The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume 1 (of 2)

by Edward A. Freeman

FOOTNOTES.

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[1] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 692.

[2] Will. Malms. iv. 306.

[3] Tac. Hist. iv. 59.

[4] There is not much to say about the authorities for this chapter. The main sources are those with which we have long been familiar, the Peterborough Chronicle, Orderic, Florence, William of Malmesbury. The last three of these increase in value at every step, as they become more and more strictly contemporary. So Henry of Huntingdon, beginning his seventh book in the second year of Rufus, formally puts on the character of a contemporary writer. Hitherto he had written from his reading or from common fame; “nunc autem de his quæ vel ipsi vidimus, vel ab his qui viderant audivimus, pertractandum est.” But he still wisely kept the Chronicle before him. He is himself largely followed by Robert of Torigny (or De Monte—​that is Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount) in his chronicle. From Robert we have also the so-called eighth book of William of Jumièges, which may pass as a History of Henry the First. He is not strictly contemporary for any part of our immediate story. Eadmer, so precious a few years later, gives us as yet only a few touches and general pictures. The French riming chroniclers are of some value later in the reign of Rufus; but we have hardly anything to do with them as yet. A crowd of accessory, occasional, and local writings have to be turned to as usual.

[5] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 583.

[6] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 228, 795. So Will. Neub. i. 3; “Filiorum quidem Willelmi Magni ordine nativitatis novissimus, sed prærogativa primus. Quippe, aliis in ducatu patris natis, solus ipse ex eodem jam rege est ortus.” This is noteworthy in a writer in whom (see Appendix A) we see the first sign of a notion of Robert’s hereditary right. The author of the Brevis Relatio (9) goes yet further, and seems to assert that a party at least was for Henry’s immediate succession; “Sicut postea multi dixerunt, justum fuit ut ipse rex Angliæ post patrem suum esset qui de patre rege et matre regina genitus extitisset.”

[7] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 706, note 3.

[8] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 706, note 3.

[9] See Appendix A.

[10] See Appendix A.

[11] Will. Malms. iv. 305. “Eum nutrierat et militem fecerat.” So Matthew Paris, Hist. Ang. i. 35.

[12] Orderic has two statements as to the port from which William set sail. In his account of the Conqueror’s death (659 D), he makes him sail from Witsand. But afterwards (763 D), when speaking of Robert Bloet, he says, “Senioris Guillelmi capellanus fuerat, eoque defuncto de portu Tolochæ cum juniore Guillelmo mare transfretaverat, et epistolam regis de coronanda prole Lanfranco archiepiscopo detulerat.” This latter is to be preferred, as the more circumstantial account. Touques moreover is at once the more likely haven to be chosen by one setting out from Rouen, and the one less likely to come into the head of a careless narrator. Robert of Torigny also (Cont. Will. Gem. viii. 2) makes the place Touques.

[13] Ord. Vit. 659 D. “Ibi jam patrem audivit obiisse.”

[14] Fl. Wig. 1087. “Willelmus … Angliam festinato adiit, ducens secum Wlnothum et Morkarum.”

[15] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 517.

[16] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 315.

[17] Fl. Wig. 1087. “Robertus … Ulfum, Haroldi quondam regis Anglorum filium, Dunechaldumque regis Scottorum Malcolmi filium a custodia laxatos et armis militaribus honoratos, abire permisit.”

[18] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 76.

[19] Flor. Wig. 1087. “Mox ut Wintoniam venit, illos, ut prius fuerant, custodiæ mancipavit.”

[20] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 855. The Winchester Annals (1087; Ann. Mon. ii. 35) give him, like Prior Godfrey, the title of Earl, and say that he was not released at all. The Conqueror releases all his prisoners in England and Normandy “exceptis duobus comitibus Rogero et Wlnodo.” These three captives are joined together in the signatures to an alleged charter of Bishop William of Saint-Calais in the Monasticon, i. 237, and in the Surtees volume, Hist. Dun. Scriptt. Tres, v, of which I may have to speak again; “Morkaro et Rogerio [clearly meant for Roger of Hereford] et Siwardo cognomento Bran et Wlnoto Haraldi regis germano.” They are made to sign, along with Abbot Æthelwig, who died in 1077, in a Council in London in 1082. The whole thing is clearly spurious; but what put the signatures of the captives into anybody’s head?

[21] See Appendix A.

[22] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 13 Selden. “Quantus autem mœror Lanfrancum ex morte ejus perculerit quis dicere possit, quando nos qui circa illum nuncia morte illius eramus, statim eum præ cordis angustia mori timeremus?” This seems to imply that the news reached Lanfranc when he had his monks about him, that is at Canterbury.

[23] William of Malmesbury (iv. 305) marks the coronation as being done “die sanctorum Cosmæ et Damiani.” In the Chronicle it is “þreom dagum ǽr Michaeles mæssedæg;” while Florence simply gives the day of the month. Wace (14482) says inaccurately “Li jor de feste saint Michiel;” and the Chronicon de Bello (40) still more inaccurately, “in nativitate Christi, intrante anno incarnationis ejusdem Verbi Dei mlxxxviii.”

[24] See Appendix A.

[25] Chron. Petrib. 1087. “Ealle þa men on Englalande him to abugon, and him aðas sworon.”

[26] Chron. Petrib. 1087. “Ðisum þus gedone, se cyng ferde to Winceastre, and sceawode þæt madmehus, and þa gersuman þe his fæder ǽr gegaderode, þa wæron unasecgendlice ænie man hu mycel þær wæs gegaderod, on golde and on seolfre and on faton and on pællan and on gimman and on manige oðre deorwurðe þingon þe earfoðe sindon to ateallene.” Yet Henry of Huntingdon (p. 211) knew the exact amount of the silver, sixty thousand pounds, one doubtless for each knight’s fee.

[27] Florence brings in the books in a list of gifts which is longer than that of the Chronicler; “Cruces, altaria, scrinia, textos, candelabra, situlas, fistulas, ac ornamenta varia gemmis, auro, argento, lapidibusque pretiosis, redimita, per ecclesias digniores ac monasteria jussit dividi.”

[28] Chron. de Bello, 40. “Regni diadema suscepit. Quod adeptus, paterni mandati non immemor, patris pallium regale et feretrum unde supra meminimus, cum ccc^tis philacteriis, sanctorum pignorum excellentia gloriosis, ecclesiæ beati Martini quantocius delegavit, quæ simul apud Bellum viii Kalendas Novembris suscepta sunt.”

[29] The Chronicler says, “to ælcen cyrcean uppe land lx. pæǹ.” But Florence limits it; “ecclesiis in civitatibus vel villis suis per singulas denarios lx. dari.”

[30] Chron. Petrib. 1087. “Into ælcere scire man seonde hundred punda feos, to dælanne earme mannan for his saule.”

[31] Flor. Wig. 1087. “Ejus quoque germanus Rotbertus in Normanniam reversus, thesauros quos invenerat monasteriis, ecclesiis, pauperibus, pro anima patris sui largiter divisit.”

[32] Chron Petrib. 1087. “Se cyng wæs on þam midewintre on Lundene.” So Henry of Huntingdon (211); “Rex novus curiam suam ad Natale tenuit apud Lundoniam.” He adds a list of bishops who were present. There were the two Archbishops, Maurice of London, Walkelin of Winchester, Geoffrey [it should be Osbern] of Exeter, William of Thetford, Robert of Chester, William of Durham, as also “Wlnod [sic] episcopus sanctus Wirecestriæ.” On the presence of Odo, see Appendix B. Robert of Torigny (1087) writes “Vulnof.” I cannot see much in his editor’s suggestion that the Geoffrey spoken of is the Bishop of Coutances, because the so-called Bromton, of all people, has made a blunder about him; X Scriptt. 984.

[33] N. C. vol. iv. p. 708.

[34] Ord. Vit. 664 D. “Totum in Normannia pristinum honorem adeptus est, et consiliarius ducis, videlicet nepotis sui, factus est.”

[35] Will. Malms, iv. 305. “Claves thesaurorum nactus est; quibus fretus totam Angliam animo subjecit suo.”

[36] Ib. “Reliquo hiemis quiete et favorabiliter vixit.”

[37] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “On þisum geare wæs þis land swiðe astirad, and mid mycele swicdome afylled; swa þæt þa riceste Frencisce men þe weron innan þrisan lande wolden swican heore hlaforde þam cynge, and woldon habban his broðer to cynge, Rodbeard, þe wæs eorl on Normandige.” The duty of faithfulness to the lord, whoever he may be, is always strongly felt; still William Rufus is only “heora hlaford se cyng,” not “heora cynehlaford.” But the notion that Robert had any special right as the eldest son seems not to have come into any purely English mind of that age.

[38] He appears in the list given by Henry of Huntingdon (see above, p. 19) as “justiciarius et princeps totius Angliæ.” Simeon of Durham (1088) calls him “secundus rex.”

[39] See Florence, 1081; Sim. Dun. His. Eccl. Dun. iv. 1.

[40] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 674.

[41] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Swa wæll dyde se cyng be þam bisceop þæt eall Englaland færde æfter his ræde and swa swa he wolde.” So Florence; “Ea tempestate rex prædictus illius, ut veri consiliarii, fruebatur prudentia; bene enim sapiebat, ejusque consiliis totius Angliæ tractabatur respublica.” Cf. Ann. Wint. 1088. “Episcopus Willelmus Dunelmensis, qui paulo ante quasi cor regis erat.”

[42] Will. Malms, iv. 306. “Immortale in eum [Lanfrancum] odium anhelans, quod ejus consilio a fratre se in vincula conjectum asserebat.”

[43] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 680.

[44] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And þæs unræd wearð gewesen innan þam Lengtene.” So Florence; “Pars nobiliorum Normannorum favebat regi Willelmo, sed minima; pars vero altera favebat Roberto comiti Normannorum, et maxima; cupiens hunc sibi adsciscere in regnum, fratrem vero aut fratri tradere vivum aut regno privare peremptum.” Here is the end of a hexameter.

[45] See Appendix B.

[46] Ord. Vit. 665 D. “Optimates utriusque regni conveniunt, et de duobus regnis nunc divisis, quæ manus una pridem tenuerat, tractare satagunt.” Cf. the language used at an earlier time about Normandy, N. C. vol. i. p. 221.

[47] Ib. 666 A. “Labor nobis ingens subito crevit, et maxima diminutio potentiæ nostræ opumque nobis incumbuit…. Violenta nobis orta est mutatio et nostræ sublimitatis repentina dejectio.” It is now that he makes the flourish about “Saxones Angli” (see N. C. vol. i. p. 542); there is also a good deal about Jeroboam and Polyneikês.

[48] Ib. “Quomodo duobus dominis tam diversis, et tam longe ab invicem remotis competenter servire poterimus?”

[49] Ib. B, C. “Inviolabile fœdus firmiter ineamus, et Guillelmo rege dejecto vel interfecto, qui junior est et protervus, et cui nihil debemus, Robertum ducem, qui major natu est et tractabilior moribus, et cui jamdudum vivente patre amborum fidelitatem juravimus, principem Angliæ ac Neustriæ ad servandam unitatem utriusque regni constituamus.”

[50] Ib. C. “Decretum suum Roberto duci detexuit. Ille vero, utpote levis et inconsideratus, valde gavisus est promissis inutilibus, seseque spopondit eis, si inchoarent, affaturum in omnibus, et collaturum mox efficax auxilium ad perpetrandum tam clarum fecimus.”

[51] See Appendix B.

[52] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 710.

[53] Will. Malms. iv. 306. “Multos eodem susurro infecit [Odo]; Roberto regnum competere, qui sit et remissioris animi, et juveniles stultitias multis jam laboribus decoxerit; hunc delicate nutritum, animi ferocia (quam vultus ipse demonstret), prætumidum, omnia contra fas et jus ausurum; brevi futurum ut honores jamdudum plurimis sudoribus partos amittant; nihil actum morte patris, si quos ille vinxerit iste trucidet.” (Again the ending of a hexameter.) A good deal of this seems to come from later experience of Rufus.

[54] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “þæs unræd wærð geræd.”

[55] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 276, 580, 673.

[56] See Appendix C.

[57] “He þohte to donne be him eall swa Iudas Scarioð dide be ure Drihtene.”

[58] “Se bisceop of Dunholme dyde to hearme þæt he mihte ofer eall be norðan.”

[59] See Appendix C.

[60] Mon. Angl. i. 248. “Monstrabo quod Dorobernium et Hastingas, quæ jam pene perdiderat, in sua fidelitate detinui, Londoniam quoque quæ jam rebellaverat, in ejus fidelitate sedavi, meliores etiam duodecim ejusdem urbis cives ad eum mecum duxi, ut per illos melius ceteros animaret.”

[61] Mon. Angl. i. 247. “Ipse [rex] te summonuit ut cum eo equitares; tu vero respondisti ei, te cum septem militibus quos ibi habebas libenter iturum, et pro pluribus ad castellum tuum sub festinatione missurum, et postea fugisti de curia sua sine ejus licentia, et quosdam de familia sua tecum adduxisti, et ita in necessitate sua sibi defecisti.”

[62] See Appendix C.

[63] Mon. Angl. i. 245. “Præsto sum in curia vestra vobis justitiam facere convenienti termino, securitate veniendi accepta.” Cf.N. C. vol. ii. pp. 149, 150.

[64] Mon. Angl. i. 245. “Non est enim omnium hominum episcopos judicare, et ego vobis secundum ordinem meum omnem justitiam offero; et si ad præsens vultis habere servitium meum vel hominum meorum, illud idem secundum placere vestrum vobis offero.”

[65] Ib. “Rex acceptis et auditis istis litteris episcopi, dedit baronibus suis terras episcopi, vidente legato quem sibi miserat episcopus.” I suppose that these barons are no other than the Counts Alan and Odo, of whose share in the matter we shall hear much more as we go on.

[66] See Ellis, i. 464. It is there remarked that Ralph’s lands in Devonshire had largely been Merleswegen’s. This is equally true in Yorkshire. He must have succeeded Hugh the son of Baldric as sheriff. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 801.

[67] See the foundation charter in the Monasticon, iv. 682; though it is hard to understand how Pope Alexander could have confirmed anything in 1089. According to the charter, the church had once been held by a body of canons, which had come to nothing. Ralph now restored it as a Benedictine monastery, a cell to Marmoutiers.

[68] “Præcepit omnibus regis fidelibus de parte regis ut malum facerent episcopo ubicumque et quomodo cumque possent. Cumque episcopus per se vel per legatos suos regem non posset requirere, et terras suas destrui et vastari absque ulla ultione per vii. septimanas et amplius sustineret,” etc.

[69] Their absence from the assembly comes from Florence; “Execrabile hoc factum clam tractaverunt in quadragesima, quod cito in palam prorumpi posset post pascha; nam a regali se subtrahentes curia, munierunt castella, ferrum, flammam, prædas, necem, excitaverunt in patriam.” Cf. Orderic, 666 C; “Munitiones suas fossis et hominibus, atque alimentis hominum et equorum, abundanter instruebant.”

[70] On Count Robert, see N. C. vol. ii. p. 296; iv. pp. 78, 168, 170. His name does not now occur in the Chronicles, nor in Orderic, who does not mention the siege of his castle of Pevensey. But his action comes out strongly in Florence, who classes him with Odo as a leader, though in his narrative he appears merely as his tool. The Hyde writer (297) also dwells fully on his share in the work, but he has no special facts or legends.

[71] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 117, 672; iv. pp. 39, 562, 825.

[72] In Orderic, 667 B, he appears as “Rogerius Merciorum comes.”

[73] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rogerius de Laceio, qui jam super regem invaserat Herefordam.” He appears in Domesday in Berkshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, but most largely in Herefordshire. See Ellis, i. 442.

[74] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 138, 352.

[75] Ib. vol. iii. p. 132; iv. p. 448.

[76] Ib. vol. iii. p. 737.

[77] Ib. vol. iii. p. 233.

[78] Ord. Vit. 666 D. See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 74, 489.

[79] See below, [p. 36].

[80] See his picture in Orderic, 703 B. “Præfatus præsul nobilitate cluebat, magisque peritia militari quam clericali vigebat. Ideoque loricatos milites ad bellandum quam revestitos clericos ad psallendum magis erudire noverat.”

[81] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 672. Orderic gives his portrait along with that of his uncle; “Robertus Rogerii de Molbraio filius potentia divitiisque admodum pollebat, audacia et militari feritate superbus pares despiciebat, et superbioribus obtemperare, vana ventositate turgidus, indignum autumabat. Erat erim corpore magnus, fortis, niger et hispidus, audax et dolosus, vultu tristis et severus. Plus meditari quam loqui studebat, et vix in confabulatione ridebat.”

[82] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Swiðe mycel folc mid heom, ealle Frencisce men.” He must mean that all the leaders were French. We shall see (see below, [p. 47]) that there were both Englishmen and Britons in the rebel army.

[83] Flor. Wig. 1088.

[84] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Roger hét an of heom se hleop into þam castele æt Norðwic, and dyde git eallra wærst ofer eall þæt land.” He is “Rogerius Bigot” in William of Malmesbury. We shall find him behaving better later in our story.

[85] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 68, 590.

[86] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Hugo eac an þe hit ne gebette nan þing, ne innan Lægreceastrescire ne innan Norðamtune.” He is “Hugo de Grentemesnil” in William of Malmesbury. See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 74, 232.

[87] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 226.

[88] Ib. p. 382.

[89] Gesta Stephani, 41. “Totius Angliæ noverca Bristoa.”

[90] Simeon of Durham (1088) speaks of the “castellum fortissimum” at this time.

[91] Gesta Steph. 36. “Est Bristoa civitas … ipso situ loci omnium civitatum Angliæ munitissima. Sicut enim de Brundusio legimus, quædam provinciæ Glaornensis pars ad formam linguæ restricta, et in longum protensa, duobus fluviis gemina ejus latera proluentibus, inque inferiori parte, ubi ipsa terra defectum patitur, in unam aquarum abundantiam coeuntibus, efficit civitatem.”

[92] One might quote nearer instances in the streams which flow out of Mendip; only they have their katabothra at the beginning.

[93] Gesta Steph. u. s. “Viva quoque et fortis maris exæstuatio, noctibus et diebus abundanter exundans, ex ambabus civitatis partibus fluvios ipsos in latum et profundum pelagus regurgitare in seipsos cogit, portumque mille carinis habillimum et tutissimum efficiens, ambitum illius adeo prope et conjuncte constringit ut tota civitas aquis innatare, tota super ripas considere videatur.”

[94] In what was the castle green is a very pretty undercroft of early thirteenth century work, most likely the support of a chapel.

[95] The course of the stream and the line of the walls have been altered more than once; but the description in the Gesta Stephani of the peninsula, as long and tongue-shaped, shows that the Frome cannot, when that was written, have taken the line of the present Baldwin Street. The town was on the peninsula, but it covered only the north-east part of it.

[96] Gesta Steph. “Ex una tamen ejus regione ubi ad obsidendum opportunior magisque pervia habetur, castellum plurimo aggere exaltatum, muro et propugnaculis, turribus, et diversis machinis firmatum, impugnantium coercet accessus.” This is doubtless equally true in its measure of the state of things in 1088; but there is not now much sign of the “plurimus agger.” The old prints of Bristol show Earl Robert’s keep, a square tower of the best class.

[97] The description of the later occupation of Bristol (Gesta Steph. p. 37) will serve equally for this earlier one. “E diversis siquidem provinciis et regionibus emersi, tanto illic abundantius et gratulantius affuerunt, quanto sub divite domino ex munitissimo castello, quicquid libentium animo occurreret, in uberrima committere Anglia fuit eis permissum.”

[98] His estates in Somerset are very large. See Domesday, 87 a et seqq. In Gloucestershire (165) he appears as “Episcopus de Sancto Laudo”—​the older seat of the bishopric of Coutances.

[99] Domesday, 163. Under “Bertune apud Bristou,” now Barton Regis, we read, “Hoc manerium et Bristou reddit regi c. et x. markas argenti. Burgenses dicunt quod episcopus G. habet xxxiii. markas argenti et unam markam auri propter firmam regis.” This looks like the Earl’s third penny; but Geoffrey certainly had no formal earldom in Gloucestershire.

[100] This is Camden’s conjecture; it does not greatly matter for my purpose.

[101] See above, [p. 33.]

[102] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Gosfrid bisceop and Rodbeard a Mundbræg ferdon to Bricgstowe and hergodon, and brohton to þam castele þa hergunge.” So Florence; “Gosfridus episcopus Constantiensis, in castello Brycstowa, socium conjurationis et perfidiæ habebat secum nepotem suum Rotbertum de Mulbraio, virum gnarum militiæ.”

[103] In the song in the Chronicles, 973, Eadgar is crowned

“On þaere ealdan byrig,

Acemannes ceastre,

Eac hie egbuend.

Oþre worde

Beornas Baðan nemnað.”

In the prose entries in Worcester and Peterborough this is done “at Hatabaðum.”

[104] See Richard of the Devizes, 62. “Bathonia, in imis vallium, in crasso nimis aere et vapore sulphureo posita, imo deposita, est ad portas inferi.”

[105] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 385.

[106] Mr. Earle has, I think, made it morally certain that the Old-English poem on a ruined city in the Codex Exoniensis refers to Bath. It is a pity that his account is hidden in the Proceedings of the Bath Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club, vol. ii. no. 3, 1872.

[107] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 310.

[108] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And syððon foron út of þam castele and hergodon Baðon, and eall þæt land þær abutan.” Florence adds the burning; “Rotbertus … congregato exercitu invasit Bathoniam, civitatem regiam, eamque igne succendit.”

[109] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Illa [Bathonia] deprædata, transivit in Wiltusciram, villasque depopulans, multorumque hominum strage facta, tandem adiit Givelceastram, obsedit, et expugnare disposuit.”

[110] Geveltone, now Yeovilton, was held by one Ralph under William of Eu (Domesday, 96 b). Givele, now Yeovil, was held by Count Robert (Domesday, 93). All these names come in various corruptions from the river Givel or Ivel, also called Yeo. Only in Yeovil we may trace a bit of false etymology, which has also set the pattern to Yeovilton.

[111] I took with me to Ilchester a book by the Rev. W. Buckler, “Ilchester Almshouse Deeds” (Yeovil, 1866), which contains the accounts of Ilchester from Leland, Camden, and Stukeley, together with Stukeley’s map. The last-named writer may have drawn somewhat on his imagination; but I could trace the line of the walls, represented in a great part of their course by modern buildings. Under the circumstances of the site, the usual carfax is not to be found at Ilchester, any more than at Godmanchester.

[112] Domesday, 86 a. “In Givelcestre sunt 107 burgenses, reddentes xx. solidos. Mercatum cum suis appendiciis reddit xi. libras.”

[113] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Pugnant exterius spe capti prædæ et amore victoriæ, repugnant intrinsecus acriter pro se suorumque salute. Tandem inter utrumque necessitatis vicit causa; repulsus et tristis recedit Rotbertus privatus victoria.” The Chronicle and William of Malmesbury do not speak of Ilchester. William thus sums up the campaign; “Gaufridus episcopus, cum nepote, Bathoniam et Bercheleiam partemque pagi Wiltensis depopulans, manubias apud Bristou collocabat.”

[114] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 144.

[115] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And eall Beorclea hyrnesse hi awæston.” Florence more fully; “Willelmus de Owe Glawornensem invadit comitatum, regiam villam deprædatur Beorchelaum, per totam ferro et flamma grande perpetrat malum.”

[116] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 557.

[117] See Domesday, 164. But it had already given a name to Roger and Ralph of Berkeley; Domesday, 168. From Roger’s descendants it passed by marriage to Robert the son of Harding. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 758.

[118] Domesday, 163. “In Nesse [Sharpness] sunt v. hidæ pertinentes ad Berchelai quos W. comes misit extra ad faciendum unum castellulum.”

[119] Since I wrote the fourth volume of the Norman Conquest, there has been much controversy about the origin of Robert Fitz-Harding. (See Notes and Queries, Jan. 3rd, 1880.) I am confirmed on the whole in my old belief that he was the son of Harding the son of Eadnoth.

[120] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 590, 855.

[121] See above, [p. 33.]

[122] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa men þe yldest wæron of Hereforde, and eall þeo scír forþmid, and þa men of Scrobscyre mid mycele folce of Brytlande.”

[123] See above, [p. 33.]

[124] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Cum hominibus comitis Rogerii de Scrobbesbyria.” Yet the Chronicler says distinctly, “And Rogere eorl wæs eac æt þam unræde.” That is, he joined in the conspiracy, but did not take a personal share in the war.

[125] See above, p. 35, [note 3.]

[126] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Congregato magno Anglorum, Normannorum, et Walensium exercitu.”

[127] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 395.

[128] Ib. vol. i. p. 520.

[129] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa men … comon and hergodon and þærndon on Wiðreceastrescire forð, and hi comon to þam porte sylfan, and woldon þa þæne port bærnen, and þæt mynster reafian, and þæs cynges castel gewinnan heom to handa.” Florence adds, “grandem de regis incolis fidelibus sumpturos vindictam.” On the deliverance of Worcester, see Appendix D.

[130] Florence brings in his own Bishop with a panegyric; “Vir magnæ pietatis et columbinæ simplicitatis, Deo populoque quern regebat in omnibus amabilis, regi, ut terreno domino, per omnia fidelis, pater reverendus Wlstanus.” In the Chronicle he is simply “se arwurða bisceop Wlfstan.” He goes on to make his exhortation after the manner of Moses.

[131] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 61.

[132] Ib. vol. iv. p. 579.

[133] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 174.

[134] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 379.

[135] Ib.

[136] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Normanni interim, ineuntes consilium, rogant ipsum episcopum ut ab ecclesia transiret in castellam, tutiores se affirmantes de ejus præsentia, si majus incumberet periculum; diligebant enim eum valde. Ipse enim, ut erat miræ mansuetudinis, et pro regis fidelitate, et pro eorum dilectione, petitioni eorum adquievit.”

[137] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 174.

[138] Flor. Wig. u. s. “Interea audenter in arma se parat episcopalis familia.” On the nature of this “familia,” see N. C. vol. v. p. 496.

[139] Ib. “Inter quos [hostes] magna belli jam fervebat insania; contumaciter enim episcopi contemnentes mandata, in terram ipsius posuerunt incendia.” On the order of events, see Appendix D.

[140] Ib. “Conveniunt castellani et omnis civium turma, occurrere se affirmant hostibus ex altera parte Sabrinæ fluminis, si hoc eis pontificis annueret licentia. Parati igitur et armis instructi, ipsum ad castellum euntem habent obviam, quam optabant requirunt licentiam; quibus libentur annuens, ‘Ite,’ inquit, ‘filii, ite in pace, ite securi, cum Dei et nostra benedictione.’ Confidens ego in Domino, spondeo vobis, non hodie nocebit vobis gladius, non quicquam infortunii, non quisquam adversarius. State in regis fidelitate, viriliter agentes pro populi urbisque salute.”

[141] Ib. “Episcopus ingenti concutitur dolore, videns debilitari res ecclesiæ, acceptoque inde consilio, gravi eos, ab omnibus qui circumaderant coactus, percussit anathemate.” See Appendix D.

[142] Ib. “Alacres pontem reparatum transeunt, hostes de longinquo accelerantes conspiciunt.”

[143] See Appendix D.

[144] Flor. Wig. u. s. “Cæduntur pedites, capiuntur milites, cum Normannis tam Angli quam Walenses, cæteris vero vix debili elapsis fuga [were the ‘milites’ spared for the sake of ransom?] regis fideles cum pontificis familia, exultantes in gaudio, sine ulla diminutione suorum, redeunt ad propria; gratias Deo referunt de rerum ecclesiæ incolumitate, gratias episcopo referunt de consilii ejus salubritate.”

[145] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 386.

[146] Chron. Petrib, 1088. “Þe wæs ærur heafod to þam unræde.”

[147] See above, [p. 29.]

[148] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ðe bisceop Odo, þe þas cyng of awocan, ferde into Cent to his earldome and fordyde hit swyðe, and þæs cynges land and þæs arcebisceopes mid ealle aweston, and brohte eall þæt gód into his castele on Hrofeceastre.” This follows at once on the accounts of Roger the Bigod and Hugh of Grantmesnil. So William of Malmesbury, who here brings in the story of Lanfranc’s share in Odo’s imprisonment in 1082, in order to account for Odo’s special hatred towards the Archbishop.

[149] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 267, 296. On the early history of Rochester generally, see Mr. Hartshorne’s paper in the Archæological Journal, September, 1863.

[150] This is brought out by Orderic, 667 B; “Oppidum igitur Rovecestræ sollicita elegerunt provisione, quoniam, si rex eos non obsedisset in urbe, in medio positi laxis habenis Lundoniam et Cantuariam devastarent, et per mare, quod proximum est, insulasque vicinas, pro auxiliis conducendis nuntios cito dirigerent.” The islands must be Sheppey and Thanet.

[151] See the siege of Rochester in 1215 and his defence by William of Albini in Roger of Wendover, iii. 333.

[152] For the siege of 1264 see W. Rishanger, Chron. p. 25 (Camd. Soc.). On Simon’s military engines he remarks that the Earl “exemplum relinquens Anglicis qualiter circa castrorum assultationes agendum sit, qui penitus hujusmodi diebus illis fuerant ignari.” A forerunner of Kanarês, he had a fire-ship in the river; he also used mines, as the Conqueror had done at Exeter.

[153] Mr. Hartshorne showed distinctly that the present tower of Rochester was not built by Gundulf, but by William of Corbeuil. See the passages which he quotes from Gervase, X Scriptt. 1664, and the continuator of Florence, 1126. But we have seen (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 366) that Gundulf did build a stone castle at Rochester for William Rufus (“castrum Hrofense lapidum”), and we should most naturally look for it on the site of the later one. On the other hand, there is a tower, seemingly of Gundulf’s building and of a military rather than an ecclesiastical look, which is now almost swallowed up between the transepts of the cathedral. But it would be strange if a tower built for the King stood in the middle of the monastic precinct.

[154] The odd position of the cloister at Rochester suggests the notion that Gundulf’s church occupied only the site of the present eastern limb, and that the later Norman nave was an enlargement rather than a rebuilding.

[155] Domesday, 2 b. “Episcopus de Rouecestre pro excambio terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod xvii.s. et iv.d. valet.” This is said of land at Aylesford; but the castle spoken of must surely be that of Rochester. The Domesday phrase “sedet” seems beautifully to describe either the massive square donjon or the shell-keep on the mound; yet it may be doubted whether Rochester had either in the Conqueror’s day.

[156] This ditch is said to have been traced right across the middle of the cathedral, with the twelfth-century nave to the west of it. I can say nothing either way from my own observation; but such an extension of the church to the west would exactly answer to the extension of the churches of Le Mans and Lincoln to the east. In both those cases the Roman wall had to give way.

[157] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 367.

[158] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Tunc Odo Bajocensis cum quingentis militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit, ibique Robertum ducem cum suis auxiliaribus secundum statuta quæ pepigerant præstolari proposuit.” The last clause of course implies the supposed earlier agreement with Duke Robert, on which see above, p. 25, and Appendix B.

[159] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rumore autem percussus insolito, comes exultat, amicis nunciat, quasi jam de victoria securus triumphat, plures ad prædam incitat; Odoni episcopo, patruo suo, auxiliarios in Angliam legat, se quantocius, congregato majori exercitu, secuturum affirmat.”

[160] Ib. “Prædictus episcopus Baiocensis, munita Roveceastra, misit Normanniam, exhortans comitem Rotbertum cito venire in Angliam, nuntians ei rem gestam, affirmans paratum sibi regnum, et si sibi non desisteret, paratam et coronam.”

[161] Ib. “Missi a comite Rotberto venerunt in Angliam, ab Odone episcopo ad custodiendum receperunt Roveceastram; et horum ut primates Eustatius junior, comes Bononiæ, et Rotbertus de Beleasmo gerebant curam.” Here we have (see Appendix B) the true moment of their coming. From this point we may accept the account in Orderic (667 B); “Prædictum oppidum Odo præsul et Eustachius comes atque Robertus Bellesmensis, cum multis nobilibus viris et mediocribus, tenebant, auxiliumque Roberti ducis, qui desidia mollitieque detinebatur, frustra exspectabant.” We meet them again in 765 B.

[162] “Eustatius junior,” “Eustatius þe iunga.” See N. C. vol. iv. p. 745.

[163] They are mentioned in the Chronicle along with the incidental mention of Eustace; “Innan þam castele wæron swiðe gode cnihtas, Eustatius þe iunga, and Rogeres eorles þreo sunan, and ealle þa betstboren men þe wæron innan þisan lande oððe on Normandige.” This is followed by William of Malmesbury (iv. 306); “Erat tunc apud Roveceastram omnis pene juventutis ex Anglia et Normannia nobilitas; tres filii Rogerii comitis, et Eustachius Bononiæ junior, multique alii quos infra curam nostram existimo.”

[164] The three sons of Earl Roger can hardly fail to be his three eldest sons (see Will. Gem. vii. 16; Ord. Vit. 708 D), Robert, Hugh, and Roger, all of whom figure in our story. Arnulf does not appear in English history till later, and Philip the clerk does not appear at all. Geoffrey Gaimar (Chron. Ang. Norm. i. 35), after setting forth the possessions of Robert of Bellême, mentions the other three; but one does not exactly see why he says,

“Le conte Ernulf ert le quarte frère, Par cors valeit un emperère.”

Cf. Ord. Vit. 708 D, 808 C.

[165] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 488.

[166] See above, [p. 33].

[167] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rogerus fautor Rotberti erat in castello suo Arundello, comitis prædicti opperiens adventum.”

[168] See N. C. iv. 66, v. 808.

[169] See Tierney’s History of Arundel, i. 43.

[170] Domesday, 23 “Modo inter burgum et portum aquæ et consuetudinem navium reddit xii. libras et tamen valet xiii. libras. De his habet S Nicolaus xxiiii. solidos.” “Clerici sancti Nicolai” are mentioned again in the next column. The church then was secular in 1086; but the clerks must have soon given way to the priory of Saint Nicolas, founded by Earl Roger himself as a cell to his abbey at Seez; in 1386 it gave way to the college of Arundel.

[171] See N. C. iv. p. 501.

[172] Domesday, 23. “Modo est ipsa civitas in manu comitis Rogerii.” Here he had one quarter of a Roman chester, while the Bishop had another; yet there were sixty houses more than there had been T. R. E.

[173] See the customs of Lewes and the rights of William of Warren in Domesday, 26. The toll on selling a man was threepence. The two mounds of the castle, the smaller known as Brack Mount, are rare, perhaps unique. The inner gateway seems to be of Earl William’s building.

