτε αὐτοκράτορα πλὴν τοῖς στρατιώταις καλεῖν ἐφίει. Caius is said (Aurelius Victor, Cæs. xxxix. 4) to have been called dominus, and there is no doubt about Domitian (Suetonius, Dom. 13; Dion, lxvii. 13, where see Reimar’s Note). Pliny in his letters constantly addresses Trajan as dominus; yet in his Panegyric[(45)] he draws the marked distinction: “Scis, ut sunt diversa natura dominatio et principatus, ita non aliis esse principem gratiorem quam qui maxime dominum graventur.” This marks the return to older feelings and customs under Trajan. The final and formal establishment of the title seems to have come in with the introduction of Eastern ceremonies under Diocletian (see the passage already referred to in Aurelius Victor). It is freely used by the later Panegyrists, as for instance Eumenius, iv. 21, v. 13: “Domine Constanti,” “Domine Maximiane, Imperator æterne,” and so forth.
[(55)] Vitellius (Tac. Hist. i. 58) was the first to employ Roman knights in offices hitherto always filled by freedmen; but the system was not fully established till the time of Hadrian (Spartianus, Hadrian, 22).
[(56)] See Norman Conquest, i. 89, 587, and the passages here quoted.
[(57)] Both hlàford and hlæfdige (Lord and Lady) are very puzzling words as to the origin of their later syllables. It is enough for my purpose if the connexion of the first syllable with hlàf be allowed. Different as is the origin of the two words, hlàford always translates dominus. The French seigneur, and the corresponding forms in Italian and Spanish, come from the Latin senior, used as equivalent to dominus. This is one of the large class of words which are analogous to our Ealdorman.
[(58)] This is fully treated by Palgrave, English Commonwealth, i. 350, 495, 505.
[(59)] On the change from the alod, odal, or eðel, a man’s very own property, to the land held of a lord, see Hallam, Middle Ages, i. 113.
[(60)] See Norman Conquest, i. 85-88. I have there chiefly followed Mr. Kemble in his chapter on the Noble by Service, Saxons in England, i. 162.
[(61)] See the whole history and meaning of the word in the article þegen in Schmid’s Glossary.
[(62)] See Norman Conquest, i. 89.
[(63)] Barbour, Bruce, i. 224:
“A! fredome is A noble thing.”
So said Herodotus (v. 78) long before:
ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι χρῆμα σπουδαῖον.