[174] I suspect that the original title of the Earls of Arundel was Earl of Sussex, and that the name of the castle came to be used, much as the successors of William of Warren, strictly Earls of Surrey, are more commonly called Earls Warren. See more in Tierney’s History of Arundel.

[175] Lucan, iv. 819.

[176] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 161.

[177] Ord. Vit. 666 D. “Rex Guillelmus, ut vidit suos in terra sua contra se pessima cogitare, et per singula crebrescentibus malis ad pejora procedere; non meditatus est ut timida vulpes ad tenebrosas cavernas fugere, sed ut leo fortis et audax rebellium conatus terribiliter comprimere.”

[178] Will. Malms. iv. 306. “Nec minori astutia Rogerium de Monte Gomerico, secum dissimulata perfidia equitantem, circumvenit.”

[179] Ib. “Seorsum enim ducto magnam ingessit invidiam; dicens, Libenter se imperio cessurum, si illi et aliis videatur quos pater tutores reliquerat. Non se intelligere quid ita effrænes sint: si velint, pecunias accipiant pro libito; si augmentum patrimoniorum, eodem modo; prorsus, quæ velint, habeant. Tantum videant ne judicium genitoris periclitetur: quod si de se putaverint aspernandum, de se ipsis caveant exemplum; idem enim se regem, qui illos duces fecerit. His verbis comes et pollicitationibus incensus, qui primus factionis post Odonem signifer fuit, primus defecit.” Roger of Wendover (ii. 33) adds the words “pœnitentia ductus.”

[180] Orderic a little later (667 B) says, “Rogerus Merciorum comes, multique Normannorum, qui cum rege foris obsidebant, clam adminiculari quantum poterant inclusis satagebant.”

[181] Orderic (680 C) puts the creation of this earldom somewhat later, at the Gemót held just before the invasion of Normandy in 1090. He adds that the new earl died soon after (“quem paulo post mors nulli parcens e medio rapuit”), and records his burial at Lewes, and adds his epitaph. There is no better authority than that of the Hyde writer (298) for placing the creation at this time or for placing the Earl’s death a little later (see below, [p. 76]). But his narrative is so minute that one would think that he must have had some kind of ground for it. His words are; “Rex Willelmus … videns igitur principes regni nutantes et exercitum a se dilabi, sapienti usus consilio, Willelmum de Warennia, virum bellicosum, animo ferum et corpore strenuum famaque præclarum, in amicitia Asarum [what this may mean I have no notion, but the editor vouches that such is the reading of the MS.] comitis honore sublimat, multa impendit multaque promittit.”

[182] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 251.

[183] Ord. Vit. 667 C. “Omnes episcopi Angliæ cum Anglis sine dolo regem juvabant, et pro serena patriæ pace, quæ bonis semper amabiles est, laborabant.”

[184] The appeal to the English is strongly marked in the Chronicle; “Ða þe cyng undergeat ealle þas þing and hwilcne swicdom hi dydon toweard his, þa wearð he on his mode swiðe gedrefed. Sende þa æfter Englisce mannan, and heom fore sæde his neode and gyrnde heora fultumes.” Simeon of Durham gives a free translation quite independent of Florence; “Hoc audito, rex fecit convocare Anglos, et ostendit eis traditionem Normannorum, et rogavit ut sibi auxilio essent.” But the appeal comes out no less strongly in Orderic (666 D); “Lanfrancum archiepiscopum cum suffraganeis præsulibus, et comites, Anglosque naturales convocavit, et conatus adversariorum, ac velle suum expugnandi eos indicavit.” The writ comes from William of Malmesbury, iv. 306; “Ille, videns Normannos pene omnes in una rabie conspiratos, Anglos probos et fortes viros, qui adhuc residui erant, invitatoriis scriptis accersiit.” It is singular that Florence mentions the English only in an incidental way a little later; “Congregato quantum ad præsens poterat Normannorum, sed tamen maxime Anglorum, equestri et pedestri, licet mediocri, exercitu.” Does the precious document spoken of by William of Malmesbury still lurk in any manuscript store?

[185] Chron. Petrib. “And behet heom þa betsta laga þe æfre ær wæs on þisan lande, and ælc unriht geold he forbead, and geatte mannan heora wudas and slǽtinge.” William of Malmesbury (iv. 306) translates, “Bonas leges et tributorum levamen, liberasque venationes pollicens.” Florence is less literal; “Statuens leges, promittens fautoribus omnia bona.” Simeon gives another version; “Eo tenore, ut si in hac necessitate sibi fideles existerent, meliorem legem quam vellent eligere eis concederet, et omnem injustum scottum interdixit, et concessit omnibus silvas suas et venationem. Sed quicquid promisit, parvo tempore custodivit. Angli tamen fideliter eum juvabant.”

[186] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Jure regio, militari, ut impiger, fretus audacia, mittit legatos, vocat quos sibi credit fidos, vadit Lundoniam, belli tractaturus negotia, expeditionis provisum, necessaria.”

[187] See above, [p. 29].

[188] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ac Englisce men swa þeah fengon to þam cynge heora hlaforde on fultume.” The numbers come from Orderic (667A); “Anglorum triginta millia tunc ad servitium regis sponte sua convenerunt.”

[189] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Passim per totum Albionem impera, omnesque rebelles deice regali justitia.”

[190] Ib. “Viriliter age, ut regis filius et legitime ad regnum assumptus; securus in hoc regno dominare omnibus.”

[191] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Solerter Anglorum rimare historias, inveniesque semper fidos principibus suis Angligenas.” Fancy William Rufus sitting down to study the Chronicles, as his brother Henry may likely enough have done.

[192] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ferdon þa toweard Hrofeceastre and woldon þone bisceop Odan begytan, þohtan gif hi hæfdon hine, þe wæs ærur heafod to þam unræde, þæt hi mihton þe bet begytan ealla þa oðre.”

[193] It is somewhat singular that, though Richard appears in Domesday as “Ricardus de Tonebrige” as well as “Ricardus filius Gisleberti comitis” (14 et al.), and though his “leva” or “lowy” (see Ellis, i. 212) is often spoken of, yet Tunbridge castle itself is not entered. See on Richard of Bienfaite, Clare, or Tunbridge, N. C. vol. ii. p. 196; iv. 579. A singular story is told in the Continuation of William of Jumièges (viii. 15), how Tunbridge was granted in exchange for Brionne, and measured by the rope. See Appendix S.

[194] At Tunbridge the mound and the gateway stand side by side, as indeed they do, though less conspicuously, at Arundel and Lewes. A wall is built from the gateway to the keep on the mound, losing itself, as it were, in the side of the mound. The mound thus stands half within and half without the enclosure formed by the gateway.

[195] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa Englisce men ferdon and tobræcon þone castel, and þa men þe þærinne wæron griðodon wið þone cyng,” So Simeon of Durham; “Sed viriliter Angli insilientes in illud, destruxerunt totum castrum, et qui intus erant in manus regi dederunt.” Florence gives some further details; “Tunebrycgiam cui præerat Gilebertus filius Ricardi, contrarium sibi invenit: obsedit, in biduo expugnavit, vulneratum Gilebertum cum castello ad deditionem coegit.” Is it possible that, according to Orderic’s second account of the rebellion (765 A, B), we are still only in the Easter week?

[196] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 366. While I am revising my text, an account of this tower by Mr. Clark has appeared in the Builder, November 27, 1880.

[197] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Se cyng mid his here ferde toweard Hrofeceastre, and wendon þæt se bisceop wære þærinne, ac hit wearð þam cynge cuð þæt se bisceop wæs afaren to þam castele on Pefenesea.” Florence helps us to an hexameter in the middle of his prose; “Relatum erat ei ibi esse episcopum Odonem cum omnibus suis et cohortem ultramarinam….

Fama volans dicti pervenit Odonis ad aures,

et cum sociis inito consilio, relinquens Roveceastram, cum paucis adiit castrum fratris sui Roberti Moritanensis comitis quod Pevenessa dicitur.” Are the “cohors ultramarina” those who had come with Eustace and Robert of Bellême?

[198] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Fratrem reperiens, cum ut se teneat hortatur, pollicens se securos ibi posse esse, et dum rex ad expugnandam Roveceastram intenderet, comitem Normanniæ cum magno exercitu venturum, seque suosque liberaturum et magna fautoribus suis dando præmia regnum accepturum.”

[199] Ord. Vit. 666 D. “Statuerat præcursores suos vere redeunte sequi cum multis legionibus militum.”

[200] Cont. Will. Gem. viii. 2. “Quum sui fideles eum exhortarentur ut regnum Angliæ sibi a fratre præreptum velocius armis sibimet restitueret, simplicitate solita et, ut ita dicam, imprudentiæ proxima, respondisse fertur, ‘Per angelos Dei [Gregory’s pun in another form], si essem in Alexandria, exspectarent me Angli, nec ante adventum meum Regem sibi facere auderent. Ipse etiam Willelmus frater meus, quod eum præsumpsisse dicitur, pro capite suo sine mea permissione minime attentaret.’”

[201] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Betwyx þissum se eorl of Normandige Rodbeard, þes cynges broðer, gaderode swiðe mycel folc, and þohte to gewinnane Englelande mid þæra manna fultume þe wæron innan þisan lande ongean þone cyng, and he sende of his mannan to þisum lande, and wolde cuman himsylf æfter.”

[202] Florence seems here to translate what the Chronicler had said a little before (see above, [p. 67]); “Inito itaque salubri consilio, illum eo usque cum exercitu persequitur, sperans se belli citius finem assequuturum, si ante triumphare posset de principibus malorum prædictorum.”

[203] So I find it called in several papers in the Sussex Archæological Collections. But the local antiquaries seem hardly to have fully grasped the fact that there is a town in Normandy called Laigle, and that the family with which we are concerned took its name from it.

[204] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And se cyng mid his here ferde æfter, and besætt þone castel abutan mid swiðe mycele here fulle six wucan.” The artillery comes from Florence; “Accelerat, machinas parat, patruum utrumque obsidet; locus erat munitissimus; ad expugnationem indies laborat.” William of Malmesbury cuts the siege of Pevensey short, and Orderic leaves it out altogether.

[205] See Appendix E.

[206] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 395.

[207] Liber de Hyda, 299. “Willelmus de Warennia apud obsidionem Peveneselli sagitta in crure valde vulneratus, Leuwias cum omnium mœrore deportatus est.” The writer goes on to describe Earl William’s last testament and death. It will be remembered (see above, [p. 62]) that Orderic makes William of Warren die quietly at a later time; but, small as is the authority of the Hyde writer, it is strange if he altogether invented or dreamed this minute account.

[208] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Syððan heom ateorede mete wiðinnan þam castele, þa gyrndon hi griðas, and agefan hine þam cynge, and se bisceop swór þæt he wolde út of Englelande faran, and ná mare cuman on þisan lande butan se cyng him æfter sende, and þæt he wolde agyfan þone castel on Hrofeceastre.” So William of Malmesbury (iv. 306); “Captum ad quod libuit jusjurandum impulit, ut Anglia decederet et Rovecestram traderet.”

[209] Chron. u. s. “Ealswa se bisceop ferde and sceolde agifan þone castel and se cyng sende his men mid him.” So Will. Malms. “Ad quod implendum eum cum fidelibus suis præmisit, lento pede præeuntes subsecutus…. Regii cum episcopo pauci et inermes (quis enim eo præsente insidias timeret?) circa muros desiliunt, clamantes oppidanis ut portas aperiant; hoc episcopum præsentem velle, hoc regem absentem jubere.”

[210] Will. Malms. u. s. “At illi, de muro conspicati quod vultus episcopi cum verbis oratorum non conveniret, raptim apertis portis ruunt, equos involant, omnesque cum episcopo vinctos abducunt.” This explains the shorter account in the Chronicle; “þa arisan þa men þe wæron innan þam castele, and namon þone bisceop and þes cynges men, and dydon hi on hæftmenge.” It is now that both the Chronicle and William give the names of the chief nobles who were in the castle. Henry of Huntingdon (1088, p. 215) strongly marks Odo’s treachery; “Eustachius consul et cæteri proceres qui urbi inerant, fallacia ipsius, episcopum regisque ministros ceperunt et in carcerem retruserunt.”

[211] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 104.

[212] Will. Malms, iv. 306. “Ille [rex]…. Anglos suos appellat; jubet ut compatriotas advocent ad obsidionem venire, nisi si qui velint sub nomine Niðing, quod nequam sonat, remanere. Angli, qui nihil miserius putarent quam hujusce vocabuli dedecore aduri, catervatim ad regem confluunt, et invincibilem exercitum faciunt.” This leaves out the fact that the proclamation was addressed both to French and English. The words of the Chronicle are express; “Ða se cyng undergeat þat þing, þa ferde he æfter mid þam here þe he þær hæfde, and sende ofer eall Englalande, and bead þæt ælc man þe wære unniðing sceolde cuman to him, Frencisce and Englisce, of porte and of uppelande.” We can hardly doubt that we have here the actual words of the proclamation. It must not be forgotten that, by the law of the Conqueror, Frenchmen who had settled in King Eadward’s day were counted as English. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 620.

[213] Ord. Vit. 667 B. “Animosus rex … oppidum Maio mense cum grandi exercitu potenter obsedit, firmatisque duobus castellis omnem exeundi facultatem hostibus abstulit.” It must have been late in May, as six weeks had been spent before Pevensey. Indeed, if the siege did begin in the Easter week, it must have been June.

[214] See Mr. Clark in the Archæological Journal, vol. xxxii. p. 205.

[215] This appears from the words of Florence; “Hrofenses Cantwariensibus et Lundoniensibus cædes inferunt et incendia. Landfrancus enim archiepiscopus et pene omnes optimates ejusdem provinciæ erant cum rege.” Orderic too (u. s.) points out the advantageous position of Rochester for such purposes; “In medio positi laxis habenis Lundoniam et Cantuariam devastarent.”

[216] See N. C. vol. v. p. 748.

[217] Ord. Vit. 667 C. “In oppido Rofensi plaga similis Ægyptiorum plagæ apparuit, qua Deus, qui semper res humanas curat et juste disponit, antiqua miracula nostris etiam temporibus recentia ostendit.” Nobody could eat, unless his neighbour drove away the flies; so they wielded the flapper by turns.

[218] See above, [p. 62].

[219] Will. Malms. iv. 306. “Nec diutius potuere pati oppidani quin se traderent, experti quamlibet nobilem, quamlibet consertam manum, nihil adversus regem Angliæ posse proficere.”

[220] Ord. Vit. 667 D. “Guillermum regem nuntiis petierunt ut pacem cum eis faceret, ac oppidum ab eis reciperet, tali tenore ut terras, fundos, et omnia quæ hactenus habuerant, ab ipso reciperent, et ipsi eidem ut naturali domino [cynehlaford] fideliter amodo servirent.”

[221] Ord. Vit. 667 D. “His auditis rex iratus est, et valde rigidus intumuit, et in nullo flexus legatorum postulationibus non acquievit; sed perfidos traditores in oppido virtute potenti capiendos juravit, et mox patibulis suspendendos, et aliis mortium diversis generibus de terra delendos asseruit.”

[222] Ib. “Ecce turgidi juvenes et cupiditate cæcati senes jam satis edocti sunt quod regiæ vires in hac insula nondum defecerunt. Nam qui de Normannia, tamquam milvi ad prædam, super nos cum impetu advolarunt, et in Anglia regiam stirpem defecisse arbitrati sunt, jam Guillelmum juvenem Guillelmo sene non debiliorem, cohibente Deo, experti sunt.”

[223] Ord. Vit. 668 B. “Quid sceleratis peccavi? quid illis nocui? quid mortem meam totis nisibus procuraverunt, et omnes pro posse suo contra me populos cum detrimento multorum erexerunt?”

[224] Ib. “Quisquis parcit perjuris et latronibus, plagiariis et execratis proditoribus, aufert pacem et quietem innocentibus, innumerasque cædes et damna serit bonis et inermibus.” We seem to be reading the cover of the Edinburgh Review.

[225] Ord. Vit. 668 C. “Baiocensis Odo patruus tuus est et pontificali sanctificatione præditus est.” “Cum patre tuo Anglos subjugavit”—​a merit which would hardly be pleaded in the hearing of the King’s army. He is “antistes Domini,” and so forth. “Omnes precamur ut illi benevolentiam tuam concedas et illæsum in Normanniam ad diocesim suam abire permittas.”

[226] Ib. “Comes Boloniensis patri tuo satis fuit fidelis, et in rebus arduis strenuus adjutor et contubernalis.” There must be some confusion between father and son.

[227] Ib. “Magnam Normanniæ partem possidet, fortissimisque castellis corroboratus pene omnibus vicinis suis et Neustriæ proceribus præeminet.”

[228] Here (ib. D) a hexameter peeps out;

“Idem qui lædit, fors post ut amicus obedit.”

It is the doctrine of Aias in Sophoklês (659);

ἐγὼ δ’ ἐπίσταμαι γὰρ ἀρτίως, ὅτι

ὅ τ’ ἐχθρὸς ἡμῖν ἐς τοσόνδ’ ἐχθαρτέος,

ὡς καὶ φιλήσων αὖθις.

The balancing clause was not called for.

[229] They were (ib.) “eximii tirones”—​“swiðe gode cnihtas”—​“quorum servitutem, inclite rex, parvi pendere non debes.”

[230] Ib. “Igitur, quos jam superasti potestate, divitiis, et ingenti probitate, subjuga tibi magnificentia et pietate.” On the sense of “magnificentia,” cf. N. C. vol. i. p. 261.

[231] Ord. Vit. 668 D. “Omnem spem habendi hæreditates et terras in regno ejus, quamdiu ipse regnaret, funditus abscidit.”

[232] Ord. Vit. 668 D. “Tunc Odo pontifex a rege Rufo impetrare temptavit, ne tubicines in eorum egressu tubis canerent, sicut moris est dum hostes vincuntur et parvum oppidum capitur.” Why “parvum”?

[233] Ib. “Nec se concessurum etiam propter mille auri marcos palam asseruit.”

[234] Ib. “Oppidanis cum mœrore et verecundia egredientibus, et regalibus tubis cum gratulatione clangentibus.”

[235] Ord. Vit. 669 A. “Multitudo Anglorum quæ regi adhærebat cunctis audientibus, vociferabatur, et dicebat; Torques, torques afferte, traditorem episcopum cum suis complicibus patibulis suspendite. Magne rex Anglorum, cur sospitem pateris abire incentorem malorum? Non debet vivere perjurus homicida, qui dolis et crudelitatibus peremit hominum multa milia.”

[236] Ib. “Hæc et alia probra mœstus antistes cum suis audivit.”

[237] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Se bisceop Odo mid þam mannum þe innan þam castele wæron ofer sæ ferdon, and se bisceop swa forlet þone wurðscipe þe he on þis land hæfde.” Orderic (669 A)—​in his character of “Angligena”—​moralizes; “Sic irreligiosus præsul de Anglia expulsus est, et amplissimis possessionibus spoliatus est. Tunc maximos quæstus, quos cum facinore obtinuit, justo Dei judicio cum ingenti dedecore perdidit, et confusus Baiocas rediit, nec in Angliam postmodum repedavit.”

[238] Ord. Vit. 669 A. “Anno primo Guillelmi Rufi regis, in initio æstatis, Rofensis urbs ei redita est, omniumque qui contra pacem enses acceperant, nequam commotio compressa est.” We shall see by the story of Robert of Rhuddlan, to which we shall presently come, that some of the King’s followers were at home again by the end of June.

[239] See above, [p. 74.]

[240] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Eac manige Frencisce men forleton heora land and ferdon ofer sæ, and se cyng geaf heora land þam mannum þe him holde wæron.”

[241] Ord. Vit. 669 B. “Quorumdam factiones sævissimis legibus puniit, aliquorum vero reatus ex industria dissimulavit. Antiquis baronibus, quos ab ipso aliquantum desciverat nequitia, versute pepercit, pro amore patris sui cui diu fideliter inhæserant, et pro senectutis reverentia, sciens profecto quod non eos diu vigere sinerent morbi et mors propria. Porro quidam, quanto gravius se errasse in regiam majestatem noverunt, tanto ferventius omni tempore postmodum ei famulati sunt, et tam muneribus quam servitiis ac adulationibus multis modis placere studuerunt.”

[242] See above, [p. 32.]

[243] See above, [p. 28.]

[244] See above, [p. 88.]

[245] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 409, 825, and below, [p. 139].

[246] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Tandem misi sibi rex abbatem sancti Augustini, mandans ei ut, sicut prius mandaverat sibi, ad curiam suam cum abbate veniret. Episcopus autem, inimicorum suorum insidias cum regis ira metuens, sine bono conductu se non posse venire respondet et legatos suos per abbatis conductum cum subscriptis litteris regi misit.”

[247] Ib. “Homines meos et terras et pecuniam quam vicecomites vestri ubicumque poterant, mihi abstulerunt, scilicet Offedene et Welletune quas diviserunt Odoni et Alano comitibus, cum cæteris terris in Ewerwickschire.” See above, [p. 31]. On Count Alan, see N. C. vol. iv. p. 294, and on Odo, vol. iv. pp. 301, 805.

[248] Ib. “Quod breve cum mississem Radulfo Paganello non solum mihi pacem negavit sed et de parte vestra me diffidavit.” On diffidatio see Ducange in voce. In N. C. vol. v. p. 270 we have a case of the man defying his lord. Here the lord defies his man. In either case there is the withdrawal of one side of the mutual duty of lord and man.

[249] Ib. “Hominum vero quosdam vendidit, quosdam redimi permisit.”

[250] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Hoc in veritate vobis mando quod libenter cum hoc abbate venissem, nisi plus inimicos meos et indoctam populi multitudinem timuissem quod de vestro brevi et baronum vestrorum fiducia dubitassem.”

[251] Ib. “Rex visis his litteris misit conductum episcopo et bene affidavit eum per litteras suas quod per eum vel per suos homines nullum ei damnum eveniret usque quo de rege rediens Dunelmum intraret. Perrexit ergo episcopus ad regem.”

[252] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Episcopus … deprecatus est eum ut rectitudinem sibi consentiret sicut episcopo suo. Rex autem respondit ei, Quod si laicaliter placitare vellet, et extra pacem quam rex ei dederat se mitteret, hoc modo rectitudinem sibi consentiret, et, si hoc modo placitare recusaret, Dunelmum faceret eum reconduci.”

[253] Ib. “Dunelmum rediit episcopus, cui rex interim plus quam septingentos homines cum multa præda abstulerat.”

[254] They were to have (Mon. Ang. i. 246) the “securitas et conductus regis” till they had crossed—​“donec ultra mare ad terram siccam cum rebus suis essent.” The catalogue of the “res suæ” is curious; “Et liceret eos per conductum regis secum ducere et portare [ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν] aurum et argentum, equos et pannos et arma et canes et accipitres, et sua prorsus omnia quæ de terra portari debent.” The hawks and hounds remind us of Harold setting sail from Bosham in the Tapestry. See N. C. vol. iii. p. 222.

[255] Mon. Ang. i. 246. “Episcopus dedit fidem suam Rogero Pictavensi, quod si ipse per præscriptam condicionem castellum reduceretur, et major fortitudo in castello missa vel facta esset in hominibus vel in munitione vel in castelli fortitudine quam eadem die ibi erat, episcopus totum illud destrui faceret, ita quod episcopus inde nullum proficuum haberet nec rex damnum.”

[256] Mon. Angl. i. 246. “In quarto nonas Novembris … venit episcopus Salisbiriam, quem cum Ursus de Habetot unus ex servientibus regis ad regem intrare moneret.” On Urse of Abetot, see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 173, 383, 579, 820.

[257] Ib. “Episcopus reqnisivit ab archiepiscopis utrum revestitus ingredi deberet, dixitque, ‘Nihil se prorsus acturum ibi nisi canonice et secundum ordinem suum et sibi videbatur quod ecclesiastica consuetudo exigebat ut ipse revestitus ante revestitos causam suam diceret et causantibus canonice responderet,’ Cui Lanfrancus archiepiscopus respondens, ‘bene possumus,’ inquit, ‘hoc modo vestiti de regalibus tuisque negotiis disceptare, vestes enim non impediunt veritatem,’”

[258] See William FitzStephen, iii. 56, Robertson.

[259] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Episcopus surgens precatus est regem ut episcopatum suum quem jamdiu sine judicio abstulerat sibi redderet. Lanfrancus vero, rege tacente, dixit, ‘Rex de episcopatu tuo nihil tibi abstulit vel aliquis per eam neque breve suum vidisti per quod te de episcopatu tuo dissaisiret vel dissaisiri præciperet.’”

[260] The Bishop now tells his grievances at length. After other wrongs the King “misit comites et barones cum exercitu suo, et per eos totum episcopatum meum vastavit, terras quoque et homines et pecuniam Sancti Cuthberti et meam mihi abstulit. Nostram etiam sedem me ad tempus abjuvare coegit; ipsi etiam casati ecclesiæ qui mei homines ligii fuerant et quidquid habebant de casamento ecclesiæ tenebat ex præcepto regis guerram mihi fecerunt, et terras suas de rege tenentes pacifice hic eos cum rege video adversum me convenisse.”

[261] “Rectitudinem facere” is the technical phrase. See Appendix C.

[262] “Tunc laici hujusmodi verbis Lanfranci totius Angliæ primatis animati, adversus episcopum exclamantes dixerunt ‘injustum esse quod rex episcopo responderet antequam regi fecisset justitiam.’ Laicis vero hæc et alia multa declamantibus et iterantibus, facto silentio, dixit episcopus.”

[263] “Domini barones et laici, permittite me, quæso, quæ dicturus sum regi dicere, archiepiscopis et episcopis respondere, quia nihil vobis habeo dicere, et, sicut huc non veni judicium vestrum recepturus, ita illud omnino recuso, et si domino nostri regi et archiepiscopis et episcopis placuisset vos hic negotio interesse, nec me taliter obloqui decuisset.”

[264] See the complaints from the ecclesiastical side in N. C. vol. iv. p. 436.

[265] Mon. Angl. i. 247. “Tunc Rogerus Bygotus dixit regi, ‘Vos debetis episcopo dicere unde eum appellare vultis, et postea, si ipse nobis voluerit respondere de responsione sua facite eum judicari; sin autem, facite inde quod barones vestri vobis consulerent.’”

[266] I cannot identify this Hugh. “Hugo cognomento pauper” (Ord. Vit. 806 A), son of Count Robert of Meulan, and afterwards Earl of Bedford (Gest. Steph. 61), was not yet born.

[267] See above, [p. 30].

[268] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Rex te appellat quod, cum ipse audivit quod inimici sui super eum veniebant, et homines sui, episcopus scilicet Baiocensis et Rogerus comes et alii plures regnum suum pariter sibi et coronam auferre volebant, et ipse per consilium tuum contra illos equitabat.” There is something odd in this calm mention of Earl Roger as an open rebel.

[269] See above, [p. 28].

[270] Macaulay, ii. 496–499, 510, 511.

[271] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Episcopus autem Hugoni respondit, ‘Hugo, dicas quidquid volueris, non tibi tamen hodie respondebo.’”

[272] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Tum multum tumultuantes laici, quidam rationibus, quidam vero contumeliis, adversus episcopum deiterarent.”

[273] Ib. “Domini archiepiscopi, nos non oporteret diutius hæc ita considerare, sed deceret nos surgere et episcopos et abbates convocare, quosdam etiam baronum et comitum istorum nobiscum habere, et cum eis juste decernere si episcopus debeat prius investiri vel ante investituram de querelis regis intrare in placitum.” The text has “S. Constantiensis episcopus,” but Bishop Geoffrey must be meant.

[274] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Ad hæc Lanfrancus archiepiscopus, ‘Non est necesse,’ inquit, ‘nos surgere, sed episcopus et homines sui egrediantur, et nos remanentes, tam clerici quam laici, consideremus equaliter quid inde juste facere debeamus.’”

[275] Ib. “Vade, nos enim juste faciemus quidquid fecerimus.”

[276] Ib. “Si ego hodie te et tuum ordinem judicare non potero, tu vel tuus ordo nunquam me amplius judicabitis.”

[277] Ib. “Vide autem qui in domo ista remanent et me judicare disponunt ut et canonicos judices habeant et canonice me judicent; si enim aliter agerent, eorum judicia penitus recusarem.”

[278] Ib. “Rege, cum suis episcopis et consulibus et vicecomitibus et præpositis et venatoribus aliisque quorumlibet officiorum, in judicio remanente.”

[279] We have met with Osgeat the Reeve in Domesday. See N. C. vol. v. p. 812. Croc the hunter, like others of his craft, appears in 49, 74 b. See Ellis, i. 403. This odd mixture of great and small officials is not unusual. In the “Constitutio Domus Regis” in Hearne’s Liber Niger, i. 341, the descent from the Chancellor to the bakers and cooks—​the huntsmen come at the end—​is more sudden than one would have looked for, though certain chaplains and seneschals break the fall.

[280] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878.

[281] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Dominus noster archiepiscopus et regis curia vobis judicat quod rectitudinem regi facere debetis antequam de vestro feodo revestiat.”

[282] Ib. “Nullus mihi hodie vel ego alicui de feodo feci verbum,” says Bishop William. To which Archbishop Thomas answers, “Vobis judicat curia ista, quia de nulla re debet vos rex resaissire antequam sibi rectitudinem faciatis.”

[283] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Episcopi sunt judices, et eos ad consilium tuum habere non debes.”

[284] Ib. “Cum tuis ibi consule, quia de nostris in consilio tuo nullum prorsus habebis.”

[285] Ib. “Parum consilii in his septem hominibus habeo contra virtutem et scientiam totius hujus regni quod hic adversum me video congregatum.”

[286] Mon. Angl. u. s. “In lege nostra prohibitum invenio, ne tale judicium suspiciam.” This strange phrase, twice repeated, most likely refers to the False Decretals, of which he seems to have had a copy with him. See below, [p. 109].

[287] Ib. “Apostolicam sedem Romanam, sanctam ecclesiam et beatum Petrum ejusque vicarium appello, ut ipsius ordinatione negotii mei justam sententiam suscipere merear, cujus dispositioni majores causas ecclesiasticas et episcoporum judicia antiqua apostolorum eorumque successorum atque canonum auctoritas reservavit.” Yet, according to the doctrine held long after by Thomas Stubbs (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 260), the Bishop of Durham need not have gone very far to find a Vicar of Saint Peter.

[288] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 338.

[289] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Dispoliatus episcopio extra provinciam meam, absentibus omnibus comprovincialibus meis, in laicali conventu causam meam dicere compellor.”

[290] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Nos non de episcopio sed de tuo te feodo judicamus, et hoc modo judicavimus Baiocensem episcopum ante patrem hujus regis de feodo suo, nec rex vocabat eum episcopum in placito illo, sed fratrem et comitem.”

[291] Ib. “Quia Dei gratia sapientissimus et nominatissimus estis, in hoc sapere vestrum tam sublime intelligo, quod parvitas mea illud comprehendere non potest; sed apostolicam sedem quam ex necessitate appellavi per licentiam regis et vestram adire volo.”

[292] Mon. Ang. u. s. “In omni loco in quo non violentia sed justitia dominetur, de scelere et perjurio me purgare paratus sum, et hoc quod hic pro judicio recitasti in Romana ecclesia falsum et injuste dictum esse monstrabo.”

[293] Ib. “In curia ista nullum ad præsens placitum subintrabo, quia nihil ibi tam bene dicerem quin fautores regis depravando perverterent, qui ipsam et non reverentes apostolicam auctoritatem post ejus appellationem me judicio non legali gravant, sed Dei et Sancti Petri postulans auxilium Romam vadam.”

[294] Ib. “Tunc rex ait, ‘Modo volo ut castellum tuum mihi reddas, quoniam judicium meæ curiæ non sequeris.’”

[295] Mon. Ang. i. 248. “Per vultum de Luca nunquam exibis de manibus meis donec castellum habeam.”

[296] Ib. “Ego passus sum per tres servientes vestros aufferri mihi terras et pecuniam ecclesiæ, præsentibus centum meis militibus, et in nullo prorsus vobis restiti.”

[297] Durham is described as “Urbs ipsa in qua sedes est ecclesiæ.” The Bishop adds; “Paratus sum bonos obsides et fiducias dare vobis, quod homines mei quos ibi dum Romam vado volo dimittere in fidelitate vestra eam custodient, et, si volueritis, libenter vobis servient.”

[298] “Tunc rex ait, ‘In veritate credas, episcope, quod nullo modo Dunelmum reverteris et quod homines tui Dunelmi nullatenus remanebunt, nec tu manus meas evades donec castellum tuum liberum mihi reddas.’”

[299] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Si episcopus amplius castellum suum vobis contradixerit, bene eum capere potestis, quia conductum quem hactenus habuit nunc dimittit, cum prior conventionem frangit, et barones vestros probare appetit quod fidem suam servarent non bene.”

[300] On Randolf Peverel and his alleged connexion with William, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 662; iv. 200; v. 26.

[301] Mon. Angl. i. 248. “Tunc Radulfus Piperellus et omnes laici unanimiter conclamantes dixerunt; ‘Capite eum, capite eum, bene enim loquitur iste vetustus ligaminarius.’” One would like to have the original French of this somewhat irreverent description of the Archbishop, but gaoler seems to be the most likely meaning of the unusual word ligaminarius.

[302] Ib. “Multum precor dominum meum regem ne fidem meam inde faciat me mentiri, nullum enim proficuum in me haberet ulterius.”

[303] Ib. “Rex bene vos adquietavit; plenam namque rectitudinem episcopo obtulit, et ipse eam vobis audientibus recusavit, regem quoque Romam injuste invitavit; recognoscat igitur episcopus hoc justum fecisse judicium, et si illud sequi nollet, et rex sibi naves inveniet et conductum.”

[304] “Christianam legem quam hic scriptam habeo, testem invoco.” See above, [p. 104].

[305] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Non est justum ut placitum vel judicium regis pro aliqua contradictione longius procedat, sed quotiens in curia sua judicium agitur, ibidem necesse est ut concedatur vel contradicatur, tu ergo judicium nostrum vel hic concede, vel hic evidenti ratione contradicito.”

[306] Ib. “Rex ait, ‘Dicas licet quidquid velis, non tamen effugies manus meas nisi castellum prius mihi reddas.’” The Bishop has just before spoken of “Roma, ubi debeo et ubi justitia magis quam violentia.”

[307] Ib. “Cum vos non solum episcopatum, verum et omnia mea, injuste abstuleritis, et ipsam modo sedem violenter auferre velitis, pro nulla re quam facere possim capi me patiar.”

[308] Ib. “Constituta est ergo dies qua episcopus urbem suis hominibus vacuaret et rex ibi suos poneret.”

[309] Ib. “Tu pro regis damno et omnium nostrorum dedecore vadis Romam, et ipse tibi terram dimitteret? Remane in terra sua, et ipse episcopatum tuum præter urbem tibi reddet, ea conditione quod in curia sua judicio baronum suorum rectitudinem sibi facias.”

[310] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Ego apostolicam sedem appellavi, quia in curia ejus nullum justum judicio audio et nullo modo dimittam quin illuc vadam.”

[311] Ib. “Tunc rex ait, ‘Faciat mihi episcopus fiduciam quod damnum meum citra mare non quærat vel recipiat, et quod naves meas quas sibi inveniam non detinebit frater meus vel aliquis suorum ad damnum meum contra nautarum voluntatem.’”

[312] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Reginaldus Paganellus ait, ‘Certe comites vestri promiserunt hoc quod dicit episcopus et convenienter inde eos custodite.’” “Reginaldus” must surely be a slip for “Radulfus.”

[313] Ib. “‘Tace,’ inquit rex, ‘quia pro nullius fiducia naves meas perdere patiar, sed, si episcopus inde se fiduciam fecisse cognoverit, super illam aliam non requiram.’”

[314] Ib. “Tunc rex iratus ait, ‘Per vultum de Luca, in hoc anno mare non transibis, nisi fiduciam quam de navibus requiro prius modo feceris.’”

[315] Ib. “Faciam hanc et multo majorem, si necesse fuerit, fiduciam antequam hic in captione detinear; sed bene omnes audiant quod ea invitus faciam et captionis timore coactus.”

[316] Ib. “Rex ait, ‘Nullum conductum habebis, sed Wiltone moraberis donec ego vere sciam quod castellum habeam in mea potestate, et tunc demum naves recipies et conductum.’” Wilton seems an odd place for the purpose; should it be “Wintonie?”

[317] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Cum quod vellem et deberem facere non valeam, hoc ipsum quod dicitis injuste patiar et coactus.”

[318] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 215. “Walterus de Haiencora,” or “Haiencorn,” must be a corruption of his name.

[319] Mon. Angl. i. 249. “Precamur vos ut faciatis domino meo reddi pecuniam.” The name of the speaker is given as “Willelmus de Merlao.”

[320] Ib. “Rex ait, ‘Videant barones isti si ego juste possum implacitare episcopum.’”

[321] Ib. “Injustum esset si amplius implacitaretis eum, cum de vobis mihi teneat et securum conductum habere debeat.”

[322] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Bene scias, episcope, quod nunquam transfretabis donec castellum tuum habeam; episcopus enim Baiocensis inde me castigavit.”

[323] Gilbert of Bretevile appears as a considerable landowner in Hampshire (Domesday, 48) and Wiltshire (71). He may have been Sheriff of either shire.

[324] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 215, 800. Besides Erneis himself, we have heard of a Ralph Fitz-Erneis at Senlac, vol. iii. p. 494.

[325] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Dissaisiverunt episcopum de ecclesia et de castello et de omni terra sua xviii. Kal. Dec., et liberaverunt hominibus episcopi Helponem balistarium regis.” The King’s writ follows. Helpo must be Heppo. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 216. See Appendix C.

[326] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Accepit Ivo Taillesbosci duos milites episcopi, et coegit eos placitare de animalibus Constantiensis episcopi de quibus judicatum fuerat ante regem Dunelmensi episcopo non debere respondere.” It is of course possible that there might be some ground for impleading the knights, though not for impleading the Bishop.

[327] He had before asked; “dum in Anglia fuero, habetote mecum unum bonum hominem, qui et hospitia mihi inveniat et ab impedimento me defendat.” The “good man” assigned is “Robertus de Comitisvilla.” One would think that he was a kinsman of the husband of Herleva, the King’s step-grandfather.

[328] Roger in the text; but Robert must surely be meant.

[329] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Illi responderunt se nullam sibi navem liberaturos, et dixerunt regem sibi præcepisse ut bene servarent episcopum, ne de potestate regis exiret usque quo quid de eo fieri præciperet, illis per suas sigillatas literas remandaret.”

[330] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Venerunt ad eum Salesberiensis episcopus et Robertus de Insula et Ricardus de Cultura, et summonuerunt eum de parte regis, Kal. Decembr., ut in nativitate Domini esset Londoniæ ad curiam regis, et faceret ei rectitudinem de Gaufrido monacho suo, qui, postquam episcopus ad curiam venerat, de dominicatu episcopi quingenta et triginta novem animalia acceperat, et munitionem castelli abstulerat de quibusdam suis aliis hominibus, qui unum hominem regis occiderant.” The Gemót was therefore to be at Westminster, not in its regular place at Gloucester.

[331] Ib. “Quamvis juste facere potuissem, potui enim de meis facere quidquid volui, usquequo de mea sede me dissaisivit.”

[332] Ib. “Ad curiam ejus amplius ire non possum, ipse enim omnia mea mihi abstulit, et equos meos jam venditos manducavi.”

[333] He offers, “Solus, si liceat, transfretabo.”

[334] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Rex misit ei Wintoniensem episcopum et Hugonem de Portu et Gaufridum de Traileio, et per illos sibi mandavit ut Gaufridum monachum ad placitandum de prædictis forisfactis Dunelmum mitteret, et ipse Londoniam iret, ut in nativitate Domini de hominibus suis ibi rectitudinem regi faceret.”

[335] Ib. “Episcopus tristis misit ad comites Alanum et Rogerum et Odonem, mandans eis impedimenta sua, et conjuravit eos per eam fidem quam in baptismo susceperant et quam sibi promiserant.”

[336] Ib. “A Roberto fratre regis comite Normannorum honorifice susceptus, totius Normanniæ curam suscepit.”

[337] See above, [p. 91], where he is afraid of the “indocta multitudo.”

[338] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 502, 675.

[339] Ann. Camb. 1087. “Resus filius Teudur a regno suo expulsus est a filiis Bledint, scilicet Madauc, Cadugan, et Ririt. Resus vero ex Hibernia classem duxit et revertitur in Britanniam.” The Brut is to the same effect.

[340] Ib. “Ingentem censum captivorum gentilibus et Scotis filius Teudur tradidit.” The Brut for “gentiles et Scoti” has “Yscotteit ar Gúydyl,” marking the Gwyddyl as heathen Ostmen. This is the most common use of the word in the British writers; but we can hardly think that the Scots here spoken of are Scots in the elder sense.

[341] In Ann. Camb. 1082, Trahaern (see N. C. iv. 675), with others, “a Reso filio Teudur et a Grifino filio Conani occidisus est.” This Gruffydd must be distinguished from Gruffydd son of Meredydd. He may be the “Grifin puer” of Domesday, 180 b. “Griffin rex” in p. 269 is surely Gruffydd son of Llywelyn.

[342] Ord. Vit. 669 B. “Grithfridus rex Guallorum cum exercitu suo fines Angliæ invasit, et circa Rodelentum magnam stragem hominum et incendia fecit, ingentem quoque prædam cepit, hominesque in captivitatem duxit.”

[343] Orderic (u. s.) specially marks Gruffydd’s invasion as happening “cum supradicta tempestate vehementer Anglia undique concuteretur et mutuis vulneribus incolæ regni quotidie mactarentur.”

[344] See above, pp. [34], [47]. Now is the time for the exploits of the grandsons of Jestyn ap Gwrgan. See N. C. vol. v. p. 822, and Appendix DD.

[345] We have seen him among the rebels. See above, [p. 34].

[346] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Robertus Rodelenti princeps de obsidione Rofensi rediens, et tam atroces damnososque sibi rumores comperiens, vehementer dolens ingemuit, et terribilibus minis iram suam evidenter aperuit.”

[347] Ib. 670 B. “Tertio die Julii Grithfridus rex Guallorum cum tribus navibus sub montem qui dicitur Hormaheva littori appulsus est.” It needs a moment’s thought to see that Hormaheva is Ormesheafod, the Orm’s Head. Here the name bears the Scandinavian form given to it doubtless by Northern rovers. The Worm’s Head in Gower, in its English form, marks the presence of Low-Dutch settlers, whether Flemish or Saxon.

[348] Ord. Vit. 670 B. “Incolis Britonibus sævo Marte repulsis, fines suos dilatavit, et in monte Dagaunoth, qui mari contiguus est, fortissimum castellum condidit.” Orderic has clearly got hold of the right names and the right incidents; but he has misconceived the topography.

Dwyganwy passes as the stronghold of that Maglocunus or Maelgwyn, whom Gildas (Ep. 33) addresses as “insularis draco, multorum tyrannorum depulsor, tam regno quam etiam vita” (cf. Nennius, c. 62, and Ann. Camb. 547, the year of his death). See Giraldus, It. Kamb. ii. 10; Descrip. Kamb. i. 5 (where he calls it “nobile castellum”), vol. vi. pp. 136, 176.

[349] Ord. Vit. 670 C. “Interim mare fluctus suos retraxit, et in sicco litore classis piratarum stetit. Grithfridus autem cum suis per maritima discurrit, homines et armenta rapuit, et ad naves exsiccatas festine remeavit.”

[350] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 176.

[351] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Clamor vulgi Robertum meridie dormitantem excitavit, eique hostilem discursum per terram suam nuntiavit. Ille vero, ut jacebat, impiger surrexit, et mox præcones ad congregandum agmen armatorum per totam regionem direxit. Porro ipse cum paucis bellatoribus imparatus Guallos prosecutus est, et de vertice montis Hormohevæ, qui nimis arduus est, captivos a piratis ligari, et in naves cum pecoribus præcipitari speculatus est.”

Orderic must surely have confounded the Orm’s Head itself with the lower hill of Dwyganwy. It is there, in or near his own castle, that we must conceive Robert sleeping, not on the Orm’s Head itself, or on any casual point of the flat ground between the two. To climb the higher of the two peaks of Dwyganwy would be perfectly natural, and would give him a wide enough view over the whole country. But to conceive him first crossing the flat, and then climbing a huge mountain for no particular object, seems quite out of the question.

[352] Ib. “Marchisus audax, ut leo nobilis, vehementer infremuit, hominesque paucos qui secum inermes erant, ut, antequam æstus maris rediret, super Guallos in sicco litore irruerent, admonuit.”

[353] Ord. Vit. 670 C. “Prætendunt suorum paucitatem, et per ardui montis præcipitium descendendi difficultatem.”

[354] Ib. “Nimis doluit, impatiensque moræ per difficilem descensum sine lorica cum uno milite nomine Osberno de Orgeriis, ad hostes descendit.” I cannot identify this Osbern, unless he be “Osbernus filius Tezonis,” who in Domesday (267 b, 268 b) holds a good deal of land in Cheshire under Earl Hugh, but none seemingly under Robert himself. For Orgères see Stapleton, ii. lxxxv.

[355] Ib. 670 D. “Quem cum viderent solo clypeo protectum et uno tantum milite stipatum, omnes pariter in illum missilia destinant, et scutum ejus jaculis intolerabiliter onerant, et egregium militem letaliter vulnerant. Nullus tamen, quamdiu stetit et parmam tenuit, ad eum comminus accedere, vel eum ense impetere ausus fuit.” Cf. the account of the death of Siccius in Dion. Hal. xi. 26. He has an ὑπασπιστής to play the part of Osbern of Orgères.

[356] Ib. “Bellicosus heros spiculis confossus genua flexit, et scutum missilibus nimis onustum viribus effœtus dimisit.”

[357] Ib. “In conspectu suorum caput ejus abscindunt ac super malum navis pro signo victoriæ suspendunt.”

[358] Ord. Vit. 670 D. “Classe parata piratas per mare fugientes persequebantur nimis tristes, dum caput principis sui super malum puppis intuebantur.”

[359] Ib. 671 A. “Cum nimio luctu Anglorum et Normannorum.” This may be well believed. Normans and English soon forgot their own differences in warfare with the Welsh.

[360] But Orderic has forgotten his dates when he says, “Nuper illud cœnobium Hugo Cestrensis consul construxerat, eique Ricardus Beccensis monachus abbas præerat.” We shall see as we go on that the monks were not planted at Saint Werburh’s till 1092 (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 312, 491). It is now that Orderic speaks of the “belluini cœtus”—​we are not told whether they were Norman, English, or Welsh—​among whom Abbot Richard had to labour.

[361] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 489.

[362] His gifts in lands, tithes, and villains, in Normandy and in England, are reckoned up by Orderic, 669 C, D. Among them was “in civitate Cestra ecclesiam sancti Petri de mercato et tres hospites.”

[363] Ord. Vit. 671 B. “Rainaldus pictor, cognomento Bartolomæus, variis coloribus arcum tumulumque depinxit.”

[364] Ib. “Vitalis Angligena satis ab Ernaldo rogatus epitaphium elegiacis versibus hoc modo edidit.”

[365] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 490.

[366] Ord. Vit. 672 A;

“Eripe tartareis Robertum, Christe, camœnis [caminis];

Est nimis ipse reus; terge, precor, facinus;”

with four more lines to the same effect.

[367] Ord. Vit. 671 C, D.

“Montem Snaudunum fluviumque citum Colvenum,

Pluribus armatis transiliit vicibus.

Præcipuam pulcro Blideno rege fugato

Prædam cum paucis cepit in insidiis.

Duxit captivum lorisque ligavit Hoëllum

Qui tunc Wallensi rex præerat manui.

Cepit Grithfridum regem vicitque Trehellum;

Sic micuit crebris militiæ titulis.

Attamen incaute Wallenses ausus adire,

Occidit æstivi principio Julii.

Prodidit Owenius, rex est gavisus Hovellus;

Facta vindicta monte sub Hormaheva.

Ense caput secuit Grithfridus, et in mare jecit,

Soma quidem reliquum possidet hunc loculum.”

The exploits of Robert fully entitled him to Orderic’s pet Greek word. “Colvenus” must be some corrupt form of Conwy.

[368] We have seen that, in describing the rebellion of 1088, the words of the Chronicler are, “þa riceste Frencisce men þe weron innan þisan lande wolden swican heora hlaforde þam cynge.” In 1101 we read simply, “þa sona þæeræfter wurdon þa heafod men her on lande wiðerræden togeanes þam cynge.”

[369] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 308.

[370] I refer to the passage which I have already quoted in N. C. vol. v. p. 830, where William Rufus, just before his death (Ord. Vit. 782 B), mocks at the English regard for omens; “Num prosequi me ritum autumat Anglorum, qui pro sternutatione et somnio vetularum dimittunt iter suum seu negotium?”

[371] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 393.

[372] Stigand appears in the list of deaths which accompanied that of William in the Chronicle, where one would think that the persons spoken of died after him; but in the less rhetorical account of the same year in Florence they seem to have died before him. The Life of Lanfranc at the end of the Chronicles records the consecrations and benediction of all the three prelates with whom we are concerned, Geoffrey, Guy, and John, in 1088; “Cantuariæ, in sede metropoli, examinavit atque sacravit.” Cf. Gervase, X Scriptt. 1654.

[373] See Stephens’ Memorials of Chichester, p. 47.

[374] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 459.

[375] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 195 draws a curious picture of him; “Erat medicus probatissimus, non scientia sed usu, ut fama, nescio an vera, dispersit. Litteratorum contubernio gaudens, ut eorum societate aliquid sibi laudis ascisceret; salsioris tamen in obloquentes dicacitatis quam gradus ejus interesse deberet.” He had just before described him as “natione Turonicus, professione medicus, qui non minimum quæstum illo conflaverat artificio.” The local writer in the Historiola (21) calls him “vir prudens et providus.”

[376] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 417.

[377] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 411.

[378] See Appendix F.

[379] See above, [p. 41].

[380] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 196. “Cessit Andreas Simoni, frater fratri, minor majori.” Yet before the west front of the church of Wells there can be no doubt who was there looked on as the very chiefest apostle.

[381] See Appendix F.

[382] See Appendix F.

[383] Will. Malms. 195. “Sepultus est in ecclesia sancti Petri, quam a fundamentis erexerat, magno et elaborato parietum ambitu.”

[384] The like usage is still more remarkable at Durham and Carlisle, churches which never had an abbot distinct from the bishop. At Carlisle the “abbey” seems to mean the monastic precinct rather than the church itself.

[385] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 409. The story is told in the Winchester Appendix to the Chronicles.

[386] Chron. Wint. App. 1089. “Post ejus [Lanfranci] obitum, monachi sancti Augustini, præfato abbati suo Widoni palam resistentes, cives Cantuariæ contra eum concitaverunt, qui illum armata manu in sua domo interimere temptaverunt. Cujus familia cum resisteret, pluribus utrimque vulneratis et quibusdam interfectis, vix abbas inter manus illorum illæsus evasit, et ad matrem ecclesiam, quærendo auxilium, Cantuariam, fugit.” This last odd expression must be owing to the fact that Saint Augustine’s stood outside the walls.

[387] Chron. Wint. App. “Coram populo subire disciplinam, quia palam peccaverant, ii qui advenerant, decreverunt; sed prior et monachi ecclesiæ Christi, pietate moti, restiterunt; ne, si palam punirentur, infames deinceps fierent, sicque eorum vita ac servitus contemneretur. Igitur concessum est ut in ecclesia fieret, ubi non populus, sed soli ad hoc electi admitterentur.”

Thierry, who of course colours the whole story after his fashion, becomes (ii. 140) not a little amusing at this point. The flogging was done by two monks of Christ Church, “Wido et Normannus.” If one stopped to think of matters of nationality at such a moment, we might admire the impartiality of the Norman bishops in entrusting the painful duty to a monk of each nation, somewhat on the principle of a mixed jury. For no one can doubt that Normannus, Northman, was as good an Englishman as Northman the son of Earl Leofwine and other English bearers of that name. Thierry, on the other hand, tells us that the whipping was done by “deux religieux étrangers, appelés Guy et Le Normand.” He seemingly mistook the Christian name “Normannus” for the modern surname “Lenormand,” and he forgot that this last could be borne only by one whose forefathers had moved from Normandy to some other French-speaking land.

[388] Chron. Wint. App.

[389] Ib. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 410.

[390] See Lanfranc, Ep. 67 (i. 80, ed. Giles); N. C. vol. iv. p. 439.

[391] Chron. Petrib. 1089. “On þisum geare se arwurða muneca feder and frouer Landfranc arcebisceop gewat of þissum life, ac we hopiað þæt he ferde to þæt heofanlice rice.”

[392] The exact date comes from his Life, 52 (i. 312, ed. Giles); “anno archiepiscopatus xix, v. calendas Junii diem clausit extremum.” The Latin Chronicler gives us the exact measure of his primacy; “In sede pontificali sedit annis decem et octo, mensibus ix. duobus diebus.” The Life gives us his epitaph, which begins;

“Hic tumulus claudit quem nulla sub orbe Latino

Gens ignoravit.”

See N. C. vol. ii. p. 636.

[393] Vita Lanfranci, 52 (i. 312, ed. Giles). “Cum immineret dies ipsius dedicationis, sicut mos est, omnia corpora de ecclesia elata fuerunt. Tunc quidam frater, sive curiositate, seu quod magis credibile est, pro reliquiis habendam de casula gloriosi Lanfranci abscidit particulam; de qua miri odoris suavitas efflagrabat. Ostendit aliis, qui et ipsi senserunt odoris fragrantiam. Qua de re intellegi datur, quod anima illius in magna suavitate requiescit; cujus corporis indumenta tanto odore redolent.”

[394] Vita Lanf. ib. “Dolor omnibus incomparabilis, et luctus inconsolabilis suis.”

[395] See the passages from William of Malmesbury quoted in Appendix G.

[396] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 14. “Cum posthac in regno fuisset confirmatus, postposita pollicitatione sua, in contraria dilapsus est. Super quo cum a Lanfranco modeste redargueretur, et ei sponsio fidei non servatæ opponeretur, furore succensus, ‘Quis,’ ait, ‘est qui cuncta quæ promittit implere possit?’ Ex hoc igitur non rectis oculis super pontificem intendere valebat, licet a nonnullis ad quæ illum voluntas sua trahebat, ipsius respectu, eo superstite, temperaverit.”

[397] See above, [p. 25].

[398] Will. Malms. iv. 321. “Si quis desiderat scire corporis ejus qualitatem, noverit eum fuisse corpore quadrato, colore rufo, crine subflavo, fronte fenestrata, oculo vario, quibusdam intermicantibus guttis distincto; præcipuo robore, quamquam non magnæ staturæ, et ventre paullo projectiore. Eloquentiæ nullæ, sed titubantia linguæ notabilis, maxime cum ira succresceret.” Cf. the description of Robert, N. C. vol. iv. p. 633.

[399] So for instance Orderic (667 B); “Rex ergo Rufus indigenarum hortatu promptior surrexit,” and William of Malmesbury (iv. 306), “Quomodo adversarios rex Rufus vicerit.” So again Wace (14496);

“Por devise del nom k’il out,

Ki à son pere ressemblout,

Kar chescun Willame aveit nom,

Out li filz poiz Ros à sornom.”

Presently (14513) he is “li reis Ros.” The use of the nickname in this way was the more easy, because Rufus was a real name which had been borne by other men, while nobody had ever been called Curthose. See on the name Martel, N. C. vol. ii. p. 280; vol. v. p. 569.

I do not know that any one except Matthew Paris has turned the Red King into a Red Dragon. He does so twice. Hist. Angl. i. 97, “Rex Willelmus, qui a multis rubeus draco cognominabatur;” and again, i. 167, “Rex Willelmus, draco rubeus—​sic enim eum appellabant propter tyrannidem.”

[400] M. Gaston le Hardy, the apologist of Duke Robert (Le Dernier des Ducs Normands, Caen, 1880, p. 41), refers to the Monasticon and Orderic for the statement that William Rufus was called “comes” in his father’s life-time. But I cannot find the places. Has he got hold of any signature of Earl William Fitz-Osbern?

[401] Will. Malms. iv. 305. “Emensa pueritia, in militari exercitio adolescentiam egit; equitari, jaculari, certare cum primævis obsequio, cum æquævis officio. Jacturam virtutis putare si forte in militari tumultu alter eo prior arma corriperet, et nisi primus ex adverso provocaret, vel provocantem dejiceret.”

[402] Ib. “Genitori in omnibus obsequelam gerens, ejus se oculis in bello ostentans, ejus lateri in pace obambulans. Spe sensim scaturiente, jam successioni inhians, maximum post abdicationem fratris majoris, cum et tirocinium minoris nonnihil suspiceret.”

[403] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 644.

[404] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 629.

[405] A great part of the description of Tiberius given by Tacitus (Ann. vi. 51) applies to William Rufus; only we cannot make out quite so many stages in the moral downfall of the Red King. “Egregium vita famaque quoad privatus vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit; occultum et subdolum fingendis virtutibus donec Germanicus ac Drusus superfuere: idem inter bona malaque mixtus, incolumi matre.” These are words of almost the same meaning as some of the expressions of Eadmer and William of Malmesbury. See specially Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 14; “Confestim [after Lanfranc’s death] rex foras expressit quod in suo pectore, illo vivente, confotum habuit.” In any case we may say, “postremo in scelera simul ac dedecora prorupit, postquam, remoto pudore et metu, suo tantum ingenio utebatur.” The change in William after Lanfranc’s death is most strongly brought out by Matthew Paris, Hist. Angl. i. 38.

[406] This is well drawn out by Dean Church, Anselm, 156, 157.

[407] Ord. Vit. 680 A. “Tenacis memoriæ, et ardentis ad bonum seu malum voluntatis erat.” Nearly to the same effect are the words of the Hyde writer (299); “Erat quidem operibus levis, sed verbis, ut aiunt, in tantum stabilis ut, si cui bonum vel malum promisisset, certus inde satis exsistere posset.”

[408] See Appendix G.

[409] See Historical Essays, Second Series, p. 343.

[410] Will. Malms. iv. 312. “Erat in foris et in conventu hominum tumido vultu erectus, minaci oculo adstantem defigens, et affectato rigore feroci voce colloquentem reverberans.”

[411] Ib. “Intus et in triclinio cum privatis, omni lenitate accommodus, multa joco transigebat; facetissimus quoque de aliquo suo perperam facto cavillator, ut invidiam facti dilueret et ad sales transferret.”

[412] This tale is told by William of Malmesbury (iv. 313) in illustration of the general character of Rufus, as “homo qui nesciret cujuscumque rei effringere pretium vel æstimare commercium.” He adds, “vestium suarum pretium in immensum extolli volebat, dedignans si quis alleviasset.” In the story which follows, the King’s speech to the chamberlain is characteristically vigorous; “Indignabundus et fremens, ‘Fili,’ ait, ‘meretricis, ex quo habet rex caligas tam exilis pretii?’” We are not surprised to hear that the officer got rich in the service of such a master; “Ita cubicularius ex eo pretium vestimentorum ejus pro voluntate numerabat, multa perinde suis utilitatibus nundinatus.” So there is a story told of a rich patient who despised the cheapness of Galen’s prescriptions, and asked him to order something dearer. See Friedländer, Sittengeschichte Roms, i. 339.

[413] Take for instance Suger (Duchèsne, iv. 283); “Ille opulentus et Anglorum thesaurorum profusor, mirabilisque militum mercator et solidator.”

[414] See Appendix G.

[415] Will. Malms. iv. 313. “Cui pro libito venditor distraheret mercimonium et miles pacisceretur stipendium.” This comes in the passage quoted in the last page.

[416] Ib. “Cum primis initiis regni metu turbarum milites congregasset, nihil illis denegandum putabat, majora in futurum pollicitus. Itaque quia paternos thesauros evacuaret impigre, et modicæ ei pensiones numerabantur, jam substantia defecerat.”

[417] Ib. “Sed animus largiendi non deerat, quod usu donandi pene in naturam verterat.”

[418] See the extract from the Chronicle, below, [p. 155.]

[419] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 621.

[420] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Cujuscumque conditionis homunculus, cujuscumque criminis reus, statim ut de lucro regis appellasset, audiebatur; ab ipsis latronis faucibus resolvebatur laqueus si promisisset regale commodum.”

[421] See Appendix G.

[422] We shall see some instances as we go on, specially the story told by William of Malmesbury, iv. 309.

[423] William of Malmesbury, iv. 314. “A buccis miserorum cibos abstrahentes.”

[424] See Appendix G.

[425] See N. C. vol. v. p. 159. The evil went on under Henry until the passing of this statute, as we see by the terrible complaint of the Chronicler in the year 1104; “æfre ealswa se cyng for, full hergung þurh his hired uppon his wreccea folc wæs, and þær onmang for oft bærneta and manslihtas.”

[426] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “He wæs swiðe strang and reðe ofer his land and his mænn and wið ealle his neahheburas, and swiðe ondrædendlic, and þurh yfelra manna rædas þe him æfre gecweme wæran and þurh his agene gitsunga, he æfre þas leode mid here and mid ungylde tyrwigende wæs, forþan þe on his dagan ælc riht afeoll and ælc unriht for Gode and for worulde úp aras.”

[427] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 436, 754.

[428] Will. Malms. iv. 319. “Venationes, quas rex primo indulserat, adeo prohibuit ut capitale esset supplicium prendisse cervum.” Contrast this with his father’s law in N. C. vol. iv. p. 621.

[429] The story is told by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 48. It is brought in as an illustration of the impiety of Rufus rather than of his cruelty.

[430] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 48. “Quinquaginta circiter viri quibus adhuc illis diebus ex antiqua Anglorum ingenuitate divitiarum quædam vestigia arridere videbantur.”

[431] Ib. “Negant illi; unde statim ad judicium rapti, judicantur injectam calumniam examine igniti ferri a se propulsare debere. Statuto itaque die præfixi pœnæ judicii pariter subacti sunt, remota pietate et misericordia.” Yet, unless there was some special circumstance of hardship which is not recorded, this was only the old law of England kept on by the Conqueror. (See N. C. vol. iv. p. 624; v. pp. 400, 874.) That is, if the accuser was English, and the King’s reeves and huntsmen were largely English. If the accuser was French, the accused were entitled to a choice between the ordeal and the wager of battle. Can Eadmer mean that this choice was not allowed them?

[432] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 48. “Cum principi esset relatum condemnatos illos tertio judicii die simul omnes inustis manibus apparuisse, stomachatus taliter fertur respondisse, ‘Quid est hoc? Deus est justus judex? Pereat qui deinceps hoc crediderit. Quare per hoc et hoc meo judicio amodo respondebitur. Non Dei quod pro voto cujusque hinc inde plicatur.’”

[433] “Judicium” is the usual Domesday name. See N. C. vol. v. p. 875.

[434] Ord. Vit. 682 C. “Illi modestis vestiebantur indumentis optimeque coaptatis ad sui mensuram corporis. Et erant habiles ad equitandum et currendum et ad omne opus quod ratio suggerebat agendum.”

[435] Ib. “Olim pœnitentes et capti et peregrini usualiter intonsi erant, longasque barbas gestabant, judicioque tali pœnitentiam, seu captionem, vel peregrinationem spectantibus prætendebant.”

[436] Ib. “Post obitum Gregorii papæ et Guillelmi Nothi aliorumque principum religiosorum, in occiduis partibus pene totus abolitus est honestus patrum mos antiquorum.” Yet, unless we go as far north as the sainted Cnut of Denmark, it is not easy to find any specially devout princes who died about the same time as Gregory and William.

[437] See Appendix G.

[438] See Appendix G.

[439] Take, above all, the story of Bishop Serlo’s most practical sermon in Orderic, 815, 816. See N. C. vol. v. p. 844, and Appendix G.

[440] Ord. Vit. 682 B. “Nocte comessationibus et potationibus vanisque confabulationibus, aleis et tesseris aliisque ludicris vacabant; die vero dormiebant.”

[441] See Appendix G.

[442] See N. C. vol. v. p. 818. In some manuscripts of William of Malmesbury (iv. 317) he says distinctly, “Judæi qui Lundoniæ habitabant, quos pater a Rothomago illuc traduxerat.”

[443] The Jews meet us at every turn in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. At Lincoln and Saint Eadmundsbury they have left their works. Those of Winchester—​their Jerusalem—​shared in the perfection which marked all classes of men in that city (see Ric. Div. c. 82). In the genuine “Annals of an English Abbey” (Gest. Abb. i. 193) we may see something of the “superbia magna et jactantia” which the Jew Aaron (of Lincoln) displayed at Saint Alban’s.

[444] As in the great massacre at York in 1189. Or the King himself might, like John, do as he would with his own chattels.

[445] See Eadmer, Vit. Ans. iii. 5. We shall come across them again.

[446] Will. Malms. iv. 317. “Apud Londoniam contra episcopos nostros in certamen animati [Judæi], quia ille ludibundus, credo, dixisset quod, si vicissent Christianos apertis argumentationibus confutatos, in eorum sectam transiret. Magno igitur timore episcoporum et clericorum res acta est, pia sollicitudine fidei Christianæ timentium.”

[447] Ib. “De hoc quidem certamine nihil Judæi præter confusionem retulerunt, quamvis multotiens jactarint se non oratione sed factione superatos.”

[448] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 47. “Ferebant … ad eum convenire, conquerentes nonnullos ex suis, spreto Judaismo, Christianos tune noviter factos fuisse, atque rogantes ut, sumpto pretio, illos, rejecto Christianismo, ad Judaismum redire compelleret. Adquiescit ille, et, suscepto pretio apostasiæ, jubet ex Judæis ipsis adduci ad se. Quid plura? Plures ex illis minis et terroribus fractos, abnegato Christo, pristinum errorem suscipere fecit.” Eadmer brings in this story, without pledging himself to its truth, as one which he, when in Italy, heard from those who came from Rouen. “Sicut illa accepimus, simpliciter ponam, non adstruens vera an secus exstiterint, an non. Ferebant igitur hi qui veniebant,” &c. It is the same story as that which William of Malmesbury tells, iv. 317; “Insolentiæ in Deum Judæi suo tempore dedere indicium; semel apud Rothomagum, ut quosdam ab errore suo refugas ad Judaismum revocarent, muneribus inflectere conati.”

[449] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 47. The protomartyr pleads his own example; “Uno dierum per viam forte eunti apparuit alter juvenis, vultu et veste decorus, qui interrogatus unde vel quis esset, dixit se jam olim ex Judæo Christianum effectum, Stephanum protomartyrem esse.”

[450] Ib. “Æstuans quonam modo suis sacris filium posset restituere, didicit quemadmodum Willielmus rex Anglorum nonnullos hujusmodi, pecuniæ gratis, nuper Judaismo reddiderit.” This way of speaking might almost make us think that the Jew was not living in William’s dominions; yet the whole tenor of the story, which seems to be laid at Rouen, looks otherwise. One phrase is odd; “paternis rogat legibus imperiali sanctione restitui.” William Rufus, as we shall see, did not forget his imperial as well as his royal dignity, but Rouen was an odd place in which to show himself in the imperial character.

[451] Ib. “Tacet ille ad rogata, nondum audiens quamobrem tali negotio sese deberet medium facere.”

[452] Ib. “Advertit Judæus mysterium cur suis precibus non responderet, et e vestigio sexaginta marcas argenti se illi daturum, si Judaismo restitueret filium suum, pollicetur.” This almost looks as if the Jew thought at first that the King, out of zeal for the Hebrew cause, would do the job for him for nothing.

[453] Eadmer, u. s. “Tecum jocarer, stercoris fili? Recede potius et præceptum meum velocius imple, alioquin per vultum de Luca faciam tibi oculos erui.” On the oath, see Appendix G.

[454] Ib. “Confusus princeps in istis, contumeliis affectum juvenem cum dedecore jussit suis conspectibus eliminari.”

[455] Ib. “Fili mortis et pabulum externæ perditionis, non sufficit tibi damnatio tua, nisi et me tecum præcipites in eam? Ego vero cui jam Christus patefactus est absit ut te unquam pro patre agnoscam, quia pater tuus diabolus est.” The reference must be to St. John viii. 44; but the pedigree was a dangerous one for a presumptive grandson to meddle with.

[456] Ib. “Ecce feci quod rogasti, redde quod promisisti.”

[457] Eadmer, u. s. “Filius meus jam nunc et in Christi confessione constantior et mihi est solito factus infestior; et dicis”—​mark the scriptural turn—​“‘Feci quod petisti, redde quod promisisti?’ Immo quod cœpisti primo perfice, et tunc demum de pollicitis age. Sic enim convenit inter nos.”

[458] Ib. “Feci quantum potui; verum, quamvis non proficerim, minime tamen feram me sine fructu laborasse.”

[459] Ib. 54. “Quod Deus nunquam eum bonum habiturus esset pro malo quod sibi inferret.” The words are spoken to Bishop Gundulf. Eadmer comments; “In cunctis erat fortunatus, ac si verbis ejus hoc modo respondit Deus, ‘Si te pro malo, ut dicis, numquam bonum habebo, probabo an saltem pro bono possim te bonum habere, et ideo in omni quod tu bonum æstimas velle tuum adimplebo.’”

[460] Eadmer, 48. “Ad hoc quoque lapsus est ut Dei judicio incredulus fieret, injustitiæque illud arguens, Deum aut facta hominum ignorare, aut æquitatis ea lance nolle pensare adstrueret.” Then follows the story of the deer-stealers which I have told in [p. 155]. Mark Eadmer’s firm belief in the ordeal, which had not yet been condemned by the Church.

[461] Ib. 47. “Ferebatur eum in tantam mentis elationem corruisse ut nequaquam patienter audire valeret, si quivis ullum negotium quod vel a se vel ex suo præcepto foret agendum, poneret sub conditione voluntatis Dei fieri. Sed quæque acta simul et agenda suæ soli industriæ ac fortitudini volebat adscribi.” We have his like in Kapaneus, Æsch. Sept. c. Theb. 409;

θεοῦ τε γὰρ θέλοντος ἐκπέρσειν πόλιν

καὶ μὴ θέλοντος φησὶν, οὐδὲ τὴν Διὸς

ἔριν πέδῳ σκήψασαν ἐκποδὼν σχέθειν.

[462] Ib. “Quæ mentis elatio ita excrevit in eo ut, quemadmodum dicebatur, crederet et publica voce assereret nullum sanctorum cuiquam apud Deum posse prodesse, et ideo nec se velle, nec aliquem sapientem debere, beatum Petrum seu quemlibet alium quo se juvaret interpellare.”

[463] Joinville, p. 217 ed. Michel; “Le roy ama tant Dieu et sa douce mère que touz ceulz que il pooit atteindre qui disoient de Dieu ne de sa mère chose déshoneste ne vilein serement, que il les fesoit punir griefment.” He goes on to tell how, like Saint Wulfstan (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 386) but unlike Saint Eadward (ib. ii. p. 26), he never swore nor mentioned the devil.

[464] Giraldus (de Inst. Prin. c. iii. 11) gives a specimen of his blasphemies, and adds, “quibus ne memoriæ refricatio facinus atque blasphemiam posteris ad mentem revocet, supersedere potius quam paginam nostram commaculare dignum duximus.”

[465] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 54. “In tantum ex successibus suis profecit ut, sicut hi qui factis ejus die noctuque præsentes exstiterunt attestantur, numquam vel de lecto surgeret vel in lecto se collocaret, quin seipsum aut collocante aut surgente semper deterior esset.”

[466] See Appendix G.

[467] See Appendix G.

[468] See Appendix G.

[469] See N. C. vol. i. p. 255.

[470] See Appendix H.

[471] Twice under the same year 1091 the Chronicler adds to the record of a treaty concluded by Rufus that it “litle hwile stode.”

[472] See above, [p. 143].

[473] I refer to the story of the Angevin knights at Ballon, told by Orderic (772 C, D). We shall come to it in a later chapter.

[474] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 220.

[475] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 438.

[476] This was at the siege of Padua in 1509. “Maximilien fit proposer à La Palisse de faire mettre pied à terre à sa gendarmerie pour monter à l’assaut avec les landsknechts. Mais d’après le conseil de Bayard, La Palisse répondit que la gendarmerie française était toute composée de gentilshommes, et qu’il ne serait pas convenable de la faire combattre pêle-mêle avec les fantassins allemands, qui étaient roturiers.” Sismondi, Rép. Ital. xiv. 26.

[477] The story of the massacre of Limoges, the most truly chivalrous deed ever done, is well known. It will be found in Froissart, i. 289 (vol. i. p. 401, ed. Sauvage).

[478] Hallam, who thoroughly understood Henry the Eighth, adds in a note (Const. Hist. i. 36); “After all, Henry was every whit as good a king and man as Francis I, whom there are still some, on the other side of the channel, servile enough to extol; not in the least more tyrannical and sanguinary, and of better faith towards his neighbours.” The famous letter of Francis about all being lost except honour is now disbelieved, but it is characteristic all the same. I have said something about this in the Fortnightly Review, December, 1876.

It is singular enough that in 1546 some reader of the “Normanniæ Nova Chronica,” after the entries about the misdeeds of William Rufus in 1098, bursts out (p. 9) into a fierce invective against the vices and oppressions of Francis the First, as far surpassing those of Rufus. If men murmured in 1098, how much more reason had they to murmur in 1546.

[479] There is nothing special to note as to the authorities for this chapter, except that we now begin to make some little use of the Lives of the Bishops of Le Mans in Mabillon’s Vetera Analecta, of which we shall have to make much larger use in a later chapter.

Since this chapter was written and partly printed, I have come across a book called “Le Dernier des Ducs Normands. Étude de Critique Historique sur Robert Courte-Heuse; par Gaston le Hardy (Caen, 1880).” It is a gallant apology for Duke Robert, who however, it seems, cannot be set up without a cruel setting down both of Orderic and of King Henry. M. le Hardy believes in the false Ingulf and seems to be an enemy to Italian freedom. He has worked with care at his authorities, and I have to thank him for a few references; but his style of criticism is odd. In p. 47 he argues against the last speech of the Conqueror in Orderic—​a speech very open to argument against it on other grounds—​because William is there made to confess that he had no right to the English crown. This at least cannot be. “Comment croire que le Conquérant, dont les droits légitimes à la couronne d’Angleterre étaient au moins fondés sur des apparences très-respectables, puisqu’elles décidèrent le Pape à se prononcer en sa faveur, se soit appliqué à les désavouer, et à démentir ainsi toute sa vie.” I think more highly both of the intellect and of the conscience of William the Great. I can conceive his being led to repent of his sins, even though the Pope told him that they were no sins. M. le Hardy, like so many of his countrymen, seems unable to understand any English matter, and he seems never to have looked at any English or German book.

I let my estimate of Robert stay where it was. His character is best summed up in the portrait drawn by William of Malmesbury at the end of his fourth book;

“Patria lingua facundus ut sit jocundior nullus; in aliis consiliosus ut nihil excellentius; militiæ peritus ut si quis unquam; pro mollitie tamen animi nunquam regendæ reipublicæ idoneus judicatus.”

I think I have throughout done justice to Robert’s military skill—​it was more than mere daring—​and to his gifts as a counsellor of others.

[480] Chron. Petrib. 1089. “Swilc eac gewarð ofer eall Engleland mycel eorðstyrunge, on þone dæg iii. Id. Aug.” Will. Malms. iv. 322. “Secundo anno regni ejus terræ motus ingens totam Angliam exterruit tertio idus Augusti, horrendo miraculo, ut ædificia omnia eminus resilirent, et mox pristino more residerent.” Some annals, as those of Plympton (Liebermann, 26), directly connect the events. “Obiit Lanfrancus archiepiscopus, et terra mota est.”

[481] Chron. u. s. “And wæs swiðe lætsum gear on corne and on ælces cynnes wæstmum, swa þæt manig man ræpon heora corn onbuton Martines mæssan and gyt lator.” “Vix ad festum sancti Andreæ,” says William of Malmesbury.

[482] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “And betwyx þisum þingum þis land wæs swiðe fordón on unlaga gelde and on oðre manige ungelimpe.”

[483] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 558, 638.

[484] Ib. p. 493.

[485] Ord. Vit. 708 B. He does not say distinctly at what stage he means. Geoffrey Gaimar (Chron. Angl. Norm. i. 35) has an elaborate picture of Robert at his greatest;

“Li quens Robert, cil de Belesme,

Mil chevalers out en son esme;

En Engleterre out treis contez,

Quens de Pontif estait clamez,

Si ert conte de Leneimeis,

D’Esparlon e de Sessuneis;

Sue estait Argenton, Seis,

Roche-Mabilie estait en sa pœs.

En Rom out rues assez.

Il esteit quen de sis contez;

Ço ert le meillur chevaler

Ke l’em séust pur querreier.

Cil vint à son seignur le rei,

Mil chevalers menat od sei.”

He then goes on to mention his brothers. (See above, [p. 37.]) Many of the places on this list will come in our story. “Rom,” it is hardly needful to say, is only the capital of Normandy, not of the world. But what are the three counties in England? There is Shropshire, and most likely Sussex. What is the third? Yorkshire, on the strength of Tickhill? But Robert had no earldom there.

[486] Ord. Vit. 675 D.

[487] Hen. Hunt. De Cont. Mund. 11. “Gens ipsis dæmonibus horrenda.”

[488] See N. C. vol. i. p. 468. The Archdeacon of Huntingdon himself, with a slight contempt of sex and species, calls him “Pluto, Megæra, Cerberus, vel si aliquid horrendi scribi potest.” He speaks of the proverb, “Mirabilia Roberti de Belesme.”

[489] See his two pictures in Orderic, 675 C, D, and 707 C, D. In his character of engineer we shall meet him at Gisors. See 766 B.

[490] Ord. Vit. 707 D. “Magis affectabat supplicia miseris inferre quam per redemptionem captivorum pecunias augere.” So Hen. Hunt. u. s. Yet, as some of his captives escaped, he lost the ransom for nothing.

[491] Ib. “Homines privatione oculorum et amputatione pedum manuumve deformare parvipendebat, sed inauditorum commeditatione suppliciorum in torquendis miseris more Siculi Phalaris tripudiabat. Quos in carcere pro reatu aliquo stringebat, Nerone seu Decio vel Diocletiano sævior, indicibiliter cruciabat, et inde jocos cum parasitis suis et cachinnos jactabundus exercebat. Tormentorum quæ vinctis inferebat delectatione gloriabatur, hominumque detractione pro pœnarum nimietate crudelis lætabatur.” The special detail of the impaling comes from Henry of Huntingdon, who says also, “Erat ei cædes horribilis hominum cibus jucundus animæ.”

[492] Will. Malms. v. 398. “Simulationis et argutiarum plenus, frontis sereno et sermonum affabilitate credulos decipiens, gnaros autem malitiæ exterritans, ut nullum esset majus futuræ calamitatis indicium quam prætensæ affabilitatis eloquium.” Something of the same kind was said of King Henry himself. See N. C. vol. v. p. 841.

[493] Ord. Vit. 708 B. She at last escaped to Countess Adela at Chartres, and got to her own land of Ponthieu.

[494] The story is told with the difference spoken of in the text by Henry of Huntingdon (de Cont. Mundi, 11) and by William of Malmesbury (v. 398). Henry says only, “Filioli sui oculos sub chlamide positi quasi ludens pollicibus extraxit.” William supplies a kind of motive; “Puerulum ex baptismo filiolum, quem in obsidatum acceperat, pro modico delicto patris excæcarit, lumina miselli unguibus nefandis abrumpens.” That is, the Archdeacon makes the ugly story still uglier, just as in the case of the children of Juliana. See N. C. vol. v. pp. 157, 841.

[495] Ord. Vit. 708 A. “Ob insolentiam et cupiditatem plurima contra collimitaneos prælia cœpit; sed sæpe victus cum damno et dedecore aufugit.”

[496] See further on in this chapter.

[497] Ord. Vit. 675 D.

[498] See Ord. Vit. 707 D for the Bishop; ib. 678 A and Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 127 for the Abbot. With the bishopric there was a question of the right of advowson; “Episcopium contra jus et fas comprimebat, et Guillelmo Belesmensi avo ejus a Ricardo duce datum asserebat.” Cf. on the bishopric of Le Mans, N. C. vol. iii. p. 194. From the Abbot too he demanded an oath of allegiance, “de sacramento et homagio abbatem exagitare.” This was in Henry’s time.

[499] Ord. Vit. 668 C. “Robertus Belesmensis qui patri tuo fuit valde dilectus, et multis honoribus olim ab ipso promotus.” See above, [p. 84.]

[500] Hen. Hunt. u. s. “Quem tantopere fama coluerat dum viveret, in carcere utrum viveret vel obisset, nescivit, diemque mortis ejus obmutescens ignoravit.”

[501] Will. Malms. v. 407. “Homo antiquæ simplicitatis et fidei, qui crebro a Willelmo primo invitatus ut Angliam veniret, largis ad voluntatem possessionibus munerandus, supersedit, pronuncians patrum suorum hæreditatem se velle fovere, non transmarinas et indebitas possessiones vel appetere vel invadere.” (Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 448.) We have heard of him already; N. C. vol. ii. p. 201; iii. 288, 380, 386; iv. 82, 192, 475, 645.

[502] See the story in

[p. 186.]

[503] Will. Malms. u. s.; Will. Pict. 134; Will. Gem. vii. 4; Ord. Vit. 709 A.

[504] This Norman Beaumont must be distinguished from the French and Cenomannian Beaumonts which we shall meet with, just as there is a Norman, a French, and a Cenomannian Montfort.

[505] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 487.

[506] Will. Malms. v. 407. “Cum superiorum regum tempore, spe sensim pullulante, in gloriam procederet, hujus [Henrici] ætate summo provectu effloruit, habebaturque ejus consilium quasi quis divinum consuluisset sacrarium.” So Hen. Hunt. de Cont. Mund. 7. “Fuit Robertus consul de Mellend in rebus secularibus sapientissimus omnium hinc usque in Jerusalem degentium.”

[507] We shall see this presently in the story of Helias. See Ord. Vit. 773 B.

[508] See N. C. vol. v. p. 828.

[509] Hen. Hunt. u. s. “Fuit scientia clarus, eloquio blandus, astutia perspicax, providentia sagax, ingenio versipellis, prudentia insuperabilis, consilio profundus, sapientia magnus.” A goodly string of synonyms. William of Malmesbury (u. s.) gives more details. He was “suasor concordiæ, dissuasor discordiæ,” “in placitis propugnator justitiæ, in guerris provisor victoriæ, dominum regem ad severitatem legum custodiendam exacuens, ipse non eas sequens sed proponens, expers in regem perfidiæ, in ceteros ejus persecutor.” He was “ingentis in Anglia momenti, ut inveteratum vestiendi vel comedendi exemplo suo inverteret morem.” He brought in the “consuetudo semel prandendi,” contrary to the custom of Harthacnut.

[510] We shall see him in both characters as we go on. See Appendix Y. He stood firmly by the King in the matter of investiture. See Will. Malms. v. 417.

[511] Will. Malms. v. 406. This was when Pope Calixtus came into Normandy in 1110. See N. C. vol. v. p. 191.

[512] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 197, 207, 288.

[513] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 192.

[514] I do not quite understand the story in Henry of Huntingdon (8) about another earl depriving Robert of his wife or bride; “Contigit quemdam alium consulem sponsam ei tam factione quam dolosis viribus arripuisse. Unde in senectute sua mente turbatus et angaria obnubilatus, in tenebras mœroris incidit, nec usque ad mortem se lætum vel hilarem sensit.” Earl Robert’s widow, Elizabeth or Isabel of Crépy or Vermandois, was presently married again to the younger Earl William of Warren. (See Ord. Vit. 686 B, 723 D, 805 D; Will. Gem. viii. 40, 41.) Was there anything irregular or scandalous about the marriage? Count Robert married her in 1096, so that, as he was distinctly old at his death in 1118, she must have been far from young. His children therefore were children of his advanced life, which lessens the difficulty about the child whom his daughter Isabel is said to have borne to King Henry late in his reign. (Will. Gem. viii. 29; cf. 37; and see N. C. vol. v. p. 844.)

[515] Hen. Hunt. u. s. “Ut terras quas vi vel arte multis abstulerat, pœnitens redderet, et erratum lacrimis lavaret.” Would this extend to English grants from the Conqueror? One might almost suspect that his father thought so.

[516] Ib. “Filiis omnia tradam; ipsi pro salute defuncti misericorditer agant.”

[517] Ib. “Filii ejus magis injuste congregata injuste studuerunt augere quam aliquid pro salute paterna distribuere.”

[518] Ord. Vit. 659 B. “Indubitanter scio quod vere misera erit regio quæ subjecta fuerit ejus dominio. Superbus enim est et insipiens nebulo, trucique diu plectendus infortunio.” See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 705, 854. The words must of course take their share of the doubts which can hardly fail to attach to the long speech of which they form a part; but they are more likely than most parts of it to have been preserved by a trustworthy tradition. On the speech see Church, Anselm, 147.

[519] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 191.

[520] There is more than one passage in Orderic setting forth the wretched state of things in Normandy under Robert. See 664 B; 672 B, C; 675 A, B; 677 B. In the first passage he gives a personal description, not unlike that quoted in N. C. vol. iv. p. 633; “Omnes ducem Robertum mollem esse desidemque cognoscebant, et idcirco facinorosi eum despiciebant et pro libitu suo dolosas factiones agitabant. Erat quippe idem dux audax et validus, multaque laude dignus, eloquio facundus, sed in regimine sui suorumque inconsideratus, in erogando prodigus, in promittendo diffusus, ad mentiendum levis et incautus, misericors supplicibus, ad justitiam super iniquo faciendam mollis et mansuetus, in definitione mutabilis, in conversatione omnibus nimis blandus et tractabilis, ideoque perversis et insipientibus despicabilis. Corpore autem brevis et grossus, ideoque Brevis-ocrea a patre est cognominatus.” Cf. Roman de Rou, 14470.

The words about Robert’s tendency to falsehood would seem to imply, not so much deliberate lying as that kind of carelessness of truth which is quite of a piece with the rest of his character.

On the technical use of the word justice, see N. C. vol. v. pp. 157, 253, 320, 520; cf. ii. 33, 40, 173.

[521] Ord. Vit. 672 B. “Provincia tota erat dissoluta, et prædones catervatim discurrebant per vicos et per rura, nimiumque super inermes debacchabatur latrunculorum caterva. Robertus dux nullam super malefactores exercebat disciplinam, et grassatores per octo annos sub molli principe super imbecillem populum suam agitabant furiam.” Perhaps the most striking character of Robert is that which is given of him by one who had studied him in two parts of the world, Ralph of Caen in his Gesta Tancredi, c. xv. (Muratori, v. 291). The virtues of Robert were “pietas”—​in the sense of pity—​and “largitas.” But he carried both virtues so far that they became vices. “Pietas largitasque valde fuissent mirabiles; sed quia in neutra modum tenuit, in utraque erravit.” He goes on to describe Robert at greater length; “Siquidem misericordiam ejus immisericordem sensit Normannia, dum eo consule per impunitatem rapinarum nec homini parceret nec Deo licentia raptorum. Nam sicariis manibus, latronum gutturi, mœchorum caudæ salaci, eamdem quam suis se reverentiam debere consul arbitrabatur. Quapropter nullus ad eum vinctus in lacrimis trahebatur, quin solutus mutuas ab eo lacrimas continuo impetraret. Ideo, ut dixi, nullis sceleribus frænum, immo omnibus additum calcar ea tempestate Normannia querebatur.” Of Robert’s bounty he goes on to say that he would give any sum for a hawk or a dog; “Hujus autem pietatis sororculam eam fuisse patet largitatem, quæ accipitrem, sive canem argenti summa quantalibet comparabat.”

[522] Orderic is plain-spoken enough on this head in 672 B.

[523] Ib. “Episcopi ex auctoritate Dei exleges anathematizabant. Theologi prolatis sermonibus Dei reos admonebant. Sed his omnibus tumor et cupiditas cum satellitibus suis immoderate resistebant.”

[524] See N. C. vol. v. 46. Cf. vol. iv. p. 688.

[525] Orderic (664 B) records Robert’s doings at Alençon and Bellême, and adds, “Hoc quoque fecit Bellismæ, et omnibus aliis castellis suis, et non solum suis, sed et in vicinorum suorum, quos sibi pares dedignabatur habere, municipiis, quæ aut intromissis clientibus sibi subjugavit, aut penitus, ne sibi aliquando resistere possent, destruxit.”

[526] Ib. He adds a reflexion in his character of “Angligena.” “Sic proceres Neustriæ de munitionibus suis omnes regis custodes expulerunt, patriamque divitiis opulentam propriis viribus vicissim exspoliaverunt. Opes itaque quas Anglis aliisque gentibus violenter rapuerunt, merito latrociniis et rapinis perdiderunt.”

[527] Ord. Vit. 672 C. “Adulterina passim municipia condebantur, et ibidem filii latronum ceu catuli luporum ad dilacerandas bidentes nutriebantur.” Our Chronicler was yet more vigorous when he peopled the castles with devils and evil men, A. D. 1135. The “adulterina municipia” are the castles built without the Duke’s licence. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 193. For the German laws on the same subject, see Maurer, Einleitung, p. 24. M. le Hardy (60) amusingly mistakes the “municipia” for “quelques communes.”

[528] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 537, 638.

[529] Ord. Vit. 664 C. “Guillelmo de Britolio dedit Ibericum, ubi arx quam Albereda proavia ejus fecit fortissima est. Et Rogerio de Bellomonte, qui solebat Ibericum jussu Guillelmi regis custodire, concessit Brioniam, quod oppidum munitissimum et in corde terræ situm est.” On Ivry, see N. C. vol. i. p. 258. See Will. Gem. viii. 15, where the same story is told as by Orderic. On Brionne, see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 196, 268, 624.

[530] Ord. Vit. 664 C. “Cunctis placere studebat, cunctisque quod petebant aut dabat aut promittebat vel concedebat. Prodigus dominium patrum suorum quotidie imminuebat, insipienter tribuens unicuique quod petebat, et ipse pauperescebat, unde alios contra se roborabat.”

[531] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 709.

[532] The passages from Orderic which set forth Henry as the heir of his mother have been discussed in N. C. vol. iv. p. 854 (cf. pp. 320, 629), as also the expression of William of Malmesbury (v. 392) which implies that the Conqueror bequeathed Matilda’s lands to Henry, or directed that Matilda’s earlier bequest should take effect. The same writer also just before speaks (v. 391) of Henry, after his father’s death, as “paterna benedictione et materna hæreditate simul et multiplicibus thesauris [“gersuman unateallendlice” in the Chronicle] nixus.” Wace also says (14484),

“E Henris out des déniers asez

Ke sis peres li out donez,

Partie out del tresor son pere

E grant partie out de sa mere.”

[533] Ord. Vit. 665 C. “Opes quas habebat militibus ubertim distribuit, et tironum multitudinem pro spe et cupidine munerum sibi connexuit. Deficiente ærario Henricum fratrem suum, ut de thesauro sibi daret, requisivit. Quod ille omnino facere noluit.”

[534] N. C. vol. i. p. 170.

[535] Ib. vol. i. p. 191.

[536] Ib. vol. ii. p. 249.

[537] The purchase is thus described by Orderic (ib.); “Henricus duci tria millia librarum argenti erogavit, et ab eo totum Constantinum pagum, quæ tertia Normanniæ pars est, recepit. Sic Henricus Abrincas et Constantiam, Montemque sancti Michaëlis in periculo maris, totumque fundum Hugonis Cestrensis consulis, quod in Neustria possidebat, primitus obtinuit.” This of course does not mean any disseisin of Earl Hugh, but only the transfer of his homage from Robert to Henry. For other versions of the transaction, see Appendix I.

[538] See N. C. vol. i. p. 302.

[539] Ord. Vit. 665 C. “Constantiniensem provinciam bene gubernavit, suamque juventutem laudabiliter exercuit.” He was hardly twenty years old. So 689 C; “Constantinienses Henricus clito strenue regebat.”

[540] He is “Henricus clito [Ætheling], Constantiniensis comes” in Orderic, 672 D; “comes Henricus” in Will. Gem. viii. 3.

[541] Ord. Vit. 672 D. “In Angliam transfretavit et a fratre suo terram matris suæ requisivit.” The date is fixed by the words “postquam certus rumor de Rofensis [oppidi] deditione citra mare personuit.”

[542] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 164, 759.

[543] Ord. Vit. 672 D. “Rex Guillelmus benigniter eum, ut decuit fratrem, suscepit, et quod poterat fraterne concessit. Deinde, peractis pro quibus ierat, in autumno regi valefecit.” An actual possession of something seems implied in the words of Orderic, 689 C, “Regi Angliæ hostis erat pro terra matris suæ, qua rex eumdem in Anglia dissaisiverat, et Roberto Haimonis filio dederat.”

[544] See Appendix GG.

[545] See N. C. vol. v. p. 853; Ord. Vit. 681 A.

[546] This flight is Orderic’s own. In 673 A we have, “Baiocensis Odo, velut ignivolus draco projectus in terram.”

[547] Ib. 672 D, “Baiocensis tyrannus;” 673 A, “pessimus præsul Odo.” This last phrase comes at the beginning of Odo’s speech in the Duke’s council; at the end of it our historian has waxed milder, and tells us (674 A) how “exhortatoriam antistitis allocutionem omnes qui aderant laudaverunt.”

[548] Ord. Vit. 673 A. “Variis seditionibus commovebat Normanniam, ut sic de aliquo modo nepoti suo, a quo turpiter expulsus fuerat, machinaretur injuriam.”

[549] Orderic here (672 D) speaks only of “quidam malevoli discordiæ satores … falsa veris immiscentes.” But surely the Bishop was at their head.

[550] I think we may accept this circumstantial account of Orderic. For other versions, see Appendix I.

[551] Ord. Vit. 672 D. “Rogerius comes Scrobesburiæ, ut Robertum filium suum captum audivit, accepta a rege licentia, festinus in Neustriam venit, et omnia castella sua militari manu contra ducem munivit.”

[552] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 297.

[553] Ord. Vit. 673 A. “Ipsum nempe dux multum metuebat, et quibusdam consiliis ejus adquiescebat, quædam vero flocci pendebat.”

[554] At least there were others besides the Duke to hear and to cheer. See p. 198, [note 4.]

[555] Ord. Vit. 673 B. “Reminiscere patrum et proavorum, quorum magnanimitatem et virtutem pertimuit bellicosa gens Francorum.” It is curious to see how often Norman patriotism falls back on the memory of the wars with France rather than on the conquest of England. So it is in the speech of Walter of Espec before the battle of the Standard. See N. C. vol. v. p. 832.

[556] Ib. 673 D. “Hoc nimirum horrenda mors eorum attestatur, quorum nullus communi et usitato fine, ut cæteri homines, defecisse invenitur.”

[557] See Ord. Vit. 708 B.

[558] See above, [p. 193].

[559] The only entry which the Chronicler has on Rufus’ wars in Maine is the short one in 1099 (more was said about the expedition of the elder William in 1063), but some parts of the Norman war are given in great detail.

[560] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 543–563, 652–655.

[561] Ib. vol. iii. pp. 182–215.

[562] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 483, 557, 827.

[563] Ib. vol. iv. p. 652.

[564] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 635, 657.

[565] N. C. vol. iv. p. 563.

[566] Ord. Vit. 673 C. “Normannorum dux et Cœnomannorum princeps nomine tenus multis annis factus est.”

[567] Ord. Vit. 531 A. “Cœnomanis, a canina rabie dicta, urbs est antiqua, et plebs ejus finitimis procax et sanguinolenta, dominisque suis semper contumax et rebellionis avida.” Following the diphthongal spelling of the text, one might rather be tempted to derive the name from the commune or κοινόν set up by its men.

[568] N. C. vol. iii. pp. 167, 203, 209–212.

[569] Ib. iv. 546–555.

[570] Ib. vol. iii. p. 197.

[571] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 545, 560, 563.

[572] Mabillon, Vet. An. 288. “Favore totius cleri ejusdem ecclesiæ decanum statuerat; in quo gradu tanto amore totius populi erga se illexit affectum, ut eo jam tempore non minorem quam episcopo omnes illi reverentiam exhiberent…. Unde factum est, ut post decessum memorati antistitis in electionem ipsius omnes unanimiter convenirent, ipsumque episcopatu dignissimum voce consona proclamarent.”

[573] Ord. Vit. 531 B. “‘Ecce in capella tua est quidam pauper clericus, sed nobilis et bene morigeratus. Huic præsulatum commenda in Dei timore, quia dignus est (ut æstimo) tali honore.’ Regi autem percunctanti quis esset, Samson respondit: ‘Hoëlus dicitur, et est genere Brito; sed humilis est, et revera bonus homo.’” On Samson himself, see N. C. vol. iv. p. 641.

[574] N. C. vol. iv. p. 478.

[575] Ord. Vit. 531 C. “Ei curam et seculare jus Cœnomanensis episcopatus commisit” I have elsewhere spoken of this kind of document in England (N. C. vol. ii. p. 588). Only it would seem that in England the King either acted wholly of himself or else confirmed an election already made by the Chapter. Here the Chapter, as in later times, elects on the King’s recommendation.

[576] Ib. “Decretum regis clero insinuatum est, et præfati clerici bonæ vitæ testimonium ab his qui noverunt ventilatum est. Pro tam pura et simplici electione devota laus a fidelibus Deo reddita est, et electus pastor ad caulas ovium suarum ab episcopis et reliquis fidelibus, quibus hoc a rege jussum fuerat, honorifice perductus est.” The regale, or rather ducale, comes out strongly in these matters, as it always does in Normandy.

[577] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 194.

[578] Vet. An. 290. “Celeberrimum est enim Cenomannensis ecclesiæ præsulem post Turonensem archiepiscopum totius Turonensis diœceseos obtinere primatum.” Diœcesis here stands for province, as parochia constantly stands for diocese.

[579] Vet. An. 288. “Quia propter contentionem quæ inter Vvillum regem Anglorum, et Fulconem Andegavorum comitem de eodem episcopatu exorta erat, Radulfus Turonorum archiepiscopus Turonis eum ordinare non potuit, ipsius assensu atque præcepto omniumque suffraganeorum ejus, cum magno honore ordinatus est in Rotomago civitate, a domno Willelmo ejusdem urbis archiepiscopo xi. Kalend. Maii, anno ab Incarnatione Domini millesimo lxxxv.”

[580] See Appendix MM.

[581] Vet. An. 290. “Cum fames populum oppressisset, essetque impossibile unius copiis generalem afflictorum indigentiam sustentari, ex communi cleri plebisque consilio, aurum et argentum quod erat in tabula altaris sanctorum martyrum Gervasii et Protasii pius temerator accepit; illudque fideli dispensatione pauperibus erogavit.” Compare the action of Abbot Leofric of Saint Alban’s, and the “prædictæ rationes” which led him so to act, together with the argument of Matthew Paris with regard to its lawfulness; Gest. Abb. i. 29, 30.

[582] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 159, 465.

[583] Ib. vol. iv. p. 659.

[584] See Appendix KK.

[585] Ord. Vit. 674 B. “Paganus de Monte Dublabelis, cum aliis contumacibus castrum Balaonem tenebat et venienti duci cum turmis suis acriter resistebat.”

[586] N. C. vol. iii. p. 122.

[587] Ord. Vit. 674 B. “Post plurima damna utriusque partis, Balaonenses pacem cum duce fecerunt.”

[588] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Habitatoribus hujus municipii quies et pax pene semper defuit, finitimique Cenomannenses, seu Normanni insistunt. Scopulosum montem anfractus Sartæ fluminis ex tribus partibus ambit, in quo sanctus Cerenicus venerandus confessor tempore Milehardi Sagiorum pontificis habitavit.”

[589] In local belief, Saint Cenery on his own ground seems to have supplanted the Archangel himself as the weigher of souls.

[590] On surnames of places, see N. C. vol. v. p. 573.

[591] Ib. vol. ii. p. 233.

[592] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Carolo Simplice regnante, dum Hastingus Danus cum gentilium phalange Neustriam depopulatus est, sanctum corpus a fidelibus in castrum Theodorici translatum est et dispersis monachis monasterium destructum.” Yet at a later time (see Ord. Vit. 706 D) Saint Cenery still possessed an arm of the eponymous saint, though monks of Seez, not of Saint Cenery, were its keepers; and there is still a bone or fragment of a bone under the high altar of the parish church which claims to be a relic of him.

[593] Ib. “Sanguinarii prædones ibi speluncam latronum condiderunt,” “scelesti habitatores,” &c.

[594] Unless Orderic’s words just quoted are mere rhetoric, we must infer that the site of the castle, and not the site of the present church, had been the site of the forsaken monastery. Well suited as the whole peninsula was for the purposes of a castle, the actual isthmus, where three small knolls rise above the general level of the hill, must have been the most tempting spot of all. On two of the knolls remains of its masonry are still to be seen, and the outworks reach far down the hill on its western side. The place seems to have been a simple fortress, with no town or village, beyond such houses as may have grown up around the castle.

[595] Orderic tells the story, 674 C.

[596] See the extract in the last page.

[597] N. C. vol. iv. p. 184.

[598] N. C. vol. iii. p. 169.

[599] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Ibi familia Roberti Belesmensis erat, cui Robertus Quadrellus, acerrimus miles et multo vigore conspicuus, præerat, qui hortatu Rogerii comitis obsidentibus fortiter obstabat.” The modern form of “Quadrellus” would be “Carrel.” “Fulcherius Quarel” appears among the knights of Perche bearing harness under Philip Augustus; Duchèsne, p. 1032.

[600] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Præfatus municeps jussu irati ducis protinus oculis privatus est. Aliis quoque pluribus qui contumaciter ibidem restiterant principi Normanniæ [this almost sounds like the wording of an indictment] debilitatio membrorum inflicta est ex sententia curiæ.”

[601] N. C. vol. i. pp. 445, 476.

[602] This is told by Orderic, 674 D. He adds, “Ille fere xxxvi annis postmodum tenuit, muris et vallis zetisque munivit, et moriens Guillermo et Roberto filiis suis dereliquit.” Yet he lost it for a season to the old enemy. See 706 D.

[603] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Municipes Alencionis et Bellesmi aliarumque munitionum, ut audierunt quam male contigerit Roberto Quadrello et complicibus qui cum eo fuerant, valde territi sunt, et ut debitas venienti duci munitiones redderent, consilium inierunt.” But the words which immediately follow are; “Verum Robertus ab incœpta virtute cito defecit, et mollitie suadente ad tectum et quietem avide recurrit, exercitumque suum, ut quisque ad sua repedaret, dimisit.” This leaves it not quite clear, whether he stayed to receive in person the surrenders which were ready for him.

[604] The site of the true castle of Bellême may easily be distinguished from the later fortress. The native home of Mabel stands quite apart from the hill on which the town and the later castle stand, being cut off from it by art. The chapel is but little altered, and has a crypt, the way down to which reminds one of Saint Zeno and other Italian churches.

[605] See [note 1], last page.

[606] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Per dicaces legatos a duce pacem filiique sui absolutionem postulans, multa falso pollicitus est.” Robert, he adds, “qui improvidus erat et instabilis, ad lapsum facilis, ad tenendum justitiæ rigorem mollis, ex insperato frivolis pactionibus infidorum adquievit.” It is now that Orderic gives us his full picture of Robert of Bellême and his doings.

[607] Ord. Vit. 675 B. “Liberatus intumuit, jussa ducis atque minas minus appretiavit, præsentisque memor injuriæ diutinam multiplicemque vindictam exercuit.”

[608] Ib. 681 D. “Tunc Edgarus Adelinus, et Robertus Bellesmensis, atque Guillelmus de Archis monachus Molismensis præcipui ducis consiliarii erant”—​an oddly assorted company. This is in 1090.

[609] Ib. 677 A. “Optimatum suorum supplicationibus adquiescens, Henricum fratrem suum concessit, et a vinculis in quibus cum Roberto Belesmensi constrictus fuerat absolvit.”

[610] Ib. 689 C. “Constantienses Henricus clito strenue regebat, rigidusque contra fratres suos persistebat. Nam contra ducem inimicitias agitabat pro injusta captione quam nudiustertius, ut prædictum est, ab illo perpessus fuerat. Regi nihilominus Angliæ hostis erat pro terra matris suæ.”

[611] Ord. Vit. 689 C. “Oppida sua constanter firmabat, et fautores sibi de proceribus patris sui plurimos callide conciliabat. Abrincas et Cæsarisburgum et Constantiam atque Guabreium, aliasque munitiones possidebat, et Hugonem comitem et Ricardum de Radveriis, aliosque Constantinienses, præter Robertum de Molbraio, secum habuit, et collectis undique viribus prece pretioque quotidie crescebat.”

[612] Ord. Vit. 680 B. “Turmas optimatum adscivit, et Guentoniæ congregatis quæ intrinsecus ruminabat sic ore deprompsit.” The Chronicler tells us, under 1090, how “se cyng wæs smægende hu he mihte wrecon his broðer Rodbeard swiðost swencean, and Normandige of him gewinnan.” The custom of holding the Easter Gemót at Winchester seems to fix this assembly to Easter. 1090.

The continuance of the three yearly assemblies is well marked by William of Malmesbury in the Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac. iii. 257); “Rex Willelmus consuetudinem induxerat [that is, he went on with what had been done T. R. E.], quam successores aliquamdiu tritam consenescere permisere. Ea erat, ut ter in anno cuncti optimates ad curiam convenirent, de necessariis regni tractaturi, simulque visuri regis insigne, quomodo iret gemmato fastigiatus diademate.”

[613] Ord. Vit. 680 C. “Commoneo vos omnes qui patris mei homines fuistis et feudos vestros in Normannia et Anglia de illo tenuistis, ut sine dolo ad probitatis opus mihi viriliter unanimiter faveatis.”

[614] Ib. “Colligite, quæso, concilium, prudenter inite consilium, sententiam proferte, quid in hoc agendum sit discrimine. Mittam, si laudatis, exercitum in Normanniam, et injuriis quas mihi frater meus sine causa machinatus est talionem rependam. Ecclesiæ Dei subveniam, viduas et orphanos inermes protegam, fures et sicarios gladio justitiæ puniam.”

[615] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 93, 95.

[616] Ord. Vit. 680 C. “His dictis omnes assensum dederunt et magnanimitatem regis collaudaverunt.”

[617] See above, [p. 60].

[618] See above, [p. 177.]

[619] Plutarch, Reg. et Imp. Apoph. Philip. 15.

[620] Æsch. Pers. 861;

ὅσσας δ’ εἷλε πόλεις, πόρον οὐ διαβὰς Ἄλυος ποταμοῖο,

οὐδ’ ἀφ’ ἑστίας συθείς.

[621] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “Ðeah þurh his geapscipe, oððe þurh gærsuma he begeat þone castel aet S[~c]e Waleri and þa hæfenan, and swa he begeat þone æt Albemare.” This is followed by William of Malmesbury, iv. 307, who translates the passage, “Castrum Sancti Walerici, et portum vicinum. et oppidum quod Albamarla vocatur, sollertia sua acquisivit, pecunia custodes corrumpens.” Florence however calls it “castellum Walteri de Sancto Walarico.” This might be understood of any castle belonging to Walter of Saint Valery; and the change might be taken either as having the force of a correction or as showing that Florence did not understand what he found in the Chronicles. I do not find any mention of the taking of Saint Valery, or of any possession of Walter of Saint Valery, anywhere except in the English writers. Walter, who is more than once mentioned by Orderic (724 B, 729 D) as a crusader, was of the house of the Advocates of Saint Valery of whom I have spoken elsewhere (N. C. vol. iii. pp. 131, 393).

[622] N. C. vol. iv. pp. 557, 643.

[623] Ib. vol. iii. p. 157.

[624] Ib. vol. ii. p. 632.

[625] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Primus Normannorum Stephanus de Albamarla filius Odonis Campaniæ comitis regi adhæsit, et regiis sumptibus castellum suum super Aucium flumen vehementer munivit, in quo validissimam regis familiam contra ducem suscepit.” Florence calls it “castellum Odonis de Albamarno.”

[626] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “And þarinne he sette his cnihtas, and hi dydon hearmes uppon þam lande on hergunge and on bærnete.”

[627] N. C. vol. iii. p. 153; vol. iv. p. 280.

[628] Ib. vol. iii. p. 226.

[629] Ib. vol. iii. p. 93.

[630] Domesday, 18. “Rex W. dedit comiti [de Ow] castellariam de Hastinges.”

[631] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 152.

[632] See above, [p. 59.]

[633] N. C. vol. iv. p. 733; vol. v. p. 560.

[634] As Barrow Gurney in Somerset.

[635] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 121.

[636] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Gornacum et Firmitatem et Goisleni fontem, aliasque munitiones suas regi tradidit, finitimosque suos regiæ parti subjicere studuit.”

[637] N. C. vol. iv. pp. 39, 737.

[638] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 201.

[639] See above, [p. 209.]

[640] Will. Gem. vii. 4. See N. C. vol. i. p. 465. The kindred is also implied in the fact that William of Breteuil was the nephew of both Ralph and William. See Ord. Vit. 688 B, D, and below, [p. 266].

[641] Ord. Vit. 687 D. “Perstrepentibus undique præliis in Neustria, securitate pacis perfrui non poterat Ebroicensis provincia. Illic nempe plus quam civile bellum inter opulentos fratres exortum est, et maligna superbarum æmulatione mulierum malitia nimis augmentata est. Heluisa namque comitissa contra Isabelem de Conchis pro quibusdam contumeliosis verbis irata est, comitemque Guillelmum cum baronibus suis in arma per iram commovere totis viribus conata est. Sic per suspiciones et litigia feminarum in furore succensa sunt fortium corda virorum, quorum manibus paulo post multus mutuo cruor effusus est mortalium, et per villas et vicos multarum incensa sunt tecta domorum.”

[642] She was the daughter of William the First, Count of Auxerre and Nevers, by his first wife Ermengarde, daughter of Reginald Count of Tonnerre. See Art de Vérifier les Dates, ii. 559.

[643] Orderic has two pictures of her. In the second (834 B), drawn a few years later than our present time, when Count William “natura senioque aliquantum hebescebat,” we read, “Uxor ejus totum consulatum regebat, quæ in sua sagacitate plus quam oporteret confidebat. Pulcra quidem et facunda erat, et magnitudine corporis pene omnes feminas in comitatu Ebroarum consistentes excellebat, et eximia nobilitate, utpote illustris Guillelmi Nivernensis comitis filia, satis pollebat. Hæc nimirum consilio baronum mariti sui relicto, æstimationem suam præferebat, et ardua nimis secularibus in rebus plerumque arripiebat atque immoderata temptare properabat.” Elsewhere (688 A), he says, “Ambæ mulieres quæ talia bella ciebant, loquaces et animosæ, ac forma elegantes erant, suisque maritis imperabant, subditos homines premebant, variisque modis terrebant.” When Orderic (576 C), recording Isabel’s widowhood and religious profession, speaks of her as “letalis lasciviæ cui nimis in juventute servierat pœnitens,” the word need not be taken in the worst sense. He uses (864 A) the same kind of language of Juliana daughter of Henry the First, who, whatever she was as a daughter, seems to have been a very good wife and mother.

[644] Ord. Vit. 834 B. “Pro feminea procacitate Rodberto comiti de Mellento aliisque Normannis invidiosa erat.”

[645] Ord. Vit. 576 B, C.

[646] Ib. 834 C.

[647] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 605, 643.

[648] Ord. Vit. 688 A. “Magna in eisdem morum diversitas erat. Heluisa quidem solers erat et facunda, sed atrox et avara. Isabel vero dapsilis et audax atque jocosa, ideoque coessentibus amabilis et grata. In expeditione inter milites, ut miles, equitabat armata, et loricatis equitibus ac spiculatis satellitibus non minori præstabat audacia quam decus Italiæ Turni manipularibus virgo Camilla.” He goes on to liken her to Penthesileia and all the other Amazons.

[649] Ib. “Radulfus Robertum ducem adivit, querelas damnorum quæ a contribulibus suis pertulerat intimavit, et herile adjutorium ab eo poposcit; sed frustra, qui nihil obtinuit.”

[650] Ib. B. “Hinc alias conversus est, et utile sibi patrocinium quærere compulsus est. Regem Angliæ per legatos suos interpellatur, eique sua infortunia mandavit, et si sibi suffragaretur, se et omnia sua permisit. His auditis rex gavisus est, et efficax adminiculum indigenti pollicitus est. Deinde Stephano comiti et Gerardo de Gornaco, aliisque tribunis et centurionibus qui præerant in Normannia familiis ejus, mandavit ut Radulfum totis adjuvarent nisibus et oppida ejus munirent necessariis omnibus.”

[651] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Robertus Aucensium comes, et Gauterius Gifardus et Radulfus de Mortuomari, et pene omnes qui trans Sequanam usque ad mare habitabant, Anglicis conjuncti sunt.”

[652] Ib. “De regiis opibus ad muniendas domos suas armis et satellitibus copiosam pecuniam receperunt.”

[653] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 644.

[654] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Robertus dux contra tot hostes repagulum paravit, filiamque suam quam de pellice habuerat, Heliæ filio Lamberti de Sancto Sidonio conjugem dedit.”

[655] N. C. vol, i. p. 253.

[656] Will. Gem. viii. 37.

[657] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Archas cum Buris et adjacente provincia in maritagio tribuit, ut adversariis resisteret Calegiique comitatum defenderet. Ille vero jussa viriliter complere cœpit.”

[658] Neufchâtel-en-Bray, famous for cheeses.

[659] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 121.

[660] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Roberto duci et Guillelmo filio ejus semper fidelis fuit, et sub duobus regibus Guillelmo et Henrico multa pertulit, labores videlicet ac exhæreditationem, damna, exsilium, ac multa pericula.” See N. C. vol. v. pp. 84, 182.

[661] N. C. vol. ii. p. 254.

[662] N. C. vol. iv. p. 700.

[663] Will. Malms. iv. 307. “Domino suo regi Franciæ per nuntios violentiam fratris exposuit, suppetias orans. Et ille quidem iners, et quotidianam crapulam ructans, ad bellum singultiens ingluvie veniebat.”

[664] The place is not mentioned in the Chronicles nor in any other of our accounts, except by Robert of Torigny in the Continuation of William of Jumièges, viii. 3. He tells his story backwards in a very confused way, and mixes up the events of this year and the next; “Facta est itaque tandem inter eos [Robertum et Willelmum] apud Cadomum, ut diximus, adminiculante Philippo rege Francorum, qui in auxilium ducis contra Willelmum regem apud oppidum Auci ingenti Anglorum et Normannorum exercitu tunc morantem venerat, qualiscumque concordia.” This means the peace of 1092, when William was in Normandy, and when Philip certainly did not come to Eu. On the other hand, William was certainly not at Eu in 1091. But as Philip did in 1091 come to some castle which must have been either Eu, Aunde, or Gournay, we may perhaps accept this as evidence in favour of Eu.

[665] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “Se cyng Willelm of Englalande sende to Philippe Francena cynge, and he for his lufan oððe for his mycele gersuma, forlet swa his man þone eorl Rodbeard and his land, and ferde ongean to France, and let heom swa weorðan.” The spirit is lost in the Latin of Florence; “Quod cum regi Willelmo nuntiatum esset, non modica pecuniæ quantitati regi Philippo occulte transmissa, ut obsidione dimissa, domum rediret, flagitavit et imperavit.”

[666] Will. Malms. iv. 307. “Occurrerunt magna pollicenti nummi regis Angliæ, quibus infractus cingulum solvit et convivium repetiit.”

[667] Macaulay, Hist. Eng. iv. 265. “The Elector of Saxony … had, together with a strong appetite for subsidies, a great desire to be a member of the most select and illustrious orders of knighthood.” For this last passion there was as yet no room, but William Rufus did a good deal towards bringing about the state of things in which it arose.

[668] N. C. vol. ii. p. 318.

[669] So are the Norman reigns of Geoffrey Plantagenet and his son Henry. But their position in Normandy was quite different from Robert’s, while they claimed England in quite a different sense from the claims of Robert, and had—​the son at least had—​partisans there.

[670] N. C. vol. v. pp. 85, 95, 96.

[671] The character of this Count Geoffrey (son of the Rotrou who figures in the war of the Conqueror and his son, N. C. vol. iv. pp. 637, 639) as drawn by Orderic (675 D; see above, [p. 183]) is worth studying; “Erat idem consul magnanimus, corpore pulcher, et callidus, timens Deum et ecclesiæ cultor devotus, clericorum pauperumque Dei defensor strenuus, in pace quietus et amabilis, bonisque pollebat moribus.” Yet he was also “in bello gravis et fortunatus, finitimisque intolerabilis regibus et inimicus [cis?] omnibus.” Moreover “multas villas combussit multasque prædas hominesque adduxit.” The truth is that the curse of private warfare drew the best men, no less than the worst, into the common whirlpool; and, once in arms, they could not keep back their followers from the usual excesses, even if any such thought occurred to themselves. Cf. Ord. Vit. 890 B for another mention of Geoffrey.

[672] See above, [p. 184].

[673] Ord. Vit. 685 A, B. This Gilbert is son of Eginulf, who died at Senlac (N. C. vol. iii. p. 503, note), and brother of Richer, who died before Sainte-Susanne (N. C. vol. iv. p. 659). His sister Matilda married Robert of Mowbray.

[674] Ib. 684 D, 685 C, D; Will. Gem. viii. 15. The offender, a man of Belial, was Ascelin surnamed Goel. The marriage was blessed or cursed with the birth of seven sons, all, according to both our authorities, of evil report.

[675] See above, [p. 194]. The bandying of words, as given by Orderic (686 A), is worth notice; “Robertus comes Mellenti muneribus et promissis Guillelmi regis turgidus de Anglia venit, Rothomagum ad ducem accessit, et ab eo arcem Ibreii procaciter repetiit. Cui dux respondit, Æquipotens mutuum patri tuo dedi Brioniam nobile castrum pro arce Ibreii. Comes Mellenti dixit, Istud mutuum non concedo, sed quod pater tuus patri meo dedit habere volo. Alioqui per sanctum Nigasium faciam quod tibi displicebit. Iratus igitur dux illico eum comprehendi et in carcere vinciri præcepit, et Brioniam Roberto Balduini filio custodiendam commisit.” This Robert in 686 D sets forth his pedigree, as grandson of Count Gilbert the guardian of the Conqueror (see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 195, 196). He was nephew of Richard of Bienfaite (see above, [p. 68]), the founder of the house of Clare.

[676] He is now brought in as “callidus senex.”

[677] Ord. Vit. 686 C. The Duke speaks of the old Roger’s “magna legalitas,” “loyalty,” according to its etymology. Is it characteristic of the “callidus senex” that he addresses the Duke as “vestra sublimitas,” “vestra serenitas,” and thanks him for imprisoning his son, “temerarium juvenem”? Yet it was twenty-four years since the exploits of Robert of Meulan at Senlac.

[678] Ib. D. “Ob hoc ingens pecuniæ pondus promisit.”

[679] Ib. 687 A.

[680] Ib. A, B. “Tunc calor ingens incipientis æstatis, et maxima siccitas erant, quæ forinsecus expugnantes admodum juvabant. Callidi enim obsessores in fabrili fornace quæ in promptu structa fuerat, ferrum missilium calefaciebant, subitoque super tectum principalis aulæ in munimento jaciebant, et sic ferrum candens sagittarum atque pilorum in arida veterum lanugine imbricum totis nisibus figebant.”

[681] Ib. “Sic Robertus dux ab hora nona Brioniam ante solis occasum obtinuit, quam Guillelmus pater ejus cum auxilio Henrici Francorum regis sibi vix in tribus annis subigere potuit.” See N. C. vol. ii. p. 268.

[682] See above, [p. 234].

[683] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 145, 451.

[684] Ib. vol. v. pp. 466, 474.

[685] Ord. Vit. 689 D. “Hujus nimirum factionis incentor Conanus Gisleberti Pilati filius erat, qui inter cives, utpote ditissimus eorum, præcellebat. Is cum rege de tradenda civitate pactum fecerat, et immensis opibus ditatus in urbe vigebat, ingentemque militum et satellitum familiam contra ducem turgidus jugiter pascebat.”

[686] Ib. 691 A. “Guillelmus Ansgerii filius, Rodomensium ditissimus.” This is after Conan’s death.

[687] Ib. 689 D. “Cives Rothomagi regiis muneribus et promissis illecti de mutando principe tractaverunt, ac ut Normanniæ metropolim cum somnolento duce regi proderent consiliati sunt.”

[688] Ib. “Maxima pars urbanorum eidem adquiescebant. Nonnulli tamen pro fide duci servanda resistebant, et opportunis tergiversationibus detestabile facinus impediebant.”

[689] Ord. Vit. 689 D. “Conanus de suorum consensu contribulium securus, terminum constituit.” Orderic most likely means nothing in particular by this odd word “contribules.” But the later history of free cities supplies a certain temptation to begin thinking of gilds, Zünfte, Geschlechter, abbayes, and alberghi.

[690] Ib. “Dux, ubi tantam contra se machinationem comperiit, amicos in quibus confidebat ad se convocavit.”

[691] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Henricus igitur primus ei suppetias venit, et primo subsidium fratri contulit, deinde vindictam viriliter in proditorem exercuit.”

[692] Ib. “Fidelibus suis desolationem sui cita legatione intimavit.”

[693] Ib. See above, [p. 76], and N. C. vol. iv. p. 654.

[694] See above, [p. 242]. He was killed next year. See Ord. Vit. 685 B.

[695] This earlier castle of the dukes must be carefully distinguished from the Vieux Palais, which, though it is no longer standing, still lives in street nomenclature. This last was the work of our Henry the Fifth, and lay to the west, between the Roman wall and the wall of Saint Lewis.

On this side of the city the modern street lately called Rue de l’Impératrice, and now promoted to the name of Rue Jeanne Darc, is not a bad guide. It runs a little outside of the Roman wall and may fairly represent its fosse. So the other great modern street called Rue de l’Hôtel de Ville, and now Rue Thiers, runs a little further outside the northern wall of the ancient city, which is marked by the Rue de la Ganterie.

[696] On this side again a modern street helps us. The Rue de la République, lately Rue Impériale, marks, though less accurately than the others, the eastern side of the city. The Rebecq may be traced for a little way, but it presently loses itself, or at least is lost to the inquirer.

[697] Ord. Vit. 690 B. See below, [p. 255].

[698] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 203.

[699] “Archimonasterium” is a title of Saint Ouen’s. See Neustria Pia, 1.

[700] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 183, 468.

[701] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 704.

[702] The “Tour de la Grosse Horloge” and the gate close by are conspicuous features in that quarter of Rouen. The noble Palace of Justice was not even represented in the times with which we have to do.

[703] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 706.

[704] Neustria Pia, 611.

[705] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Ad Calcegiensem portam properavit.”

[706] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Jampridem quidam de regiis satellitibus in urbem introierant, et parati, rebellionem tacite præstolantes, seditionis moram ægre ferebant.”

[707] Ib. B. “Dum militaris et civilis tumultus exoritur, nimius hinc et inde clamor attollitur, et tota civitas pessime confunditur, et in sua viscera crudeliter debacchatur. Plures enim civium contra cognatos vicinosque suos ad utramque portam dimicabant, dum quædam pars duci, et altera regi favebant…. Dum perturbationis ingens tumultus cuncta confunderet, et nesciretur quam quisque civium sibi partem eligeret.”

[708] Ib. B. “Dux ubi furentes, ut dictum est, in civitate advertit, cum Henrico fratre suo et commanipularibus suis de arce prodiit, suisque velociter suffragari appetiit.”

[709] Ord. Vit. 690 B. “Ne perniciem inhonestam stolido incurreret, cunctisque Normannis perenne opprobrium fieret.”

[710] Ib. “Fugiens cum paucis per orientalem portam egressus est, et mox a suburbanis vici, qui Mala-palus dicitur, fideliter ut specialis herus susceptus est.”

[711] Ord. Vit. 690 B. “Cimba parata Sequanam intravit, et relicto post terga conflictu trepidus ad Ermentrudis-villam navigavit. Tunc ibidem a Guillelmo de Archis Molismensi monacho susceptus est, ibique in basilica sanctæ Mariæ de Prato finem commotæ seditionis præstolatus est.” On this William of Arques, see above, [p. 220].

William of Malmesbury (v. 392) has quite another account, in which the Duke’s flight is not spoken of, and in which Henry at least urges him to action; “Regios eo interdiu venientes, qui dolo civium totam jampridem occupaverant urbem, probe expulit [Henricus], admonito per nuntios comite ut ille a fronte propelleret quos ipse a tergo urgeret.” This account does not come in its chronological place, but in William’s account of the early life of Henry. And he misconceives the date, placing the revolt of Rouen after the coming of William into Normandy; “Willelmo veniente in Normanniam uti se de fratre Roberto ulcisceretur, comiti obsequelam suam exhibuit [Henricus], Rotomagi positus.”

[712] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Regia cohors territa fugit, latebrasque silvarum quæ in vicinio erant, avide poscens, delituit, et subsidio noctis discrimen mortis seu captionis difficulter evasit.”

[713] On the different versions of the death of Conan in Orderic and in William of Malmesbury, see Appendix K.

[714] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Considera, Conane, quam pulcram tibi patriam conatus es subjicere.”

[715] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “En, ad meridiem delectabile parcum patet oculis tuis. En saltuosa regio silvestribus abundans feris. Ecce Sequana piscosum flumen Rotomagensem murum allambit, navesque pluribus mercimoniis refertas huc quotidie devehit.”

[716] Ib. D. “En ex alia parte civitas populosa, mœnibus sacrisque templis et urbanis ædibus speciosa, cui jure a priscis temporibus subjacet Normannia tota.”

[717] Ib. “Pro redemptione mei domino meo aurum dabo et argentum, quantum reperire potero in thesauris meis meorumque parentum, et pro culpa infidelitatis fidele usque ad mortem rependam servitium.”

[718] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Per animam matris meæ, traditori nulla erit redemptio, sed debitæ mortis acceleratio.”

[719] Ib. “Conanus gemens clamavit alta voce; Pro amore, inquit, Dei, confessionem mihi permitte.”

[720] Ib. “Henricus acer fraternæ ultor injuriæ præ ira infremuit.” Simple wrath is an attribute which we are more used to assign to Henry the Second, with his hereditary touch of the Angevin devil, than to the calm, deliberate, Henry the First. Yet we can understand how, through the stages of the “ironica insultatio,” as Orderic calls Henry’s discourse to Conan, a determination taken in cold blood might grow into the fierce delight of destruction at the actual moment of carrying it out.

[721] See Appendix K.

[722] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Locus ipse, ubi vindicta hujusmodi perpetrata est, saltus Conani usque in hodiernam diem vocitatus est.”

[723] See above, [p. 190].

[724] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Robertus dux, ut de prato ad arcem rediit et quæ gesta fuerant comperit, pietate motus infortunio civium condoluit, sed, fortiori magnatorum censura prævalente, reis parcere nequivit.”

[725] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Robertus Belesmensis et Guillelmus Bretoliensis affuerunt, et Rodomanos incolas velut exteros prædones captivos abduxerunt, et squaloribus carceris graviter afflixerunt…. Sic Belesmici et Aquilini ceterique ducis auxiliarii contra se truculenter sæviunt, civesque metropolis Neustriæ vinculatos attrahunt, cunctisque rebus spoliatos, ut barbaros hostes male affligunt.”

[726] Ib. “A Guillelmo Bretoliensi ducitur captivus, et post longos carceris squalores redimit se librarum tribus millibus.”

[727] See above, [p. 243].

[728] Ib. 688 B. “Mense Novembri Guillelmus comes ingentem exercitum aggregavit, et Conchas expugnare cœpit.” One would like to know what number passed for “ingens exercitus” in this kind of warfare.

[729] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 713.

[730] Ib. p. 713.

[731] Ord. Vit. 834 C. “Prædictus comes et Heluisa comitissa dangionem regis apud Ebroas funditus dejecerunt.”

[732] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 204.

[733] On the foundation of the abbey of Conches or Castellion, see Neustria Pia, 567, and the passages from Orderic and William of Jumièges there cited. William (vii. 22) puts it among the monasteries founded in the reign of William the Great, and calls its founder Ralph. But Orderic (460 A) attributes the foundation to a Roger, seemingly the old Roger who came back from Spain. I can hardly accept the suggestion in Neustria Pia that the Roger spoken of is the young Roger of whom we shall presently hear, the son of Ralph and Isabel, and that he was joint-founder with his father Ralph.

Orderic twice (493 B, 576 A) distinguishes Ralph of Conches, the husband of Isabel, from his father Roger of Toesny; “Rodulphus de Conchis, Rogerii Toenitis filius,” “Radulfus de Conchis, filius Rogerii de Toënia.”

[734] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 534.

[735] Will. Gem. vii. 22.

[736] Ord. Vit. 688 B.

[737] Ord. Vit. 688 B. “Dum cœnobialem curiam beati Petri Castellionis invaderet, nec pro reverentia monachorum, qui cum fletibus vociferantes Dominum interpellabant, ab incœptis desisteret, hostili telo repente percussus est, ipsoque die cum maximo luctu utriusque partis mortuus est.” He is described as “formidabilis marchisius.”

[738] Ib. C. “Radulfus pervalidum agmen de suis, et de familia regis habuit.”

[739] Ib. “Cupidis tironibus foras erumpere dixit, Armamini et estote parati, sed de munitione non exeatis donec ego jubeam vobis. Sinite hostes præda onerari, et discedentes mecum viriliter insectamini. Illi autem principi suo, qui probissimus et militiæ gnarus erat, obsecundarunt, et abeuntes cum præda pedetentim persecuti sunt.” Cf. the same kind of policy on the part of the Conqueror, N. C. vol. iii. p. 152.

[740] Ib. “Ebroicenses erubescentes quod guerram superbe cœperant et inde maximi pondus detrimenti cum dedecore pertulerant, conditioni pacis post triennalem guerram adquieverunt.” The peace was clearly made about the end of 1090 or the very beginning of 1091. The three years of war must therefore be reckoned from the death of the Conqueror, or from some time not long after.

[741] Ord. Vit. 688 D. He had at least two natural children, a daughter Isabel, of whom we have already heard (see above, [p. 243]), and a son Eustace, who succeeded his father in the teeth of all collateral claimants. Eustace is best known as the husband of Henry the First’s natural daughter Juliana (see N. C. vol. v. p. 157, note), in whose story we come again to the ever-disputed tower of Ivry. See Will. Gem. viii. 15; Ord. Vit. 577 B; 810 C; 848 B, C.

[742] Ib. “Ebroicensis quoque comes eundem Rogerium, utpote nepotem suum, consulatus sui heredem constituit.” This was to the prejudice of his nephew Amalric of Montfort, son of his whole sister Agnes, and half-brother of Isabel. After Count William’s death in 1108, the strivings after his county were great and long, till Amalric recovered full possession in 1119. Ord. Vit. 863 C.

[743] Ib. “Pretiosis vestibus quibus superbi nimis insolescunt, uti dedignabatur, et in omni esse suo sese modeste regere nitebatur.” This must be taken in connexion with Orderic’s various protests against the vain fashions of the day, especially the great one in p. 682.

[744] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 219; iv. p. 448.

[745] Ord. Vit. 688 D. “Quondam milites otiosi simul in Aula Conchis ludebant et colloquebantur, et coram domina Elisabeth de diversis thematibus, ut mos est hujusmodi, confabulabantur.” Then follows this beautiful story of the three dreams.

[746] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 130.

[747] Ord. Vit. 689 A. “Dextera sua me benedicentem, signumque crucis super caput meum benigniter facientem.”

[748] He married their daughter Godehild, the former wife of Robert, son of Henry Earl of Warwick. See Ord. Vit. 576 C; Will. Gem. viii. 41. The strange story of his two later marriages does not concern us, and the way in which he became Count of Edessa was hardly becoming in a holy warrior.

[749] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 94, 819, and Appendix HH.

[750] Ord. Vit. 689 C.

[751] Ib. 784 B.

[752] Ib. 834 C. There is a singular contrast in the words with which Orderic disposes of the dead bodies of the Count and the Countess; “Comitissa nempe defuncta prius apud Nogionem quiescit; comes vero, postmodum apoplexia percussus, sine viatico decessit, et cadaver ejus cum patre suo Fontinellæ computrescit.”

[753] See above, [p. 233].

[754] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 496.

[755] Ord. Vit. 691 A, B. “Ecce quibus ærumnis superba profligatur Normannia, quæ nimis olim victa gloriabatur Anglia, et naturalibus regni filiis trucidatis sive fugatis usurpabat eorum possessiones et imperia. Ecce massam divitiarum quas aliis rapuit eisque pollens ad suam perniciem insolentur tumuit, nunc non ad delectamentum sui sed potius ad tormentum miserabiliter distrahit.” He has an earlier reflexion to the same effect (664 B); “Sic proceres Neustriæ … patriam divitiis opulentam propriis viribus vicissim exspoliaverunt, opesque quas Anglis aliisque gentibus violenter rapuerunt merito latrociniis et rapinis perdiderunt.”

[756] Ord. Vit. 691 A, B. “Soli gaudent, sed non diu nec feliciter, qui furari seu prædari possunt pertinaciter.”

[757] Ib. “In diebus illis non erat rex neque dux Hierusalem, aureisque vitulis Jeroboam rebellis plebs immolabat in Dan et Bethel.” We are used to this kind of analogy whenever any one goes after a wrong Pope; but Normandy, with all its crimes, seems to have been perfectly orthodox.

[758] Ib. C. “Multa intueor in divina pagina quæ subtiliter coaptata nostri temporis eventui videntur similia. [Every age, except perhaps the eighteenth, has made the same remark.] Ceterum allegoricas allegationes et idoneas humanis moribus interpretationes studiosis rimandas relinquam, simplicemque Normannicarum historiam rerum adhuc aliquantulum protelare satagam.” This praiseworthy resolve reminds us of an earlier passage (683 B) where he laments the failure of the princes and prelates of his day to work miracles, and his own inability to force them to the needful pitch of holiness; “Ast ego vim illis ut sanctificentur inferre nequeo. Unde his omissis super rebus quæ fiunt veracem dictatum facio.”

It would seem from this that Orderic dictated his book. (See also his complaint in 718 C, when at the age of sixty he felt too old to write and had no one to write for him.) We need not therefore infer in some other cases that, because an author dictated, therefore he could not write.

[759] The Chronicle (1091) says expressly, “On þisum geare se cyng Willelm heold his hired to X[~p]es messan on Wæstmynstre, and þæræfter to Candelmæssan he ferde for his broðer unþearfe ut of Englalande into Normandige.” So Florence; “Mense Februario rex Willelmus junior Normanniam petiit.” Orderic (696 D) seems to place his voyage a little earlier; “Mense Januario Guillelmus Rufus rex Anglorum cum magna classe in Normanniam transfretavit.” But he places it late in the month; for in 693 B, having recorded the death of Bishop Gerard on January 23, he adds that the King’s voyage happened “eadem septimana.”

[760] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 234.

[761] Richard of Courcy’s son Robert married Rohesia, one of the many daughters of Hugh of Grantmesnil. Ord. Vit. 692 A.

[762] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 197.

[763] Ord. Vit. 691 C.

[764] See Appendix L.

[765] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Cujus [Guillelmi] adventu audito, territus dux cum Roberto aliisque obsidentibus actutum recessit, et unusquisque propria repetiit.” He is more emphatic in 697 A; “Robertus de Belesmo cum suis complicibus aufugit.”

[766] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Mox omnes pene Normannorum optimates certatim regem adierunt, eique munera, recepturi majora, cum summo favore contulerunt. Galli quoque et Britones et Flandritæ, ut regem apud Aucum in Neustria commorari audierunt, aliique plures de collimitaneis provinciis, ad eum convenerunt. Tunc magnificentiam ejus alacriter experti sunt, domumque petentes cunctis cum principibus suis divitiis et liberalitate præposuerunt.”

[767] On the Treaty of 1091, see Appendix M.

[768] See above, [p. 221].

[769] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Tunc ingentia Robertus dux a rege dona recepit.”

[770] See Appendix M; and for the affairs of Maine, see below, Chapter VI.

[771] William of Malmesbury (v. 392) is becomingly strong on this head; “Parum hic labor apud Robertum valuit, virum animi mobilis, qui statim ad ingratitudinem flexus, bene meritum urbe cedere coegit.” This comes just after the death of Conan. His whole account is very confused.

[772] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 87–90.

[773] Ib. vol. v. p. 328

[774] Ib. vol. v. p. 388.

[775] Ib. vol. v. p. 89.

[776] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 288, 796.

[777] Ib. vol. iii. p. 7; see vol. ii. p. 376.

[778] Ib. vol. iv. p. 694.

[779] We have seen him already as a counsellor; see above, [p. 220]. Orderic, giving a picture of him some years later (778 B), adds that “ducem sibi coævum et quasi collectaneum fratrem diligebat.”

[780] See Appendix M.

[781] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 194, 508, 567.

[782] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “And ut of Normandig for to þam cynge his aðume to Scotlande and to his swustor.”

[783] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ðas forewarde gesworan xii. þa betste of þes cynges healfe, and xii. of þes eorles.” In Florence the “betste” become “barones.”

[784] “Þeah hit syððan litle hwile stode.”

[785] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Aggregatis Britonibus et Normannis, Constantiam et Abrincas aliaque oppida munivit, et ad resistendum totis nisibus insurrexit.”

[786] Ib. 697 B. “Britones, qui sibi solummodo adminiculum contulerant.”

[787] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 209.

[788] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Hugo Cestrensis comes aliique fautores, ejus paupertatem perpendentes, et amplas opes terribilemque potentiam Guillelmi regis metuentes, egregium clitonem in bellico angore deseruerunt, et municipia sua regi tradiderunt.” Wace tells quite another tale, more favourable to Earl Hugh, but much less likely. See Appendix N.

[789] Ann. S. Mich. 1023. “Hoc anno inchoatum est novum monasterium a Richardo secundo comite et Hildeberto abbate, qui abbas ipso anno obiit.” This is Hildebert the Second, appointed in 1017.

[790] Ib. 1100. “Hoc anno pars non modica ecclesiæ montis sancti Michaelis corruit … in cujus ruina portio quædam dormitorii monachorum destructa atque eversa est.” Ib. 1112. “Hoc anno combusta est hæc ecclesia sancti Michaelis igne fulmineo, cum omnibus officinis monachorum.”

[791] Ann. S. Mich. 1085. “Huic [Rannulfo] successit Rogerius Cadomensis, non electione monachorum, sed vi terrenæ potestatis.”

[792] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 468.

[793] See Florence’s account in Appendix N.

[794] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 235.

[795] I take this from Wace, 14660;

“Li Munt asistrent environ,

De Genez de si à Coisnon

E la revière d’Ardenon;

N’issent del mont se par els non.

A Avrenches li reis séeit

Et a Genez li dus esteit.”

On the value of Wace’s general story, see Appendix N; but we may trust the topography of the Jerseyman.

[796] See Florence’s account in Appendix N. So Will. Malms. iv. 308; “Crebris excursibus obsidentem militiam germanorum contristavit.” Wace (14652) says,

“Sovent coreit par Costentin,

E tensout tot Avrencin;

Li vilains prist, si fist raendre,

Ne leissout rien k’il péust prendra.”

[797] Wace, 14666;

“Mult véissiez joster sovent,

E tornéier espessement

Entre li Munt et Ardenon

E la rivière de Coisnon.

Chescun jor al flo retraiant

Vint chevaliers jostes menant.”

[798] On the two versions of this story, if they are meant to be the same story, in William of Malmesbury and in Wace, see Appendix N.

[799] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Solus in multos irruit, alacritate virtutis impatiens, simulque confidens nullum sibi ausurum obsistere.”

[800] Ib. “Fides loricæ obstitit ne læderetur.”

[801] Ib. “Tolle, nebulo, Rex Angliæ sum.”

[802] I Kings xii. 31.

[803] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Tremuit, nota voce jacentis, vulgus militum, statimque reverenter de terra levato equum alterum adducunt.”

[804] Ib. “Non expectato ascensorio, sonipedem insiliens, omnesque circumstantes vivido perstringens oculo, Quis, inquit, me dejecit?”

[805] See Appendix G. We have had this favourite oath already.

[806] Will. Malms. u. s. “Meus amodo eris, et meo albo insertus laudabilis militiæ præmia reportabis.” Of William’s “album” or muster-roll we hear elsewhere. Wace, 14492;

“N’oïst de chevalier parler

Ke de proesce oïst loer,

Ki en son brief escrit ne fust,

E ki par an del suen n’éust.”

[807] See Roger of Howden, iv. 83. The King is wounded before Chaluz; the castle is taken, “quo capto, præcepit rex omnes suspendi, excepto illo solo qui eum vulneraverat, quem, ut fas est credere, turpissima morte damnaret, si convaluisset.”

[808] See N. C. vol. v. p. 73. Where did William of Malmesbury find his story of Alexander, “qui Persam militem se a tergo ferire conatum, sed pro perfidia ensis spe sua frustratum, incolumem pro admiratione fortitudinis conservavit”? The story in Arrian, i. 15, is quite different.

[809] The stock of meat comes from Wace, 14700;

“De viande aveient plenté

Maiz de bevre aveient grant chierté;

Asez aveient a mengier,

Maiz molt trovoent li vin chier.”

The lack of water is secondary in his version. See Appendix N.

[810] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Impium esse ut eum aqua arceant, quæ esset communis mortalibus; aliter, si velit, virtutem experiatur; nec pugnet violentia elementorum sed virtute militum.” If this represents a real message from Henry, it must surely have been meant as an argumentum ad hominem for Robert.

[811] Ib. “Genuina mentis mollitie flexus, suos qua prætendebant laxius habere se jussit.” This must mean the quarters of Robert at Genetz, as distinguished from those of William.

[812] See Appendix N.

[813] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Belle scis actitare guerram, qui hostibus præbes aquæ copiam; et quomodo eos domabimus si eis in pastu et in potu indulserimus?”

[814] Ib. “Ille renidens illud come et merito famosum verbum emisit, Papæ, dimitterem fratrem nostrum mori siti? et quem alium habebimus si eum amiserimus?” For the other version, see Appendix N. M. le Hardy (80), who is a knight of the order of Pius the Ninth, translates “Papæ,” “par le Pape.”

[815] See Appendix N.

[816] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Fere xv. diebus cum suis aquæ penuria maxime coarcuerunt. Porro callidus juvenis, dum sic a fratribus suis coarctaretur, et a cognatis atque amicis et confœderatis affinibus undique destitueretur, et multimoda pene omnium quibus homines indigent inedia angeretur,” &c. The siege began “in medio quadragesimæ,” and lasted fifteen days. Florence is therefore wrong in saying “per totam quadragesimam montem obsederunt.”

[817] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Frequenter cum eo prœlium commiserunt, et homines et equos nonnullos perdiderunt. At rex, cum obsidionis diutinæ pertæsus fuisset, impacatus recessit.”

[818] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Liberum sibi sociisque suis exitum de monte ab obsidentibus poposcit. Illi admodum gavisi sunt, ipsumque cum omni apparatu suo egredi honorifice permiserunt.” On the honours of war, see above, [p. 86]. See Appendix N.

[819] Ib. “Rex in Neustria usque ad Augustum permansit, et dissidentes qui eidem adquiescere voluerunt regali auctoritate pacavit.” So in 693 C he mentions the lands of Eu, Gournay, and Conches, and adds, “ubi præfatus rex a Januario usque ad kal. Augusti regali more cum suis habitavit.” I assume Eu as his actual head-quarters, as it was before and after.

[820] Ib. D. See the [next chapter].

[821] Ord. Vit. 697 B. “Sic regia proles in exsilio didicit pauperiem perpeti, ut futurus rex optime sciret miseris et indigentibus compati, eorumque dejectioni vel indigentiæ regali potentia seu dapsilitate suffragari, et ritus infirmorum expertus eis pie misereri.”

[822] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 156, 843.

[823] See Appendix O.

[824] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “In regnum se cum ambobus fratribus recepit.” I should hardly have accepted this evidence, if it had not been confirmed by the signatures to a charter of which I shall presently speak. See below, [p. 305].

[825] Immediately after the words quoted in [p. 282], follows the entry about Malcolm; “Onmang þam þe se cyng W. ut of Englelande wæs ferde se cyng Melcolm of Scotlande hider into Englum, and his mycelne dæl ofer hergode.”

[826] Ord. Vit. 701 A. “In illo tempore Melcoma rex Scotorum contra regem Anglorum rebellavit, debitumque servitium ei denegavit.” See Appendix P.

[827] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Mense Maio rex Scottorum Malcolmus cum magno exercitu Northymbriam invasit; si proventus successisset, ulterius processurus, et vim Angliæ incolis illaturus. Noluit Deus: ideo ab incepto est impeditus: attamen antequam rediisset, ejus exercitus de Northymbria secum non modicam prædam abduxit.”

[828] Sim. Dun. 1093 (where he reckons up Malcolm’s invasions); “Quarto, regnante Willelmo juniore, cum suis copiis infinitis usque Ceastram, non longe a Dunelmo sitam, pervenit, animo intendens ulterius progredi.”

[829] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Oð þæt þa gode men þe þis land bewiston, him fyrde ongean sændon and hine gecyrdon.” Did they not go in their own persons?

[830] See above, p. 282. The words of Orderic (701 A) are odd; “Guillelmus rex … cum Roberto fratre suo pacem fecerat, ipsumque contra infidos proditores qui contra regem conspiraverant secum duxerat.” This surely cannot mean the Scots; it must mean the rebels of three years before. Robert cannot have been brought to act in any way against them; yet the words of Orderic must have a confused reference to some real object of his coming.

[831] Will. Malms. iv. 311. “Satagente Roberto comite, qui familiarem jamdudum apud Scottum locaverat gratiam, inter Malcolmum et Willelmum concordia inita.” See Appendix P.

[832] See Appendix BB.

[833] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 513.

[834] Sim. Dun. His. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Priori ad se venienti humiliter assurgens, benigne illum suscepit, et ita per omnia sub se, quemadmodum sub episcopo, curam ecclesiæ cum omni libertate agere præcepit.”

[835] Ib. “Licet in alia monasteria et ecclesias ferocius ageret, ipsis tamen non solum nihil auferebat, sed etiam de suo dabat, et ab injuriis malignorum sicut pater defendebat.”

[836] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 674.

[837] Sim. Dun. u. s. “Hoc tempore refectorium, quale hodie cernitur, monachi ædificaverunt.”

[838] Ib. “Tertio anno expulsionis episcopi, cum homines regis quoddam in Normannia castellum tenentes obsiderentur, et jamjamque capiendi essent, eos episcopus a periculo liberavit, et consilio suo ut obsidio solveretur effecit.”

[839] Sim. Dun. His. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Unde rex placatus, universa quæ in Anglia prius habuerat, ei restituit.” More formally in the Gesta Regum, 1091; “Veniens Dunelmum, episcopum Willelmum restituit in sedem suam, ipso post annos tres die quo eam reliquit, scilicet tertio idus Septembris.” The time of three years is not quite exact; see above, [p. 94.]

[840] Hist. Eccl. Dun. u. s. “Ille nequaquam vacuus rediit, sed non pauca ex auro et argento sacra altaris vasa et diversa ornamenta, sed et libros plurimos ad ecclesiam præmittere curavit.”

[841] See above, [p. 295], and below, [p. 305].

[842] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Se cyng W…. sona fyrde hét ut abeodan ægðer scipfyrde and landfyrde; and seo scipferde, ær he to Scotlande cuman mihte, ælmæst earmlice forfór, feowan dagon toforan S[~c]e Michæles mæssan.” Florence calls the host “classis non modica et equestris exercitus,” and adds that “multi de equestri exercitu ejus fame et frigore perierunt.”

[843] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ac þa þa, se cyng Melcolm gehyrde þæt hine man mid fyrde secean wolde, he for mid his fyrde ut of Scotlande into Loðene on Englaland, and þær abad.” Florence, followed by Simeon, oddly enough translates this; “Rex Malcolmus cum exercitu in provincia Loidis occurrit.” Hence some modern writers have carried Malcolm as far south as Leeds, I presume only to Leeds in Yorkshire. Orderic (701 A), though, as we shall see, he somewhat misconceives the story, marks the geography very well; “Exercitum totius Angliæ conglobavit, ut usque ad magnum flumen, quod Scotte Watra dicitur, perduxit.” The “Scots’ Water” is of course the Firth of Forth. So Turgot in the Life of Margaret (Surtees Simeon, p. 247) speaks of “utraque litora maris quod Lodoneium dividit et Scotiam.” See Appendix P.

[844] Chron. Petrib. ib. “Ða ða se cyng William mid his fyrde genealehte þa ferdon betwux Rodbeard eorl and Eadgar æþeling, and þæra cinga sehte swa gemacedon.” So Florence; “Quod videns comes Rotbertus, clitonem Eadgarum, quem rex de Normannia expulerat, et tunc cum rege Scottorum degebat, ad se accersivit: cujus auxilio fretus, pacem inter reges fecit.” On the details in Orderic, see Appendix P.

[845] “Ex consultu sapientum,” says Orderic. These ancient formulæ cleave to us wherever we go, even in the camp. On the action of the military Witan, see above, [p. 216].

[846] See above, [p. 25].

[847] See Appendix P.

[848] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 175.

[849] Ib. vol. ii. p. 272.

[850] It is specially marked that the homage now done was the renewal of the old homage. So the Chronicle, 1091; “Se cyng Melcolm to uran cynge com, and his man wearð to ealle swilcre gehyrsumnisse swa he ǽr his fæder dyde, and þæt mid aðe gefestnode.” So Florence; “Ea conditione, ut Willelmo, sicut patri suo obedivit, Malcolmus obediret.”

[851] The Chronicle says only; “Se cyng William him behét on lande and on ealle þinge þæs þe he under his fæder ǽr hæfde.” Florence is fuller; “Et Malcolmo xii. villas, quas in Anglia sub patre illius habuerat, Willelmus redderet, et xii. marcas auri singulis annis daret.” See Appendix P.

[852] Chron. Petrib. u. s. “On þisum sehte wearð eac Eadgar eþeling wið þone cyng gesæhtlad, and þa cyngas þa mid mycclum sehte tohwurfon, ac þæt litle hwile stod.” Florence is to the same effect. See Appendix P.

[853] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Post hæc rex de Northymbria per Merciam in West-Saxoniam rediit.”

[854] See Appendix P.

[855] See N. C. vol. v. p. 121. The Chronicle in 1093 brings him in as “Dunecan … se on þæs cynges hyrede W. wæs, swa swa his fæder hine ures cynges fæder ær to gisle geseald hæfde.”

[856] See above, [p. 14].

[857] Could there be any reference to the non-restoration of Odo? See above, [p. 283].

[858] See above, [p. 143].

[859] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “And se eorl Rodbeard her oð X[~p]es mæsse forneah mid þam cynge wunode, and litel soðes þær onmang of heora forewarde onfand; and twam dagon ær þære tide on Wiht scipode and into Normandig fór, and Eadgar æþeling mid him.” So Florence; “Rex … secum fere usque ad nativitatem Domini comitem retinuit, sed conventionem inter eos factam persolvere noluit. Quod comes graviter ferens, xᵒ. kal. Januarii die cum clitone Eadgaro Normanniam repetiit.”

[860] Florence (1091) tells this tale; “Magnus fumus cum nimio fœtore subsecutus, totam ecclesiam replevit, et tamdiu duravit, quoad loci illius monachi cum aqua benedicta et incensu et reliquiis sanctorum, officinas monasterii psalmos decantando circumirent.” William of Malmesbury (iv. 323) gives more details, and is better certified as to the cause; “Secutus est odor teterrimus, hominum importabilis naribus. Tandem monachi, felici ausu irrumpentes, benedictæ aquæ aspergine præstigias inimici effugarunt.” A modern diplomatist might have said that the prestige of the evil one was lowered.

[861] Florence again tells the tale; but William of Malmesbury (iv. 324) again is far more emphatic, and seems to look on the winds as moral agents; “Quid illud omnibus incognitum sæculis? Discordia ventorum inter se dissidentium, ab Euro-austro veniens decimo sexto kal. Novembris Londoniæ plusquam secentas domos effregit…. Majus quoque scelus furor ventorum ausus, tectum ecclesiæ sanctæ Mariæ quæ ‘ad Arcus’ dicitur pariter sublevavit.” But Florence is simply setting down events under their years, while William is making a collection of “casualties,” to illustrate the position that “plura sub eo [Willelmo Rufo] subita et tristia acciderunt,” and notes this year as specially marked by “tumultus fulgurum, motus turbinum.”

[862] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Civitas Lundonia maxima ex parte incendio conflagravit.”

[863] See N. C. vol. i. p. 321.

[864] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 691.

[865] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Osmundus Searesbyriensis episcopus, ecclesiam quam Searesbyriæ in castello construxerat, cum adjutorio episcoporum Walcelini Wintoniensis et Johannis Bathoniensis, nonis Aprilis feria ii. dedicavit.” Cf. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 183. The foundation charter (Mon. Ang. vi. 1299) was signed in 1091, “Willelmo rege monarchiam totius Angliæ strenue gubernante anno quarto regni ejus, apud Hastinges”—​most likely on his return from Normandy in August. The signatures come in a strange order. Between the earls and the Archbishop of York come “Signum Wlnoti. Signum Croc venatoris.” Wulfnoth here turns up in the same strange way in which he so often does. Croc the huntsman we have heard of already. See above, [p. 102]. We get also the signatures of Howel Bishop of Le Mans, and of Robert the dispenser, who invented the surname Flambard (see below, [p. 331]). On the signature of Herbert Losinga, see Appendix X.

[866] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 606.

[867] Will. Malms. iv. 325. “Eadem violentia fulminis apud Salesbiriam tectum turris ecclesiæ omnino disjecit, multamque maceriam labefactavit, quinta sane die postquam eam dedicaverat Osmundus, præclaræ memoriæ episcopus.”

[868] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 419, and Giraldus, Vita Rem. c. 3, 4, 5 (vol. vii. p. 17 et seqq. Dimock). Giraldus is, I believe, the only writer who makes a saint of Remigius. He enlarges on the effects of Remigius’ preaching, and consequently on the wickedness of those to whom he had to preach.

[869] Giraldus, Vit. Rem. ch. v. “Prolem propriam quam genuerat, nepotes etiam et neptes, alienigenis in servitutem detestanda avaritia venalem ex consuetudine prostituebant.” Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 381, and the stories in Will. Malms. ii. 200, about Godwine’s supposed first wife. See N. C. vol. i. p. 737.

[870] I mentioned in N. C. vol. iv. p. 212, that Lincoln minster grew out of an earlier church of Saint Mary. The history of John of Schalby printed by Mr. Dimock shows that this elder parish church went on within the minster. This is a very important case of a double church. See Giraldus, vii. xxx. 194, 209.

[871] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 369.

[872] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 355.

[873] Giraldus, Vit. Rem. ch. iv. “Operam erga regem et archiepiscopum, excambium Eboracensi pro Lindeseia donantes, prudenter effectui, Deo cooperante mancipavit. Et sic Lindeseiam terramque totam inter Widhemam scilicet Lincolniæ fluvium et Humbriam diocesi suæ provinciæque Cantuariensi viriliter adjecit.” This is Giraldus’ improvement on the local record copied by John of Schalby (Giraldus, vii. 194); “Datis per regem prædictum Eboracensi archiepiscopo in excambium possessionibus, totam Lyndesyam suæ diocesi et provinciæ Cantuariensi conjunxit.” It must be remembered that a bishopric of Lindesey had once been set up by the Northumbrian Ecgfrith. See Bæda, iv. 12.

[874] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 90, 354. This seems to be delicately referred to in the record copied by John of Schalby (Giraldus, vii. 193); “Remigius natione Normannus ac monachus Fiscanensis, qui ob certam causam venerat cum eodem [Willielmo rege] in episcopum Dorkecestrensem.”

[875] So says Florence. Remigius is eager to dedicate his church, “quia sibi diem mortis imminere sentiebat.” Thomas objects, “affirmans eam in sua parochia esse constructam.” “At rex Willelmus junior, pro pecunia quam ei Remigius dederat, totius fere Angliæ episcopis mandavit ut, in unum convenientes, septennis idibus Maii ecclesiam dedicarent.” Of course there is nothing about the bribe in Giraldus, nor yet in William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 313, where the King’s order to the bishops is issued “magnanimi viri”—​Remigius has got the King’s own epithet—​“hortatu.” Matthew Paris, in the Historia Anglorum, i. 42, credits the Red King with an unlooked-for degree of zeal; “Postea rex Willelmus, cujus consilio et auxilio ecclesia illa fuit a primo loco suo remota, et quam pro anima patris sui [this at least is characteristic] multis ditaverat possessionibus, procuravit ut ea magnifice consummaretur.”

[876] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 313. “Solus Rotbertus Herefordensis venire abnuerat, et certa inspectione siderum dedicationem tempore Remigii non processuram viderat, nec tacuerat.”

[877] On the exact date, see Mr. Dimock’s note to Giraldus, vii. 20. Ascension Day came on the feast of Saint John ante Portam Latinam.

[878] “Ecclesiæ per hoc remansit dedicatio.” William of Malmesbury (u. s.) says, “Rem dilatam successor ejus non graviter explevit, utpote qui in labores alterius delicatus intrasset.” There seems to be no mention of this in the Lincoln writers.

[879] Giraldus (vii. 22–31) has fifteen chapters, very short ones certainly, of the miracles of Remigius. One takes most to the healings of the crippled women Leofgifu and Ælfgifu; Remigius “huic præcipue languori se propitium dedit.” A Norman, Richard by name, who tried to pull a hair from the beard of the saint’s uncorrupted body (cf. N. C. vol. iii. p. 32), became crippled himself. But a certain deaf and dumb Jewess, who came to blaspheme—​doubtless mentally—​was smitten to the earth and suddenly endowed with hearing and speech, beginning by uttering the name of Remigius in French. “Ex quo patet, quia non propter merita semper aut devotionem, sed ut manifestetur gloria Dei, miracula fiunt.” She was baptized by Bishop Alexander, and was carried about by him hither and thither to declare the praises of his predecessor.

[880] See Appendix R.

[881] See Bæda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 29. But we have a more distinct notice in the Life of Saint Cuthberht, c. 27 (ii. 101 Stevenson), of “Lugubalia civitas, quæ a populis Anglorum corrupte Luel vocatur.” In Ecgfrith’s day there might be seen “mœnia civitatis, fonsque in ea miro quondam Romanorum opere extractus.”

[882] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 58, 576.

[883] Ib. vol. i. pp. 63, 580.

[884] See N. C. vol. i. p. 647.

[885] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Hæc civitas, ut illis in partibus aliæ nonnullæ, a Danis paganis ante cc. annos diruta, et usque ad id tempus mansit deserta.”

[886] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 134.

[887] Chron. Petrib. 1092. “On þisum geare se cyng W. mid mycelre fyrde ferde horð to Cardeol, and þa burh geæðstaþelede, and þone castel arerde, and Dolfin út adraf, þe æror þær þæs landes weold, and þone castel mid his mannum gesette.” Florence seems to connect this with the unwrought ceremony at Lincoln; “His actis, rex in Northymbriam profectus, civitatem quæ Brytannice Cairleu, Latine Lugubalia vocatur, restauravit et in ea castellum ædificavit.” Orderic brings together the old and the new when he speaks (917 B) in David’s time of “Carduilum validissimum oppidum, quod Julius Cæsar, ut dicunt, condidit.”

[888] The Chronicler goes on; “And syððan hider suð gewænde, and mycele mænige cyrlisces folces mid wifan and mid orfe þyder sænde þær to wunigenne þæt land to tilianne.” So Henry of Huntingdon, vii. 2; “Rex reædificavit civitatem Carleol, et ex australibus Angliæ partibus illuc habitatores transmisit.” Florence leaves out both the colonization and the driving out of Dolfin.

[889] See Appendix R.

[890] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 858.

[891] See Appendix R.

[892] On the bishopric, see N. C. vol. v. p. 230.

[893] On Henry’s election at Domfront, see Appendix P.

[894] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 287; vol. iii. p. 165.

[895] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 198.

[896] See Appendix P.

[897] See Appendix P.

[898] See Appendix P.

[899] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 253.

[900] See above, [p. 213].

[901] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 228.

[902] Will. Gem. viii. 4. “Quia in hoc negotio et in aliisque plerisque suis necessitatibus Hugo comes Cestrensis ei fidelis exstiterat, concessit ei ex integro castellum quod sancti Jacobi appellatum est, in quo idem comes tunc temporis nihil aliud habebat, præter custodiam munitionis istius oppidi.” He goes on to describe the building of the castle, in words partly borrowed from William of Poitiers, and the grant to Richard of Avranches. On Richard, see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 209, 296.

[903] During this chapter, the authorities for the life of Anselm become of primary importance. We have the invaluable help of the two works of Anselm’s friend and faithful companion, the English monk Eadmer, afterwards Bishop-elect of Saint Andrews. Both Orderic and William of Malmesbury speak of Eadmer with the deepest reverence, and cut short their own accounts of Anselm, referring to his. He first wrote the Historia Novorum, and then the Vita Anselmi as a kind of supplement, to bring in certain points more purely personal to his hero. The subject of the Historia Novorum we might call “Anselm and his Times.” The subject of the Vita is naturally Anselm himself. Eadmer’s history is of course most minute and most trustworthy for all that concerns Anselm; other matters he cuts short. In most cases one can see his reasons; but it is not easy to see why he should have left out the mission of Geronto recorded by Hugh of Flavigny (see Appendix AA). Along with the works of Eadmer, we have also a precious store in the Letters of Anselm himself (see Appendix Y), which, besides the picture which they give of the man, throw a flood of light on the history. All these materials, with the other writings of Anselm, will be found in two volumes of Migne’s Patrologia, 158 and 159. I have used this edition for the Letters and for the Life; the Historia Novorum I have gone on quoting in the edition of Selden.

I need hardly say that Anselm’s English career, with which alone I am concerned, is only one part of his many-sided character. I have kept mainly to the history of Anselm in England; I have cut short both his early life and even the time of his first banishment. With his theology and philosophy I have not ventured to meddle at all. Anselm has had no lack of biographers from the more general point of view; Hasse (Anselm von Canterbury, Leipzig, 1852), Charles de Rémusat (Saint Anselme de Cantorbéry, Paris, 1853), Charma (Saint-Anselme, Paris, 1853), Croset-Mouchet (S. Anselme d’Aoste, Archevêque de Cantorbéry, Paris, 1859). I have made some use of all these; but the value even of Hasse and De Rémusat for my strictly English purpose is not great. M. Croset-Mouchet writes with a pleasant breeze of local feeling from the Prætorian Augusta, but he is utterly at sea as to everything in our island.

In our own tongue the life of Anselm has been treated by a living and a dead friend of my own, holding the same rank in the English Church. Dean Hook, I must say with regret, utterly failed to do justice to Anselm. This is the more striking, as he did thorough justice to Thomas. From Dr. Hook’s point of view it needed an effort to do justice to either, a smaller effort in the case of Anselm, a greater in the case of Thomas. As sometimes happens, he made the greater effort, but not the smaller. I am however able to say that he came to know Anselm better before he died. Dean Church, on the other hand, has given us an almost perfect example of a short sketch of such a subject. The accuracy of the tale is as remarkable as the beauty of the telling. It lacks only the light which is thrown on the story of Anselm by the earlier story of William of Saint-Calais. It is most important to remember that Anselm was not the first to appeal to the Pope.

[904] See N. C. vol. v. p. 131.

[905] Ib. p. 135.

[906] Ib. vol. iv. p. 521, and see Appendix S.

[907] See the extract from Orderic (678 C) in Appendix S.

[908] See Appendix S.

[909] So Liebermann truly remarks (Einleitung in den Dialogus de Scaccario, 40). He adds; “Diese pflegten die Priesterweihe möglichst spät zu empfangen; desto eifriger erjagten sie fette Pfründen.”

[910] Florence (1100) notices emphatically that the doings of Flambard were done “contra jus ecclesiasticum, et sui gradus ordinem, presbyter enim erat.” So he is marked by Anselm (Epp. iv. 2) as “sacerdos.”

[911] See Appendix S. The story about Flambard’s mother, which Sir Francis Palgrave suggests may have come from a ballad, is told by Orderic in another place (787 A); “Mater, quæ sortilega erat et cum dæmone crebro locuta, ex cujus nefaria familiaritate unum oculum amiserat,” One thinks of a later dabbler in mischief; “Our minnie’s sair mis-set, after her ordinar, sir—​she’ll hae had some quarrel wi’ her auld gudeman—​that’s Satan, ye ken, sirs.” William of Malmesbury (Gesta Regum, iv. 314) calls him “fomes cupiditatum, Ranulfus clericus, ex infimo genere hominum lingua et calliditate provectus ad summum.” In the Gesta Pontificum, 274, he is more guarded, and says only “ex quo ambiguum genere.”

[912] See Appendix S.

[913] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 522.

[914] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 348.

[915] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[916] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Is, si quando edictum regium processisset ut nominatum tributum Anglia penderet, duplum adjiciebat.”

[917] Ib. “Subinde, cachinnantibus quibusdam ac dicentibus, solum esse hominem qui sciret sic agitare ingenium nec aliorum curaret odium dummodo complacaret dominum.” This is one of the passages where William of Malmesbury thought it wise to soften what he first wrote. For “cachinnantibus quibusdam ac dicentibus” some manuscripts read “cachinnante rege ac dicente.”

[918] See Appendix U.

[919] See N. C. vol. v. p. 430.

[920] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Invictus causidicus, et tam verbis tam rebus immodicus.” One thinks of Lanfranc’s successes in the law-courts of Pavia (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 226); but knowledge of the Imperial law was a matter of professional learning; with the simpler law of England age and experience were enough.

[921] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 384, and Appendix T.

[922] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Rannulfe his capellane … þe æror ealle his gemot ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste.”

[923] See N. C. vol. v. p. 445.

[924] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Juxta in supplices ut in rebelles furens.”

[925] See Appendix T.

[926] See the extract from Orderic, 786 C, in Appendix T.

[927] See above, [p. 198].

[928] See N. C. vol. v. p. 398.

[929] As in the case of the general redemption of lands (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 25) and the great confiscation and distribution in the midwinter Gemót of 1067 (ib. p. 127).

[930] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “Forðan þe he ælces mannes gehadodes and læwedes yrfenuma beon wolde.”

[931] William of Malmesbury (v. 393) seems to sum up the reforms of Henry in the words “injustitias a fratre et Rannulfo institutas prohibuit.” “Justitiæ” is a technical phrase (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 559, 560). “Injustitiæ,” as here used, is something like our “unlaw” and “ungeld.”

[932] Revised Statutes, i. 725. By some chance this statute is printed in this collection, which commonly leaves out the statutes which are of most historical importance.

[933] I borrow this phrase from the story of Count William of Evreux in Orderic, 814 C (see Appendix K), though he was not to be given in quite the same sense.

[934] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 373–381.

[935] See the charter of Henry, Select Charters, 97; “Et omnes malas consuetudines quibus regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero, quas malas consuetudines ex parte hic pono.” He then goes through the grievances in order, relief, marriage, wardship, and the rest.

[936] I borrow our ancient word lænland, which survives in the German lehn.

[937] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 379, 867.

[938] Select Charters, 97. “Si quis baronum, comitum meorum sive aliorum qui de me tenent, mortuus fuerit, hæres suus non redimet terram suam sicut faciebat tempore fratris mei, sed justa et legitima relevatione relevabit eam.”

[939] Ib. “Et si quis baronum vel hominum meorum infirmabitur, sicut ipse dabit vel dare disponet pecuniam suam, ita datam esse concedo. Quod si ipse præventus armis vel infirmitate, pecuniam suam non dederit vel dare disposuerit, uxor sua sive liberi aut parentes, et legitimi homines ejus, eam pro anima ejus dividant, sicut eis melius visum fuerit.”

[940] Select Charters, 97. “Et terræ et liberorum custos erit sive uxor sive alius propinquorum qui justius esse debeat.”

[941] See Tractatus de Legibus, vii. 9. 10; and Phillips, Englische Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte, ii. 204.

[942] See N. C. vol. v. p. 374.

[943] This was pointed out by Hallam, Middle Ages, i. 128, ed. 1846.

[944] See N. C. vol. v. p. 381.

[945] See above, [p. 81].

[946] See above, [p. 133].

[947] Select Charters, 97. “Similiter et homines baronum meorum justa et legitima relevatione relevabunt terras suas de dominis suis…. Et præcipio quod barones mei similiter se contineant erga filios et filias vel uxores hominum suorum.”

[948] See above, [p. 153].

[949] Select Charters, 97. “Omnia placita et omnia debita quæ fratri meo debebantur condono, exceptis rectis firmis meis et exceptis illis quæ pacta erant pro aliorum hæreditatibus vel pro eis rebus quæ justius aliis contingebant.”

[950] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 429, 821. Eadmer says emphatically in the Preface to the Historia Novorum; “Ex eo quippe quo Willelmus Normanniæ comes terram illam [Angliam] debellando sibi subegit, nemo in ea episcopus vel abbas ante Anselmum factus est qui non primo fuerit homo regis, ac de manu illius episcopatus vel abbatiæ investituram per dationem virgæ pastoralis suscepit.” He excepts the bishops of Rochester, who received investiture from the Archbishop of Canterbury, their lord as well as their metropolitan.

A distinct witness to the antiquity of the royal rights in England is borne by William of Malmesbury (v. 417), where he is speaking of the controversy in Henry the First’s time. The King refused to yield to the new claims of the Pope, “non elationis ambitu, sed procerum et maxime comitis de Mellento instinctu, qui, in hoc negotio magis antiqua consuetudine quam recti tenore rationem reverberans allegabat multum regiæ majestati diminui, si omittens morem antecessorum, non investiret electum per baculum et annulum.”

Another remarkable witness is given by one of the continuators of Sigebert (Sigeberti Auctarium Ursicampinum, Pertz, vi. 471). He records the death of Lanfranc under a wrong year, 1097, and adds; “Anselmus abbas Beccensis, pro sua sanctitate et doctrina non solum in Normannia, sed etiam in Anglia jam celeberrimus, successit in præsulatu. Qui licet a rege Willelmo et principibus terre totiusque ecclesiæ conventu susceptus honorifice fuisset, multas tamen molestias et tribulationes postmodum sub ipso rege passus est pro statu ecclesiæ corrigendo. Nam reges Angliæ hanc injustam legem jam diu tenuerant, ut electos ecclesiæ præsules ipsi per virgam pastoralem ecclesiis investirent.”

This is of course written by the lights of Henry the First’s reign, as Anselm never objected to the royal investiture in the time of Rufus.

[951] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 588.

[952] Ib. p. 590.

[953] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 93, 601.

[954] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 372.

[955] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 37.

[956] See Appendix W.

[957] This comes in the great passage under 1100; “Godes cyrcean he nyðerade, and þa bisceoprices and abbotrices þe þa ealdras on his dagan feollan, ealle he hi oððe wið feo gesealde, oððe on his agenre hand heold and to gafle gesette.”

[958] See the passage quoted from Eadmer in Appendix W.

[959] See Appendix W.

[960] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 505, 527; vol. ii. p. 69.

[961] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 299. We have come across a good many cases which illustrate the difficulty of getting back church lands, even when they had been granted away only for a season. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 565; vol. iv. p. 803.

[962] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 617.

[963] See Appendix W.

[964] See above, [p. 298.]

[965] Ann. Wint. 1097. “Radulfus xvi. ecclesias carentes pastoribus sub tutela sua habebat, episcopatus, et abbatias, quas ad extremam paupertatem perduxit. Ecclesiæ quibus pastores præerant, dabant singulis annis regi ccc. vel cccc. marcas, aliæ plus, aliæ vero minus. In tanta erant tam ordinati miseria quam laici, quod tædebat eos vitæ eorum.” The annalist had said a little earlier (1092), in nearly the same words, “Prædictus Radulphus, vir quo in malo nemo subtilior, ecclesias sibi commissas exspoliavit bonis omnibus, et divites simul et pauperes [see [p. 341]] ad tantam deduxit inopiam, ut mallent mori quam sub ejus vivere dominatu.”

[966] See Appendix W.

[967] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 383, 385, 481.

[968] Ann. Wint. 1092. “Odo abbas abbatiam dimisit, nolens eam de rege more sæcularium tenere.” Here is a distinct protest against the new tenure.

[969] Ib. 1100. “Odoni reddidit [Henricus] abbatiam Certesiæ.”

[970] Chron. Petrib. 1100.

[971] Take two cases at random with a great interval between them, the vacancy of the see of Lincoln under Henry the Second, and that of Oxford, which one might have thought hardly worth keeping vacant, under Elizabeth. Hugh Curwin (see Godwin, 405) died in 1568, and his successor John Underhill was not appointed till 1589.

[972] Orderic (764 A) gives a picture of the kind of men who became bishops under this system; “Sic utique capellani regis et amici præsulatus Angliæ adepti sunt, et nonnulli ex ipsis præposituras ad opprimendos inopes, sibique augendas opes nihilominus tenuerunt…. Plerumque leves et indocti eliguntur ad regimen ecclesiæ tenendum, non pro sanctitate vitæ vel ecclesiasticorum eruditione dogmatum liberaliumve peritia litterarum, sed nobilium pro gratia parentum et potentum favore amicorum.”

[973] See N. C. vol. v. p. 224.

[974] Ib.

[975] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. vol. iii. pp. 318, 319. He gives amongst the reasons for the difference; “The abbots were not so influential as the bishops in public affairs, nor was the post equally desirable as the reward for public service; with a very few exceptions the abbacies were much poorer than the bishoprics, and involved a much more steady attention to local duties, which would prevent attendance at court.”

[976] This story has no better authority than that of the Hyde writer (299); still it is, to say the least, remarkable that it should be told of William Rufus. But there is an element of fun in the tale, and the Red King may for once have preferred a joke to a bribe. The description of the three monks at all events is good; “Cum coram rege astarent pariter, et uno plura promittente, alius pluriora promitteret, rex sagaciter cuncta perscrutans, tacentem monachum tertium quid quæsivit, ille se nil omnino promittere aut dare respondit, sed ad hoc tantum venisse ut abbatem suum cum honore suscipiendo domum deduceret.”

[977] See Stephens, Memorials of Chichester, p. 47.

[978] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 666.

[979] On the chronology, see Appendix X.

[980] I have already sketched his career, N. C. vol. iv. p. 420.

[981] So says Bartholomew Cotton, in his History of the Norwich Bishops; Hist. Angl., ed. Luard, p. 389; “Hic prius fuit prior Fiscanni, postea abbas Ramesseye, et pater suus Robertus abbas Wintoniæ. Hic Herbertus in pago Oxymensi natus, Fiscanni monachus, post ejusdem loci prioratum strenue administratum, translatus in Angliam a rege Willelmo, qui secundus ex Normannis obtinuit imperium, Ramesseye abbatis jure prælatus est.”

[982] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 36, 747.

[983] See Appendix X.

[984] See Appendix X.

[985] Ann. Wint. 1088. “Radulfo abbate Wintoniæ defuncto, commisit rex abbatiam Radulfo Passeflabere capellano suo.”

[986] See Appendix X.

[987] See Appendix X.

[988] Mon. Angl. ii. 431.

[989] See Appendix X.

[990] “Latenter,” says the extract from Florence quoted in Appendix X.

[991] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 437. So in Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 3. 23. William Rufus says, “Se illum [Urbanum] pro papa non tenere, nec suæ consuetudinis esse, ut absque sua electione alicui liceret in regno suo papam nominare.”

[992] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 118, 464; vol. iv. p. 354.

[993] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 376, 820.

[994] See above, [p. 312].

[995] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 661, 662.

[996] In the poem on the captivity of Ælfheah in the Chronicles, 1011, he is

“Se þe ær wæs heafod

Angelcynnes

And Cristendomes.”

[997] Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 211 et seqq. with 245.

[998] So we read of Henry the First in Florence, 1102; “Duos de clericis duobus episcopatibus investivit, Rogerium videlicet cancellarium episcopatu Saresbyriensi, et Rogerium larderarium suum pontificatu Herefordensi.”

[999] See N. C. vol. v. p. 662, and Contemporary Review, 1878, pp. 493, 496.

[1000] See below, [p. 418].

[1001] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 372.

[1002] We shall come to this again. This state of feeling is implied in Eadmer’s whole description of the time immediately before Anselm’s appointment.

[1003] We have seen even under the reign of the Confessor (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 69, and above, [p. 348]) a notion afloat that the archbishopric of Canterbury was to be had by bribery; but it was to be bribery carried on in some very underhand way, not in the form of open gifts either to King Eadward or to Earl Godwine. The appointment of Stigand (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 347) might be said to be the reward of temporal services; but they were services done to the whole nation, and the reward was bestowed by the nation itself.

[1004] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 69. Cf. Appendix I.

[1005] See above, [p. 352].

[1006] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 436.

[1007] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 3. 23. The King and his courtiers, “quid dicerent non habentes, eum in regem blasphemare uno strepitu conclamavere, quandoquidem ausus erat in regno ejus, nisi eo concedente, quidquam vel Deo ascribere.”

[1008] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 16. “Et adjecit, Sed per sanctum vultum de Luca (sic enim jurare consueverat) [see Appendix G] nec ipse hoc tempore nec alius quis archiepiscopus erit, me excepto.”

[1009] The action of Flambard in the matter comes out most strongly in the Winchester Annals, 1089, where a motive is assigned for Flambard’s zeal; “Hoc anno commisit rex Radulfo Passefiabere archiepiscopatum Cantuariæ, defuncto Lanfranco. Ipse autem regi quicquid inde aliquo modo lucrari poterat, ut de ejus cogitaret promotione, donavit.” But he had to wait eight years for his reward.

[1010] I refer to the well-known outburst of William of Malmesbury, iv. 314, some passages of which I have quoted in Appendix G.

[1011] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Nullus dives nisi nummularius, nullus clericus nisi causidicus, nullus presbyter nisi (ut verbo parum Latino utar) firmarius.”

[1012] Of the birthplace of Anselm and its buildings, some of which must have been fresh in his childhood, I attempted a little picture in my Historical and Architectural Sketches. The nature of the country is brought out with all clearness by Dean Church, Anselm, p. 8. Before him it had stirred up the local patriotism of M. Croset-Mouchet to the best things in his book.

[1013] I must venture to admire, though the poet has forsaken the natural Saturnian of Nævius and Walter Map for the foreign metre of Homer, the lines in which one of the biographers of Saint Hugh (Metrical Life, Dimock, p. 2) describes the country of his hero;

“Imperialis ubi Burgundia surgit in Alpes,

Et condescendit Rhodano, convallia vernant,

Duplicibus vestitur humus; sunt gramina vestis

Publica, sunt flores vestis sollennis, et uno

Illa colore nitent, sed mille coloribus illi.”

[1014] Eadmer (Vit. Ans. i. 1. 1.) carefully marks the geography of Aosta. It is “Augusta civitas, confinis Burgundiæ et Langobardiæ.” I have collected some passages on this head in Historical Geography, p. 278. The French writers De Rémusat (Saint Anselme, 21), Charma (4), and specially M. Croset-Mouchet (55), as a neighbour, seem to have caught the Burgundian birth of Anselm better than the English. Yet Charma, who knows that Aosta was Burgundian, calls Anselm an Italian, perhaps on account of the Lombard birth of his father.

[1015] M. Croset-Mouchet (57) is very anxious to connect Anselm’s mother with the house of the Counts of Savoy. He gives a genealogical table at the end of his book, where the pedigree of Ermenberga is traced up to Ardoin the Third, Count of Turin and Marquess in Italy. He seems however to be not very certain about the matter, and it does not greatly affect Anselm’s career either at Bec or at Canterbury.

[1016] Pope Urban (Hist. Nov. 45) counsels Anselm to avoid the unhealthy season at Rome, “quia urbis istius aër multis et maxime peregrinæ regionis hominibus nimis est insalubris.” Later in the story (Hist. Nov. 72), Ivo of Chartres gives him a like piece of advice about Italy generally; “Accepit ab Ivone et a multis non spernendi consilii viris, satius fore cœptum iter in aliud tempus differendum, quam Italicis ardoribus ea se tempestate cum suis tradere cruciandum. Nimis etenim fervor æstatis ita ubique, sed maxime, ut ferebatur, in Italia, tunc temporis quæque torrebat, ut incolis vix tolerabilis, peregrinis vero gravis et importabilis.” The difference of air between Aosta and Rome or Italy generally does not depend upon the boundaries of kingdoms; but here Anselm is distinctly reckoned as a “peregrinus homo” in Italy no less than Eadmer or Ivo or Pope Urban himself.

[1017] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 441.

[1018] See above, [p. 49], and N. C. vol. iv. p. 579.

[1019] Will. Malms. iv. 315. “Simul et supersedendum est in historia, quam reverendissimi Edmeri præoccupavit facundia.”

[1020] I feel towards Dean Church almost as William of Malmesbury felt towards Eadmer. But he of course looks at Anselm from a point of view somewhat different from mine. And he had not been led to notice that earlier action of William of Saint-Calais which from my point of view is all-important for the story of Anselm.

[1021] This beautiful story is told by Eadmer at the very beginning of the Life, i. 1. 2.

[1022] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. i. 1. 3. “Ille in suo proposito perstans oravit Deum, quatenus infirmari mereretur, ut vel sic ad monachicum quem desiderabat ordinem susciperetur.”

[1023] Will. Malms. Vita Wlst. 245. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 470. The confession of Anselm in this matter comes out in his sixteenth Meditation, p. 793 of Migne’s edition. The passage seems to imply more serious offences than would have been guessed from the more general words of Eadmer, i. 1. 4. The meditation is addressed to a sister. If this means his own sister Richeza or Richera, it must have been before her marriage with Burgundius. See his Epistles, iii. 43.

[1024] See William Fitz-Stephen, iii. 21, Robertson, and the remarkable story in William of Canterbury, i. 5, Robertson.

[1025] Vit. Ans. i. 1. 45. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 228.

[1026] Vit. Ans. i. 1. 6. He is made to say; “Ecce, inquit, monachus fiam. Sed ubi? Si Cluniaci vel Becci, totum tempus quod in discendis litteris posui, perdidi. Nam et Cluniaci districtio ordinis, et Becci supereminens prudentia Lanfranci, qui illic monachus est, me [al. mihi] aut nulli prodesse, aut nihil valere comprobabit. Itaque in tali loco perficiam quod dispono, in quo et scire meum possim ostendere, et multis prodesse.”

[1027] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 110. His election to the priorship is recorded in the Life, i. 2. 9. There is no mention of any such dislike to the promotion on Anselm’s part as is recorded at his later election as abbot. The whole account of Anselm’s monastic life, as given by Eadmer and followed by his modern biographers, is of the deepest interest. I have noticed only a few special points here and there.

[1028] See the story in the Life, i. 4. 30.

[1029] Ib. i. 4. 35. His name is given as Cadulus.

[1030] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. i. 36. The scene between the monks and the abbot-elect, the mutual prayers and prostrations, are very like to the later scene when he is named archbishop at Gloucester. The command of the Archbishop of Rouen comes out emphatically; “Vicit quoque et multo maxime vicit præceptum, quod, ut supra retulimus, ei fuerat ab archiepiscopo Maurilio per obedientiam injunctum, videlicet, ut, si major prælatio quam illius prioratus exstiterat ipsi aliquando injungeretur, nullatenus eam suscipere recusaret.”

[1031] Ord. Vit. 530 B. “De hospitalitate Beccensium sufficienter eloqui nequeo. Interrogati Burgundiones et Hispani, aliique de longe seu de prope adventantes respondeant: et quanta benignitate ab eis suscepti fuerint, sine fraude proferant, eosque in similibus imitari sine fictione satagant. Janua Beccensium patet omni viatori, eorumque panis nulli denegatur charitative petenti.”

[1032] Ib. A. “Fama sapientiæ hujus didascoli per totam Latinitatem divulgata est, et nectare bonæ opinionis ejus occidentalis Ecclesia nobiliter debriata est.”

[1033] See Appendix Y.

[1034] See Appendix Y.

[1035] See Appendix Y.

[1036] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 366.

[1037] There is something amusing in the picture of the two in the Life of Gundulf, Anglia Sacra, ii. 275. “Anselmus, quia in scripturis eruditior erat, frequentior loquebatur. Gundulfus vero, quia in lacrimis profusior erat, magis fletibus rigabatur. Loquebatur ille; plorabat iste. Ille plantabat; iste rigabat. Divina ille proferebat eloquia; profunda iste trahebat suspiria. Christi vices ille, iste gerebat Mariæ.” There are not a few letters of Anselm addressed to Gundulf. See Appendix Y.

[1038] Among these was one of the men named Osbern—​there would seem to be more than one—​who play a part in the life of Anselm. There is the Osbern mentioned in the Life, i. 2. 13, 14, as first the bitter enemy and then the chosen friend of Anselm. He seems to live and die at Bec, and after his death he appears to Anselm and tells him how the old serpent thrice rose up against him, but the Lord’s bearward, “ursarius Domini Dei” (comp. N. C. vol. ii. p. 26), saves him. Then there is the Osbern mentioned in the Letters, i. 57, 58. This last Osbern is demanded by Lanfranc for his monastery at Canterbury (“domnus Osbernus quem ad se reduci auctoritas vestra jubet”), and he is sent to Prior Henry at Christ Church with a letter of recommendation from Anselm. In this are the words, “domnus Osbernus vester, qui ad vos redit, pristinæ vitæ perversitatam sponte accusat et execratur.” This and a good deal more would exactly suit the Osbern of the Life, yet it is hardly possible that they can be the same. But this second Osbern may be the same as the one who writes the most remarkable letter to Anselm (iii. 2), on which see Appendix Y. Osbern, Osbiorn, is one of those names which are both English—​or at least Danish—​and Norman. That the second Osbern at least was English seems clear from Epp. i. 60, 65, where we hear of “domnus Hulwardus [Wulfward] Anglus, consobrinus domni Osberni.” Did Lanfranc claim all English monks anywhere?

[1039] Domesday, 69 b. “Totum manerium valet xii. libras; valebat xv. libras vivente Mathilde regina, quæ dedit eidem ecclesiæ.” There were six hides and a half in demesne, and one hide held by the church of the place.

[1040] Domesday, 159 b. “Valuit xl. solidos; modo lx. solidos. Hæc terra nunquam geldum reddidit.” This exceptional privilege, designed or casual, might become a ground of disputes.

[1041] Domesday, 34 b. “Sancta Maria de Bech tenet de dono Ricardi Totinges…. T. R. E. et modo val. c. solidos; cum recepit xx. solidos.” On these possessions of Bec in England during the reign of the Conqueror, see N. C. vol. iv. p. 440.

[1042] See Mon. Angl. vii. 1052. An earlier church of secular canons was changed by Gilbert of Clare into a cell of Bec. It was removed to Stoke in 1124, made denizen in 1395, and restored to seculars in 1415. See Mon. Angl. vi. 1415. Weedon Beck in Northamptonshire is also said to have had a cell of Bec, founded shortly after the Conquest. Weedon appears three times in Domesday, 223, 224 b, 227; but there is no mention of Bec. Ernulf of Hesdin is also said to have founded a cell to Bec at Ruislip in Middlesex, Mon. Angl. vii. 1050. Ruislip appears in Domesday, 129 b, as a possession of Ernulf, but there is no mention of Bec. The chief dependency of Bec in England, Oakburn in Wiltshire, does not claim an earlier date or founder than Matilda of Wallingford, daughter of Robert of Oily, in 1149.

[1043] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. i. 5. 37. “Abominabile quippe judicabat, si quidvis lucri assequeretur ex eo quod alius contra moderamina juris quavis astutia perdere posset. Unde neminem in placitis patiebatur a suis aliqua fraude circumveniri, observans ne cui faceret quod sibi fieri nollet.” Compare the cunning lawyers whom Abbot Adelelm found among the monks of Abingdon, N. C. vol. iv. p. 476.

[1044] Ib. “Delegatis monasterii causis curæ ac sollicitudini fratrum, de quorum vita et strenuitate certus erat.”

[1045] Ib. 41. “Cum igitur Anselmus, transito mari, Cantuariam veniret, pro sua reverentia et omnibus nota sanctitate, honorifice a conventu ecclesiæ Christi in ipsa civitate sitæ susceptus est.” His discourse to the monks is given at great length.

[1046] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 441.

[1047] Vit. Ans. i. 5. 41. “Accepta fraternitate monachorum, factus est inter eos unus ex eis. Degens per dies aliquot inter eos et quotidie, aut in capitulo, aut in claustro, mira quædam et illis adhuc temporibus insolita de vita et moribus monachorum coram eis rationabili facundia disserens.”

[1048] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 361.

[1049] Vit. Ans. u. s. “Privatim quoque aliis horis agebat, cum his qui profundioris ingenii erant, profundas eis de divinis nec non sæcularibus libris quæstiones proponens, propositasque exponens.”

[1050] Ib. “Quo tempore et ego ad sanctitatis ejus notitiam pervenire merui, ac, pro modulo parvitatis meæ, beata illius familiaritate utpote adolescens, qui tunc eram, non parum potiri.”

[1051] Ib. 6. 45. “Vadens et ad diversa monasteria monachorum, canonicorum, sanctimonialium, nec non ad curias quorumque nobilium, prout eum ratio ducebat, perveniens, lætissime suscipiebatur, et suscepto quæque charitatis obsequia gratissime ministrabantur.”

[1052] Ib. “Solito more cunctis se jucundum et affabilem exhibebat, moresque singulorum in quantum sine peccato poterat, in se suscipiebat.” Eadmer draws out the apostolic rule at some length, and gives specimens of Anselm’s discourses to these different classes.

[1053] Vit. Ans. i. 6. 47. “Non eo, ut aliis mos est, docendi modo exercebat, sed longe aliter singula quæque sub vulgaribus et notis exemplis proponens, solidæque rationis testimonio fulciens, ac remota omni ambiguitate, in mentibus auditorum deponens.”

[1054] Ib. “Lætabatur ergo quisquis illius colloquio uti poterat, quoniam in eo quodcumque petebatur divinum consilium in promptu erat.” He had said yet more strongly, “Corda omnium miro modo in amorem ejus vertebantur, et ad eum audiendum famelica aviditate replebantur.”

[1055] Ib. 48. He became “pro sua excellenti fama totius Angliæ partibus notus, ac pro reverenda sanctitate charus cunctis effectus.” And directly after, “Familiaris ergo ei dehinc Anglia facta est, et prout diversitas causarum ferebat, ab eo frequentata.”

[1056] No strictly physical miracle is alleged to have been wrought by Anselm’s own hands; but several stories are told by Eadmer in the sixth chapter of the first book of the Life, in which cures were believed to be done by water in which he had washed, and the like. In another class of stories in the third chapter, the bodily wants of Anselm or his friends are supplied in an unexpected way, but without any physical miracle. Thus the well-known Walter Tirel, entertaining Anselm, makes excuses for the lack of fish. The saint announces that a fine sturgeon is on the road, and it presently comes.

Eadmer’s book of the Miracles of Anselm, which forms No. xvi. in Dr. Liebermann’s collection, consists of wonders of the usual kind at or after Anselm’s death.

[1057] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 704, 713.

[1058] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. i. 6. 47. “Non fuit comes in Anglia seu comitissa, vel ulla persona potens, quæ non judicaret se sua coram Deo merita perdidisse, si contingeret se Anselmo abbati Beccensi gratiam cujusvis officii tunc temporis non exhibuisse.”

[1059] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 491. So Hist. Nov. 15, “Certe amicus meus familiaris ab antiquo comes Cestrensis Hugo fuit.”

[1060] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 14. “Jam enim, quodam quasi præsagio mentes quorundam tangebantur, et licet clanculo, nonnulli adinvicem loquebantur, eum, si Angliam iret, archiepiscopum Cantuariensem fore.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 78), “Erat tamen spes nonnulla his malis posse imponi finem, si quando Cantuariensem archiepiscopum viderent, qui esset os omnium, vexillifer prævius, umbo publicus. Spargebaturque in vulgus rumor, haud equidem sine mente et numine Dei, ut arbitror, Anselmum fore archiepiscopum, virum penitus sanctum, anxie doctum, felicem futuram hujus hominis benedictionibus Angliam.”

[1061] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 312, 491. We might have guessed from Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 14) that it is Saint Werburh’s of which he is speaking, when he says, “Hugo comes Cestrensis volens in sua quadam ecclesia monachorum abbatiam instituere, missis Beccum nuntiis, rogavit abbatem Anselmum Angliam venire, locum inspicere, eumque per monachos suos regulari conversatione informare.” But it is William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 78) who distinctly mentions Chester. Anselm comes to England, “ut abbatiam apud Cestrum firmaret, quam ejusdem civitatis comes Hugo monachis potissimum Beccensibus implere volebat.”

[1062] He had to dwell among “belluini cœtus.” See N. C. vol. iv. p. 491, and above, [p. 127].

[1063] Vit. Ans. ii. 1. 1. “Invitatus, imo districta interpellatione adjuratus, ab Hugone Cestrensi comite, multisque aliis Anglorum regni principibus, qui eum animarum suarum medicum et advocatum elegerant.”

[1064] Ib. “Insuper ecclesiæ suæ prece atque præcepto pro communi utilitate coactus.”

[1065] Hist. Nov. 14. “Quia hoc [his purpose not to accept the archbishopric] non omnes intelligebant (providendo bona, non tantum coram Deo, sed etiam coram omnibus hominibus), Angliam intrare noluit, ne se hujus rei gratia intrasse quisquam suspicaretur.”

[1066] Ib. 15. “Si timor suscipiendi archiepiscopatus ne veniat eum detinet, fateor, inquit, in fide mea, quoniam id, quod rumor inde jactet, nihil est.”

[1067] Hist. Nov. 15. “Tertio mandat illi hæc, si non veneris, revera noveris, quia nunquam in vita æterna in tanta requie eris quin perpetuo doleas te ad me non venisse.” There is something very striking in the frequent mixture of strong faith with evil practice in men of Earl Hugh’s stamp. But his cleaving to such a man as Anselm is at least more enlightened than the fetish-worship of Lewis the Eleventh. Cf. Church, Anselm, 173.

[1068] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 15) gives his reflexions at some length. They are summed up in the words of William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 78; “Cæterum quid homines loquerentur ipsi viderent, cum quantum sua interesset, eorum obloquia, honesta diu conversatione vitasset.” He adds, “Simul et jam rumor de ejus archiepiscopatu, minas olim intentans, longinquitate temporis detepuerat.”

[1069] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 79. “Ut prædiorum suorum vectigalia lenito intercessionibus suis rege levigaret.”

[1070] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 15. Several letters of Anselm are addressed to her. See Appendix Y.

[1071] Hist. Nov. 15. “Mandatum est illi a Beccensibus ne, si peccato inobedientiæ notari nollet, ultra monasterium repeteret, donec transito mari, suis in Anglia rebus subveniret.”

[1072] “Citato gressu, ad comitem venit,” says Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 15), where he leaves out the interview with the King which he describes in the Life.

[1073] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 79. “Hugo … quanquam in supremis positus, omnium in confessione supercilium recusans, Anselmum expetebat; veteris amicitiæ pignus apud eum depositurus si moreretur.”

[1074] Vit. Ans. ii. 1. 1. “Cum quasi ex præsagio futurorum multi et monachi et laici conclamarent illum archiepiscopum fore, summo mane a loco decessit, nec ullo pacto acquiescere petentibus, ut ibi festum celebraret, voluit.”

[1075] Vit. Ans. ii. 1. 1. “Rex ipse solio exsilit, et ad ostium domus viro gaudens occurrit, ac in oscula ruens per dexteram eum ad sedem suam perducit.”

[1076] Ib. “Regem de his quæ fama de eo ferebat Anselmus arguere cœpit, nec quidquam eorum quæ illi dicenda esse sciebat, silentio pressit. Pene etenim totius regni homines omnes talia quotidie nunc clam nunc palam de eo dicebant, qualia regiam dignitatem nequaquam decebant.”

[1077] The language of Eadmer quoted in the last note is quite vague. In William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 79) we get one of those remarkable cases in which he first wrote something strong, and then altered it. He seems (see his editor’s note) to have first written, “Data secreti copia, flagitiorum obscœnitatem quibus regem accusabat fama incunctanter aperuit.” He then struck out the strong words in Italics and changed them to the vague “cuncta.”

[1078] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 79. “Famæ licentiæ non se posse obviare dictitans; ceterum sanctum virum non debere illa credere. Neque enim procaciore responso exsufflare hominem tunc volebat, sciens quanti eum pater et mater pendere soliti essent dum adviverent.”

[1079] Eadmer, in the passage quoted above, distinctly implies that nothing was said about the affairs of Bec, and adds, “Finito colloquio divisi ab invicem sunt, et de ecclesiæ suæ negotiis ea vice ab Anselmo nihil actum est.” William of Malmesbury, on the other hand, describes Anselm as speaking of them at this interview (“necessitates quoque suas modeste allegans”), and William as settling them as Anselm wished (“ille omnia negotia Beccensis ecclesiæ ad arbitrium rectoris componens”). I should infer from this, and from the words “ea vice” in Eadmer, that things were settled in the end as the monks of Bec wished, but not at this interview. William of Malmesbury is never very strict as to chronological order.

[1080] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 15. “Post hæc in Normanniam regredi volens, negata a rege licentia, copiam id agendi habere non potuit.” It is not easy, as Dean Church remarks (Anselm, 175), to see why the King’s leave was needed for the subject of another prince to go back to his own country.

[1081] Ib. “Sic hujus temporis spatium transiit, ut de pontificatu Cantuariensi nihil ad eum vel de eo dictum actumve sit; ipseque sui periculi et antiqui timoris securus effectus fuerit.”

[1082] Eadmer tells the story, with the comment, “quod posteris mirum dictu fortasse videbitur.”

[1083] See N. C. vol. i. p. 435.

[1084] Eadmer, u. s. “Ipse, licet nonnihil exinde indignatus, tamen fieri quod petebatur permisit, dicens quod quidquid ecclesia peteret, ipse sine dubio pro nullo dimitteret quin faceret omne quod vellet.” Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 79. “Respondit ludibundus, risu iram dissimulans; ‘Orate quod vultis; ego faciam quod placebit, quia nullius unquam oratio voluntatem meam labefactabit.’” The oratio directa of William sounds as if it came nearer to the King’s actual words than the oratio obliqua of Eadmer. But we lose much in many of these stories from not having the Red King’s own vigorous French.

[1085] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 13. Anselm’s chief objection was that the making of prayers was a specially episcopal business; “Episcopi, ad quos ista maxime pertinebant, Anselmum super reipsa consuluerunt. Et quod ipse orationis agendæ modum et summam ordinaret, vix optinere suis precibus ab eo potuerant. Episcopis enim præferri in tali statuto ipse abbas fugiebat.”

[1086] Ib. “Institutæ igitur preces sunt per Anglorum ecclesias omnes.”

[1087] See Domesday, 163. The entry of Alvestone comes immediately before the entry of Berkeley.

[1088] This story is told by Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 15, 16) and William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 80). One would like to know the name of this “unus de principibus terræ, cum rege familiariter agens,” who held Anselm in such high esteem. If it had been Earl Hugh, one might expect that Eadmer would have said so.

[1089] Ib. “Nec illum quidem maxime, sicut mea multorumque fert opinio.”

[1090] Ib. “Obtestatus est rex quod manibus ac pedibus plaudens, in amplexum ejus accurreret, si ullam fiduciam haberet se ad illum posse ullatenus aspirare, et adjecit, Sed per sanctum vultum de Luca (sic enim jurare consueverat), nec ipse hoc tempore nec alius quis archiepiscopus erit, me excepto.”

[1091] Ib. “Hæc illum dicentem e vestigio valida infirmitas corripuit, et lecto deposuit, atque indies crescendo ferme usque ad exhalationem spiritus egit.” He mentions Gloucester directly after, but the minute geography comes from Florence (1093); “Rex Willelmus junior, in regia villa quæ vocatur Alwestan vehementi percussus infirmitate, civitatem Glawornam festinanter adiit, ibique per totam quadragesimam languosus jacuit.”

[1092] Here we have the pithy words of the Chronicle; “On þisum geare to þam længtene warð se cyng W. on Gleaweceastre to þam swiðe geseclod, þæt he wæs ofer eall dead gekyd.” So says Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 16); “Omnes totius regni principes coeunt; episcopi, abbates, et quique nobiles, nihil præter mortem ejus præstolantes.”

[1093] The good resolutions of the King come out with all force in the Chronicle; “And on his broke he Gode fela behæsa behét, his agen lif on riht to lædene, and Godes cyrcean griðian and friðian, and næfre má eft wið feo gesyllan, and ealle rihte lage on his þeode to habbene.” The exhortations come out most clearly in Eadmer; Florence seems to attribute them to the King’s lay counsellors; “Cum se putaret cito moriturum, ut ei sui barones suggesserint,” &c.

[1094] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 16. “Hac tempestate Anselmus inscius horum morabatur in quadam villa non longe a Glocestria ubi rex infirmabatur.”

[1095] Ib. “Ingreditur ad regem, rogatur quid consilii salubrius morientis animæ judicet. Exponi sibi primo postulat, quid se absente ab assistentibus ægro consultum sit. Audit, probat, et addit, scriptum est, Incipite Domino in confessione.” He goes on at somewhat further length on the duty of confession. There is something striking in the kind of professional air with which the duty is undertaken. The spiritual physician, called in from a distance, approves the treatment of the local practitioners, just as a physician of the body might do.

[1096] Ib. “Spondet in hoc fidem suam, et vades inter se et Deum facit episcopos suos, mittens, qui hoc votum suum Deo super altare sua vice promittant.”

[1097] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 16. “Scribitur edictum, regioque sigillo firmatur, quatenus captivi quicunque sunt in omni dominatione sua relaxentur, omnia debita irrevocabiliter remittantur, omnes offensiones antehac perpetratæ, indulta remissione, perpetuæ oblivioni tradantur.” More general provisions followed; “Promittuntur insuper omni populo bonæ et sanctæ leges, inviolabilis observatio juris, injuriarum gravis, et quæ terreat cæteros, examinatio.” We may specially regret that we have not the English text of this momentary Great Charter. Its language seems to assume, like the charter of Henry (see above, pp. [344], [392]), that suits brought in the King’s name would be unjust, and that his claims for debts would be unjust also.

[1098] Ib. “Gaudetur a cunctis, benedicitur Deus in istis, obnixe oratur pro salute talis ac tanti regis.” This is the real language of the moment, which is weakened by William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 80; “Plausu exceptum est verbum, ibatque clamor cælo bona et salutem regi optantium.”

[1099] So says the Chronicle; “to manegan mynstren land geuðe.”

[1100] There is something odd in the way in which the Chronicler and Florence couple the two prelates now appointed; “And þæt arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig, þe ær on his agenre hand stód. Anselme betæhte, se wæs ær abbot on Bæc, and Rodbeard his cancelere þæt biscoprice on Lincolne.” That is to say, they cut the whole story short; or more truly they tell it on the same scale on which they tell other things, while we are used to Eadmer’s minute narrative of all that concerns Anselm.

[1101] See above, [p. 13].

[1102] See Appendix Z.

[1103] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 16. They exhort the King to appoint. He consents willingly; “Sed cunctis ad nutum regis pendentibus, prænunciavit ipse et concordi voce subsequitur acclamatio omnium, abbatem Anselmum tali honore dignissimum.”

[1104] I think we may for a moment turn from the oratio obliqua of Eadmer to the vivid little picture in William of Malmesbury; “Ille cubito sese attollens, ‘Hunc,’ ait, ‘sanctum virum Anselmum eligo,’ ingenti subsecuto fragore faventium.” One is reminded of the death-bed of Eadward, as drawn in the Tapestry. See N. C. vol. iii. p. 13, note.

[1105] Eadmer, u. s. “Cum raperetur ad regem, ut per virgam pastoralem investituram archiepiscopatus de manu ejus susciperet, toto conamine restitit, idque multis obsistentibus causis nullatenus fieri posse asseruit.”

[1106] “Accipiunt eum episcopi, et ducunt seorsum de multitudine.”

[1107] “Per tyrannidem istius hominis.”

[1108] “In Deo pro nobis intende, et nos secularia tua disponemus pro te.”

[1109] “Abbas sum monasterii regni alterius.” “Regnum” of course means Normandy, an inaccurate phrase, but one that we have had already (see above, [p. 25]).

[1110] “Nihil est omnino, non erit quod intenditis.”

[1111] “Rapiunt hominem ad regem ægrotum, et pervicaciam ejus exponunt.”

[1112] “Contristatus est rex, pene ad suffusionem oculorum, et dixit ad eum, ‘O Anselme quid agis? Cur me pœnis æternis cruciandum tradis?’” He adds presently, “Certus sum enim quod peribo, si archiepiscopatum in meo dominio tenens, vitam finiero.”

[1113] “Regem turbas, turbatum penitus necas, quandoquidem illum jam morientem obstinacia tua exacerbare non formidas.”

[1114] Of Baldwin we often hear again; he seems to have been Anselm’s chief helper at Bec in temporal matters.

[1115] See above, [p. 372].

[1116] “Virgam huc pastoralem, virgam, clamitant, pastoralem. Et arrepto brachio ejus dextro, alii renitentem trahere, alii impellere, lectoque jacentis cœperunt applicare.”

[1117] I am but translating Eadmer; “Indice levato, sed protinus ab eo reflexo, clausæ manui ejus baculus appositus est, et episcoporum manibus cum eadem manu compressus atque retentus.”

[1118] “Acclamante autem multitudine, ‘Vivat episcopus, vivat;’ episcopi cum clero sublimi voce hymnum Te Deum laudamus decantare cœpere.”

[1119] “Electum portaverunt pontificem potius quam duxerunt in vicinam ecclesiam.” On the works of Serlo, see N. C. vol. iv. p. 384.

[1120] “Ipso modis, quibus poterat, resistente, atque dicente, nihil est quod facitis, nihil est quod facitis.”

[1121] This is Anselm’s own comparison in his letter to the monks of Bec, Ep. iii. 1; “Quando me episcopi et abbates aliique primates ad ecclesiam trahentes reclamantem et contradicentem rapuerunt, ita ut dubium videri posset utrum sanum insani, an insanum traherent sani; nisi quia illi canebant et ego magis mortuo quam viventi colore similis stupore et dolore pallebam.” Presently he says; “Huic autem de me electioni, imo violentiæ, hactenus quantum potui, servata veritate, reluctatus sum.” The last word may be taken in its original physical sense.

[1122] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18. “Gestis vero quæ in tali causa geri in ecclesia mos est, revertitur Anselmus ad regem.”

[1123] “Dico tibi, domine rex, quia ex hac tua infirmitate non morieris, ac pro hoc volo noveris quam bene corrigere poteris quod de me nunc actum est, quia nec concessi nec concedo ut ratum sit.”

[1124] The change of place is clearly marked in Eadmer. “Deducentibus eum episcopis, cum tota regni nobilitate, cubiculo excessit, conversusque ad eos, in hæc verba sciscitatus est.” The parable which follows is placed earlier by William of Malmesbury; but this is surely the right place.

[1125] 1 Cor. iii. 9.

[1126] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18. “Hoc aratrum in Anglia duo boves cæteris precellentes regendo trahunt et trahendo regunt. Rex videlicet, et archiepiscopus Cantuariensis. Iste seculari justitia et imperio, ille divina doctrina et magisterio.” This must mean during the late reign.

[1127] “Horum boum unus, scilicet Lanfrancus archiepiscopus, mortuus est; et alius ferocitatem indomabilis tauri obtinens jam juvenis aratro prælatus, et vos loco mortui bovis, me vetulam ac debilem ovem cum indomito tauro conjungere vultis.”

[1128] “Indomabilis utique feritas tauri sic ovem lanæ et lactis et agnorum fertilem per spinas et tribulos hac et illac raptam, si jugo se non excusserit, dilacerabit.” So a little after; “Me, de quo lanam et lac verbi Dei, et agnos in servitium ejus, nonnulli possent habere.” The metaphor becomes passing strange when it is thus worked out in detail.

[1129] “Ad hospitium suum, dimissa curia, vadit.”

[1130] “Præcepit itaque rex, ut, sine dilatione ac diminutione, investiretur de omnibus ad archiepiscopatum pertinentibus intus et extra.” Eadmer goes on to speak about the city of Canterbury, the abbey of Saint Alban’s, and other things of which we shall have to speak again. But he can only mean that orders were given which were not immediately carried out; for the actual investiture was, as we shall see, delayed for some months.

[1131] Ep. iii. 3. “Ipsius namque inenarrabili potentia operante, dedit dominus noster rex Anglorum, consilio et rogatu principum suorum, cleri quoque et populi petitione et electione, domino abbati Anselmo Cantuariensis ecclesiæ gubernationem.” So says Anselm himself in his letter to Archbishop Hugh of Lyons, Ep. iii. 24; “Subdidi me dolens præcepto archiepiscopi mei et electioni totius Angliæ.”

[1132] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 591, 593.

[1133] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 19.

[1134] See Appendix Y.

[1135] Ep. iii. 8. “Reverendo domino nostro principe Northmannorum Roberto concedente; et archiepiscopo nostro Guillelmo præcipiente, et vobis a Deo coactis, faventibus, a vestra cura sum absolutus, et majori involutus.” Both Anselm and the King wrote letters; Eadmer, 19, 20.

[1136] See the letter of the monks, Epp. iii. 6.

[1137] This seems implied in Anselm’s presence at Winchester at Easter, which is recorded in the Life, ii. 1. 3. But his presence there is mentioned only to bring in a kind of miracle, in which Anselm, Gundulf, and the monk Baldwin all figure.

[1138] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. i. 19. “Siquidem omne malum quod rex fecerat, priusquam fuerat infirmatus, bonum visu est, comparatione malorum quæ fecit ubi est sanitati redonatus,”

[1139] “Ipse prædicto Roffensi episcopo, cum illum, recuperata sanitate, familiari affatu moneret ut se amplius circumspecte secundum Deum in omnibus haberet respondit.” (See above, [p. 165.])

[1140] The Chronicler says generally; “Ac þæt he syððan ætbræd, þa him gebotad wæs, and ealle þa gode laga forlǽt, þe he us ær behét.” We get the details from Eadmer; “Mox igitur cuncta quæ infirmus statuerat bona, dissolvit et irrita esse præcepit. Captivi nempe, qui nondum fuerant dimissi, jussit ut artius solito custodirentur, dimissi, si capi possent, recluderentur; antiqua jamque donata debita in integrum exigerentur; placita et offensiones in pristinum statum revocarentur, illorumque judicio, qui justitiam subvertere magis quam tueri defendereve curabant, tractarentur et examinarentur.”

[1141] Florence notices the death of Rhys ap Twdwr in the Easter week, of which I shall have much to say in the next chapter.

[1142] See above, [p. 370].

[1143] See above, [p. 33].

[1144] See above, [p. 276].

[1145] This action of William of Eu is marked by Florence at the end of the year, but without saying at what time of the year it happened; “Eodem anno Willelmus comes de Owe, auri ingenti victus aviditate et promissi honoris captus magnitudine, a naturali domino suo Rotberto Normannorum comite, cui fidelitatem juraverat, defecit et in Angliam ad regem Willelmum veniens, illius se dominio, ut seductor maximus, subjugavit.”

[1146] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 538, 684.

[1147] Anna Comnena tells us this, vii. 6. Robert, on his return from Jerusalem (ὁ Φλάνδρας κόμης ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπανερχόμενος), does homage to the Emperor (τὸν συνήθη τοῖς Λατίνοις ἀποδίδωσιν ὅρκον) and promises five hundred knights (ἱππεῖς). In viii. 7 we find that he had fulfilled his promise, and that they are ἱππεῖς ἔκκριτοι. In viii. 3 they figure as Κελτοί. Cf. Will. Malms. iii. 257.

[1148] We have heard of him in N. C. vol. v. pp. 181, 850, and we shall come across him again.

[1149] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Jam cum virga pastorali curam quam super Beccum abbas susceperat, pro descripta superius absolutione, ipse Becco restituerat.”

[1150] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 327, 328.

[1151] This seems to be the distinction drawn by Anselm, Hist. Nov. 19, 20; “Volo ut omnes terras quas ecclesia Cantuariensis, ad quam regendam electus sum, tempore beatæ memoriæ Lanfranci archiepiscopi tenebat, sine omni placito et controversia ipsi ecclesiæ restituas, et de aliis terris quas eadem ecclesia ante suum tempus habebat, sed perditas nondum recuperavit, mihi rectitudinem judiciumque consentias.” About anything which Lanfranc had actually held there could, it is assumed, be no question, either of law or of fact; about earlier claims there might easily be either.

[1152] Ib. 20. “Sicut ego te volo terrenum habere dominum et defensorem, ita et tu me spiritualem habeas patrem et animæ tuæ provisorem.” To this day it is held that, wherever the King may be, the Archbishop of Canterbury is his parish priest.

[1153] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 436.

[1154] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 435.

[1155] Ib. p. 436, note.

[1156] Ib. The language of Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25, is nearly to the same effect; “Erant quippe (illo tempore) duo, ut in Anglia ferebatur, qui dicebantur Romani pontifices a se invicem discordantes, et ecclesiam Dei inter se divisam post se trahentes.”

[1157] There is a most important passage of William of Malmesbury in his first draught of the Gesta Pontificum (p. 86, note) which he afterwards, as in so many other cases, found it expedient to tone down. As he wrote it, it stood thus;

“Erant his diebus duo competitores Romani præsulatus, summi ambo et prestantes viri. Uterque causam verisimilibus rationibus fulciebat, Urbanus electione cardinalium, Guibertus electione imperatoris Theutonum, cujus esset Roma et Italia. Neuter ergo pro persona sua cedebat. Guiberto necessitatem subjectionis ministrabat terrarum tractus qui sub imperio illius jacet; Urbano favebat omnis Gallia et Normannia, et cetera usque ad oceanum Brittannicum. Incertum cui faveret Divinitas, nisi quod Urbani fama prosperius crementum sumebat. Consensu dubio fluctuabat Anglia, in Guibertum tamen inclinatior propter metum regis.”

[1158] See above, [p. 117].

[1159] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Urbano jamdudum pro vicario beati Petri ab Italia Galliaque recepto; Anselmus etiam, utpote abbas de Normannia, eum pro papa receperat, et, sicut vir nominatissimus, necnon authoritate plenus ejus literas susceperat, eique velut summo sanctæ ecclesiæ pastori suas direxerat.”

[1160] Ib. 20. “De Romano quoque pontifice Urbano, quem pro apostolico hucusque non recepisti, et ego jam recepi atque recipio, eique debitam obedientiam et subjectionem exhibere volo, cautum te facio ne quod scandalum inde oriatur in futuro.”

[1161] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Terras de quibus ecclesia saisita quidem fuerat sub Lanfranco omnes eo, quo tunc erant, tibi modo restituam, sed de illis quas sub ipso non habebat, in præsenti nullam tecum conventionem instituo. Veruntamen de his et aliis credam tibi sicut debebo.”

[1162] Eadmer, Nov. Hist. 25. “Quatenus et secundum totius regni de eo factam electionem pontifex fieri ultra non negaret.” Here are the same kind of expressions with regard to Anselm’s election of which we have already spoken in [p. 405].

[1163] Ib. “Et terras ecclesiæ quas ipse rex, defuncto Lanfranco, suis dederat pro statuto servitio, illis ipsis hæreditario jure tenendas, causa sui amoris, condonaret.”

[1164] Ib. “Nolens ecclesiam, quam necdum re aliqua investierat, exspoliare.”

[1165] This letter (Ep. iii. 24) is a most important exposition of Anselm’s own views on the whole matter of the election and what followed it.

[1166] Ep. iii. 24. “Sub occasione cujusdam voluntariæ justitiæ, secundum quam de terris eisdem me vult placitare.”

[1167] Ib. “Hæc autem est illa quam dixi voluntaria justitia. Quoniam terras easdem, antequam Northmanni Angliam invaderent, milites Angli ab archiepiscopo Cantuariæ tenuisse dicuntur, et mortui sunt sine hæredibus, vult asserere se posse juste quos vult eorum hæredes constituere.”

[1168] See the instances collected in N. C. vol. v. Appendix G. The lands moreover would be yet harder to get back when they had been granted away on the new military tenures.

[1169] Ep. iii. 24. “Si quis enim alius, ad quem ecclesiæ custodia non pertineret, hanc faceret ei violentiam, aut factam patienter sustineret, palam esset quia in futuro nihil dici posset cur res ecclesiæ ad eam redire non deberent.”

[1170] Ib. “Nunc autem cum et ipse rex advocatus ejus sit, et ego custos, quid dicetur in futuro nisi, quia rex fecit et archiepiscopus sustinendo confirmavit, ratum esse debet?”

[1171] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 194; vol. v. p. 101.

[1172] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Unde Anselmus oppido lætatus est, sperans se hac occasione, a prælationis onere, per Dei gratiam, exonerandum.” And directly after; “Eo quod terras ecclesiæ injuria dare nolebat, episcopalis officii onus sese lætus evasisse videbat.”

[1173] Ib. “Cum decursu non exiguo tempore, clamorem omnium, de ecclesiarum destructione conquerentium.”

[1174] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Multis bonis et ecclesiæ Dei profuturis promissionibus illectus [Anselmus].”

[1175] Ib. “More et exemplo prædecessoris sui inductus, pro usu terræ, homo regis factus est, et, sicut Lanfrancus suo tempore fuerat, de toto archiepiscopatu saisiri jussus est.” Does not Eadmer, writing by later lights from Rome, feel scruples which Anselm did not feel at the time?

[1176] When one thinks of this, one is less surprised at the astounding language of the Council in Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 53. Yet, after all, Henry the Fourth was not Rufus.

[1177] We have the writ in the Fœdera, i. 5. It grants “omnes libertates in terra et mari super suos homines, infra burgos et extra, et super tot theines quot ecclesiæ Christi concessit Edwardus rex, cognatus meus.” This mention of the thegns, and the King’s request about the grants, and the words of Anselm to the Archbishop of Lyons, all hang together.

[1178] Ib. “Nolo pati ut aliquis hominum se intromittat de omnibus rebus quæ ad eos pertinent, nisi ipsi et ministri eorum quibus ipsi committere voluerint, nec Francus nec Anglus.”

[1179] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18 (see above, [p. 403]). “At civitas Cantuaria quam Lanfrancus suo tempore in beneficio a rege tenebat, et abbatia sancti Albani quam non solum Lanfrancus sed et antecessores ejus habuisse noscuntur, in alodium ecclesiæ Christi Cantuariensis, pro redemptione animæ suæ, perpetuo jure, transirent.”

[1180] They were old friends. The Gesta Abbatum (i. 61) go on to say; “Rex Willelmus secundus archiepiscopatum, quem diu in manu sua tenuit, immisericors depauperavit. Abbas autem Paulus Anselmum egentem juvit et consolabatur. Unde, inthronizatus, in multis beneficia potiora gratus abbati recompensavit, et quod imperfectum erat in ædificiis ecclesiæ sancti Albani juvit postea consummare.”

[1181] Ib. i. 65. “Nemora complanando, hominibus beati Albani pecuniam, causis cavillatoriis adinventis, extorquendo.” Rufus is described as “nullius, præcipue mortui, verus amicus.”

[1182] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Indignationi hoc quoque non parum doloris adjiciebat, quod negotium unde agebatur ad jura ecclesiæ pertinebat, nec in aliquo regalis judicii definitionem respiciebat.”

[1183] Ib. “A rege missus quidam nomine Ranulphus, regiæ voluntatis maximus executor, qui, spreta consideratione pietatis ac modestiæ, placitum contra eum ipsa die instituit, et ferus ac tumens, tantum ecclesiæ gaudium conturbare non timuit.” Directly after; “ut nec primum quidem suæ dignitatis diem permitteretur in pace transigere.”

[1184] Ib. “Ex præsentibus futura conjecit, et quia multas in pontificatu angustias foret passurus, intellexit atque prædixit.”

[1185] The consecration of Anselm and the death of Malcolm are oddly joined together in the new Canterbury Chronicle published by Liebermann, (p. 4); “1094. On ðison geare me bletsede Anselm to biscope ii. ñ. Decemb.; and on ðison geare me scloch Malculm cing.”

[1186] T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. He adds emphatically, “Hæc interim fecit Thomas archiepiscopus, nec quisquam episcoporum erat qui hæc in sua ipsius diœcesi præsente archiepiscopo præsumeret.”

[1187] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 21) describes the consecrators as “Thomas archiepiscopus Eboracensis et omnes episcopi Angliæ,” except the two who sent excuses. But Dr. Stubbs does not seem to reckon the Bishop of Durham among the number.

[1188] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 417.

[1189] The foundations had just been laid, as we shall see in the next chapter.

[1190] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340.

[1191] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Cum ante ordinandi pontificis examinationem Walchelinus Wentanus episcopus, rogatu Mauricii episcopi Lundoniensis cujus hoc officium est, ecclesiastico more electionem scriptam legeret.” This is, I suppose, as Dean of the Province, an office still held by the Bishops of London, and by virtue of which they do several of the things which Thomas Stubbs claims for his own metropolitan.

[1192] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. Walkelin reads the writing till he comes to the words which set forth how “hæc Dorobernensis ecclesia totius Britanniæ metropolitana suo sit viduata pastore.” Then Thomas “subintulit, dicens totius Britanniæ metropolitana? Si totius Britanniæ metropolitana, ecclesia Eboracensis quæ metropolitana esse scitur, metropolitana non est. Et quidem ecclesiam Cantuariensem primatem totius Britanniæ esse scimus, non metropolitanam.”

[1193] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Quod auditum ratione submixum esse, quod dicebat intellectum est.”

[1194] Ib. “Tunc statim scriptura ipsa mutata est, et pro totius Britanniæ metropolitana, totius Britanniæ primas scriptum est, et omnis controversia conquievit. Itaque sacravit eum ut totius Britanniæ primatem.”

The Yorkist version, as given by T. Stubbs (X Scriptt. 1707), is of course quite different. Thomas is there attended by several members of his church, Hugh the Dean and others. This might almost imply the absence of his one suffragan. The words objected to are in this version “Primas totius Britanniæ.” As soon as they are heard, Thomas and his companions go out and take off their robes. Anselm and Walkelin follow them; they fall at the feet of Thomas, and ask for his forgiveness (“pedibus archiepiscopi affusi humiliter deprecati sunt, ne moleste acciperet”). Thomas stands firm. “Cum duo tantum, inquit, sint metropolitæ in Britannia, alter super alterum esse non potest.” He might have erred in his youth by admitting the claims of Canterbury; he would at least not err in the like sort again. He would consecrate no man as primate. Anselm and Walkelin submit; the word “primate” is struck out, and Anselm is consecrated as “metropolitan.”

It will be seen that in this version the place of the two titles, “primate” and “metropolitan,” is simply turned round. We can have no doubt as to preferring the contemporary account; but it is well to see how matters looked at York several centuries later.

[1195] There is no mention of this in Eadmer’s account of the consecration; but such seems to be the meaning of Anselm himself in a letter to Walter, Bishop of Albano, which I shall have to quote again (Epp. iii. 36). He there says, “Sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis me consecrarunt.” This is an answer to a charge of being schismatically consecrated while the kingdom was not under the obedience of Urban.

[1196] See above, [p. 311].

[1197] See above, [p. 312].

[1198] T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. “Non prohibebat quin eum Dorkacestrensem ordinaret episcopum, sicut et antecessores sui fuerant; verum Lyndecoldinum oppidum, et magnam partem provinciæ Lyndisiæ dicebat fuisse, et jure esse debere, parochiam Eboracensis ecclesiæ, et injuria illi ereptam esse.”

[1199] Eadmer does not mention the place; but it appears from the Chronicle that it was at the usual place, namely Gloucester.

[1200] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Consummato ordinationis suæ die octavo, Cantuariam egrediens, ad curiam regis pro imminente nativitate Domini vadit. Quo perveniens, hilariter a rege totaque regni nobilitate suscipitur.”

[1201] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 69, 260.

[1202] Again it is from the Chronicler that we get the most formal statement of the words of the challenge. They would doubtless be uttered in French; but we may believe that we have an authorized English version; “Him þider fram his broðer Rodbearde of Normandig bodan coman, þa cyddon þæt his broðer grið and forewarde eall æftercwæð, butan se cyng gelæstan wolde eall þet hi on forewarde hæfdon ær gewroht, and uppon þæt hine forsworenne, and trywleasne clypode, buton he þa forewarda geheolde, oððe þider ferde, and hine þær betealde þær seo forewarde ǽr wæs gewroht and eac gesworen.”

[1203] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Adeo ut nonnullas etiam difficultates pateretur, quas regiam pati excellentiam indecens videbatur.”

[1204] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 300.

[1205] Eadmer, u. s. “Siquidem hunc ipse rex morem erga cunctos quibus dominatur habebat, ut quum quis eorum aliquid ei pecuniarum, etiam solius gratiæ obtentu, offerebat, oblatum, nisi quantitas rei voto illius concurreret, sperneret. Nec offerentem in suam ulterius amicitiam admittebat, si ad determinationem suam oblatum munus non augeret.”

[1206] He does it only “suasus ab amicis suis.”

[1207] Anselm himself gives this motive in his letter to Archbishop Hugh (Ep. iii. 24); “Gratias Deo, quo miserante simplicitatem cordis mei hoc factum est, ne, si nihil aut parum promisissem, justam videretur habere causam irascendi; aut si accepisset, verteretur mihi in gravamen, et in suspicionem nefandæ emptionis.”

[1208] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 21) gives these motives at length.

[1209] Ib. “Rex tali oblatione audita, bene rem quidem laudando respondit.”

[1210] These are the arguments which Eadmer puts into the mouths of the King’s advisers; “Quidam malignæ mentis homines regem, ut fieri solet, ad hoc perduxerunt quatenus oblatam pecuniam spernendo recipere non adquiesceret.”

[1211] Eadmer here quotes a psalm; “Mentita est iniquitas sibi.” Ps. xxvii. 12.

[1212] Ib. “Mandatur illi regem oblatam pecuniam refutare, et miratus est.”

[1213] Ib. 22. “Amica nempe libertate me et omnia mea ad utilitatem tuam habere poteris, servili autem conditione nec me nec mea habebis.”

[1214] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 441.

[1215] Eadmer, u. s. “Iratus rex, Sint, inquit, cum jurgio tua tibi, sufficient mea mihi. Vade.”

[1216] The story is told by Eadmer, 22. The objection of Maurice takes this shape; “Dicebat ipsam ecclesiam in sua parochia esse, et ob hoc, licet in terra archiepiscopi fuerit, dedicationem illius ad se pertinere.” The right of the Archbishop seems to have rested on good ancient precedent; but there is something odd in Eadmer’s way of stating the controversy. The presumption was surely in favour of the diocesan bishop.

[1217] The letter of Anselm to Wulfstan appears among the Epistles (iii. 19). Wulfstan’s answer is given in the text of the Historia Novorum. Anselm speaks of the action of the earlier archbishops in this matter; “Quod etiam sanctus Dunstanus et alii prædecessores mei fecisse probantur, ipsis ecclesiis quas dedicaverunt adhuc stantibus.” This is a little touch from a time when the churches of Dunstan’s day were being largely rebuilt, that of Harrow most likely among them. Wulfstan is well described by Eadmer; “Supererat adhuc beatæ memoriæ Wolstanus episcopus unus et solus de antiquis Anglorum patribus, vir in omni religione conspicuus, et antiquarum Angliæ consuetudinum scientia apprime eruditus.” There is something very remarkable in the way in which Wulfstan speaks of the archbishop to whom he made his first profession (see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 473, 655); “Extant quippe et in nostra diœcesi altaria, et quædam etiam ecclesiæ in hiis scilicet villis quas Stigandus vestræ excellentiæ prædecessor, haut tamen jure ecclesiasticæ hæreditatis sed ex dono possederat sæcularis potestatis, ab ipso dedicata.” Wulfstan, speaking his own words in his own letter, speaks of Stigand in quite another tone from that which he had used in the profession which was put into his mouth by Lanfranc (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 655). The places referred to are in Gloucestershire, and will be found in Domesday, 164 b. Most of the lands had passed to the Archbishop of York; some of them first to William Fitz-Osbern, and then to the King. It would seem then that, in whatever character Stigand held them, it was not as Archbishop of Canterbury. Wulfstan’s witness therefore goes so far as to give the archbishop the right to oust the diocesan bishop, not only on the lands of the archbishopric, but on any lands which he may hold as a private man.

[1218] There is something amusing in the tone of glee in which Eadmer records his patron’s triumph; “Secure deinceps suorum morem antecessorum emulabatur, non solum ecclesias, inconsultis episcopis, sacrans, sed et quæque divina officia in cunctis terris suis per se suosve dispensans.”

[1219] Eadmer, 22. “Ex præcepto regis, omnes fere episcopi una cum principibus Angliæ ad Hastinges convenerunt, ipsum regem in Normanniam transfretaturum sua benedictione et concursu prosecuti.”

[1220] The Chronicler seems distinctly to mark the ecclesiastical business which we have now come to as casually filling up the time lost by the bad weather. The whole entry runs; “Ða ferde se cyng to Hæstingan to þam Candelmæssan, and onmang þam þe he þær wederes abad he let halgian þæt mynster æt þære Bataille. And Herbearde Losange þam bishop of Theotfordan his stæf bename and þæræfter to midlengtene ofer sæ for into Normandige.” We shall take these things in order.

[1221] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 404.

[1222] Ib. 401.

[1223] In the Battle Chronicle (40) the consecration is naturally an event of great importance. But here too the presence of the King and so great a company is accounted for by their presence in the neighbourhood or other grounds; “Cumque jam operis fabricæ peroptata advenisset perfectio, rege quibusdam causis obortis eandem provinciam cum multis optimatibus forte adeunte, ex instinctu ejusdem abbatis, paterni memor edicti, eandem dedicari basilicam decrevit.”

[1224] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 405.

[1225] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 453.

[1226] He was consecrated the year before; the date of his death seems not to be known. See Bessin, 531.

[1227] See above, p. 321.

[1228] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 411.

[1229] See above, p. 29.

[1230] See Appendix Z.

[1231] So says T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1708. “Rex Willelmus quamdam concordiam, vel potius dispensationem, fecit inter illos, Thoma quidem archiepiscopo invito et renitente et coacto nec consentiente, sed inconsulto Eboracensi capitulo.”

[1232] Eadmer, 23. “Quidam de episcopis atque principibus conati sunt contra Anselmum scandalum movere, intendentes ad hoc ut eundem episcopum absolute absque debita professione consecraret. Quod nullo jure fulti, ea solummodo re sunt aggressi, quia putabant se animo regis aliquid ex conturbatione Anselmi, unde lætaretur inferre, scientes eum pro suprascripta caussa adversum ipsum non parum esse turbatum.”

[1233] Eadmer, 23. “Asseruit se nullo pacto consensurum ut, pro inimicitia quam contra archiepiscopum habebat, matri suæ ecclesiæ Cantuariensi de sua dignitate quid quivis detraherat.”

[1234] See Appendix Z.

[1235] On the history and character of Robert Bloet, see Appendix Z.

[1236] See above, [p. 395].

[1237] See above, [p. 355], and Appendix X.

[1238] This deprivation of Herbert by the King—​most likely with the consent of somebody, but we are not told—​is quite as contrary to strict ecclesiastical notions as the deprivation of Stigand by the English people. The Parliaments of Elizabeth, William and Mary, George the First, followed that precedent. I will not speak of the reign of Edward the Sixth, as that was a time of “unlaw” nearly equal to the days of Rufus himself.

[1239] See Appendix X.

[1240] Here we come personally across the class of offenders of whom we have before spoken generally (see above, [p. 158], and Appendix G). Eadmer draws their picture; “Eo tempore curialis juventus ferme tota crines suos juvencularum more nutriebat, et quotidie pexa, ac irreligiosis nutibus circumspectans, delicatis vestigiis, tenero incessu, obambulare solita erat. De quibus cum in capite jejunii sermonem in populo ad missam suam et ad cineres confluente idem pater habuisset, copiosam turbam ex illis in pœnitentiam egit, et attonsis crinibus, in virilem formam redegit.”

[1241] See Appendix G.

[1242] This is pointed out by Eadmer. “Die quadam ad eum ex more ivit, et juxta illum sedens eum his verbis alloqui cœpit.” We shall come to other instances of this custom of the Archbishop sitting down beside the King.

[1243] “Obsecro primum, fer opem et consilium qualiter in hoc regno tuo Christianitas, quæ jam fere tota in multis periit, in statum suum redigi possit. Respondit, ‘Quam opem, quod consilium?’”

[1244] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 437.

[1245] Anselm is made to say; “Generale concilium episcoporum ex quo tu rex factus fuisti non fuit in Anglia celebratum, nec retroactis pluribus annis.” Yet Lanfranc had held many synods, and one notable one as late as 1085. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1246] He passes by the smaller matters—​“ut illicita consanguineorum connubia et alia multa rerum detestandarum facinorosa negotia taceam”—​and goes straight to the sin of the reign, “noviter in hac terra divulgatum,” which “jam plurimum pullulavit multosque sua immanitate fœdavit.” See Appendix G.

[1247] “Conemur una, quæso, tu regia potestate et ego pontificali auctoritate, quantus tale quid inde statuatur, quod cum per totum fuerit regnum divulgatum, solo etiam auditu quicunque illius fautor est paveat et deprimatur.” What would have been the nature of the punishment? Something more, one would think, than an ecclesiastical censure, as it was to be a decree of the King. Anselm had no objection to very severe punishments on occasion (see N. C. vol. v. p. 159; cf. vol. iv. p. 621). But when he was able to legislate on this subject (see N. C. vol. v. p. 223), it was in an ecclesiastical synod, and the penalties are milder.

[1248] “Non sederunt hæc animo principis, et paucis ita respondit, ‘Et in hac re quid fieret pro te?’ ‘Si non,’ inquit Anselmus, ‘pro me, spero fieret pro Deo et te.’” I suppose the meaning is something like what I have given. Again one longs for the actual words in their own tongue.

[1249] “Ne in destructione monasteriorum et perditione monachorum tibi, quod absit, damnationem adquiras.”

[1250] “Quid ad te? Numquid sunt abbatiæ meæ? Hem, tu quod vis agis de villis tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de abbatiis meis?”

[1251] “Tuæ quidem sunt ut illas quasi advocatus defendas atque custodias, non tuæ autem ut invadas aut devastes. Dei scimus eas esse, ut sui ministri inde vivant, non quo expeditiones et bella tua inde fiant.”

[1252] “Intellexit ergo Anselmus se verba in ventum proferre, et surgens abiit.”

[1253] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1254] “Considerans offenso principis animo nequaquam posse pacem rebus dari.”

[1255] “Deprecatus est ut in amicitiam sui sese gratis admitteret. Quod si, ait, facere nonvult, cur nolit edicat, et si offendi, satisfacere paratus sum.”

[1256] “De nulla re illum inculpo, nec tamen ei gratiam meam, quia non audio quare, indulgere volo.” The words which I have put in Italics in the two speeches must be taken together.

[1257] “Mysterium hoc, inquiunt, planum est.”

[1258] “Tantundem pecuniæ quam ab hominibus tuis accipies illi promitte.”

[1259] “Aliam qua exeas viam non videmus, nec nos, pari angustia clausi, aliam exeundi habemus.”

[1260] “Et ego cum hucusque nihil eis unde revestiri possint contulerim, jam eos nudos spoliarem, immo spoliatos excoriarem.”

[1261] “Eat quo vult, nec me transfretaturum pro danda benedictione diutius exspectet.”

[1262] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan he þider com, he and his broðer Rodbeard se eorl gecwæðan, þæt hi mid griðe togædere cuman sceoldan, and swa dydon, and gesemede beon ne mihtan.” So Florence; “Rex … ad fratris colloquium sub statuta pace venit, sed impacatus ab eo recessit.”

[1263] See N. C. vol. i. p. 435.

[1264] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan eft hi togædere coman mid þam ilcan mannan þe ær þæt loc makedon, and eac þa aðas sworen, and ealne þone bryce uppon þone cyng tealdon.” The version preserved in one manuscript of Florence says, “denuo in campo Martio convenere.” Can this be the “Champ de Mars” just outside Rouen? I had fancied that the name was modern.

[1265] Ib. “Ac he nolde þæs geþafa beon, ne eac þa forewarde healdan.”

[1266] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And forþam hi þa mid mycelon unsehte tocyrdon.”

[1267] The mention of the places comes from Florence; “Comes quidem Rotomagum perrexit; rex ad Owe rediit et in illo resedit.”

[1268] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Solidarios undique conduxit, aurum, argentum, terras, quibusdam primatum Normanniæ dedit, quibusdam promisit, ut a germano suo Rotberto deficerent, et se cum castellis suæ ditioni subjicerent: quibus ad velle suum paratis, per castella, vel quæ prius habuerat vel quæ nunc conduxerat, suos milites distribuit.”

[1269] The “castel æt Hulme” of the Chronicler is the castle of Hulmus, Le Homme, or L’Isle Marie. See Stapleton, ii. xxv, xxviii. It must not be confounded with the “pagus Holmensis” or “Holmetia regio” in the Hiesmois. See Stapleton, ii. xc, xcv, and Ord. Vit. 691 C.

[1270] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 488. See above, [p. 57].

[1271] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 200, 201.

[1272] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se cyng syððan þone castel æt Bures gewann; and þes eorles men þærinne genam; þa sume hyder to lande sende.” Florence adds, “partim in Normannia custodiæ mancipavit; et fratrem suum multis modis vexans, exhæredare laboravit.”

[1273] The Chronicler casually mentions Philip’s coming when speaking of the siege of Argentan; Florence is more emphatic; “At ille, necessitate compulsus, dominum suum regem Francorum Philippum cum exercitu Normanniam adduxit.”

[1274] The Chronicler (1094) says only, “Ðær togeanes se eorl mid þes cynges fultume of France gewann þone castel æt Argentses and þearinne Rogger Peiteuin genam, and seofen hundred þes cynges cnihta mid him.” Florence adds, “ipso die obsessionis dec. milites regis, cum his totidem scutariis et castellanis omnibus qui intus erant, sine sanguinis effusione cepit [rex], captosque in custodia tamdiu detineri mandavit, donec quisque se redimeret.”

[1275] So says Florence; “Post hæc in Franciam rediit.” As however he says nothing of Philip’s coming to Longueville, he may mean his return after that.

[1276] The Chronicler says only, after the taking of Argentan, “and syððan þone [castel] æt Hulme.” Florence makes it the special exploit of Robert; “Comes vero Rotbertus castellum quod Holm nuncupatur obsedit, donec Willelmus Peverel et dccc. homines, qui id defendebant, illi se dederent.”

[1277] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And oftrædlice heora ægðer uppon oðerne tunas bærnde, and eac men læhte.”

[1278] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Interea gravi et assiduo tributo hominumque mortalitate, præsenti et anno sequenti, tota vexabatur Anglia.”

[1279] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ða sende se cyng hider to lande, and hét abeodan út xx. þusenda Engliscra manna [‘xx. millia pedonum’ in Florence] him to fultume to Normandig.”

[1280] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa hi to sæ coman, þa het hi man cyrran, and þæt feoh to þæs cynges behófe þe hi genumen hæfdon; þet wæs ælc man healf punda, and hi swa dydon.” Florence tells us the place and the doer; “Quibus ut mare transirent Heastingæ congregatis, pecuniam quæ data fuerat eis ad victum Rannulphus Passeflambardus præcepto regis abstulit, scilicet unicuique decem solidos, et eos domum repedare mandavit, pecuniam vero regi transmisit.”

[1281] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se eorl innon Normandig æfter þison, mid þam cynge of France and mid eallon þan þe hi gegaderian mihton, ferdon towardes Ou þær se cyng W. inne wæs, and þohtan hine inne to besittanne, and swa foran oð hi coman to Lungeuile.”

[1282] Ib. “Ðær wearð se cyng of France þurh gesmeah gecyrred, and swa syððan eal seo fyrding tóhwearf.”

[1283] Florence, as we have seen, stops with the taking of La Houlme in 1094. The Chronicler goes on to Henry’s Lenten expedition in 1095. After that, neither says anything about Norman affairs till the agreement of 1096, though both of them imply (see below, [p. 555]) that the war lasted till that time.

[1284] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 241.

[1285] Ord. Vit. 706 C. See Appendix P.

[1286] Ord. Vit. ib. See above, [p. 217].

[1287] This is one of Orderic’s best stories (706 C, D). A false tale of its lord’s death is brought to Saint Cenery. His allies, Pagan of Montdoubleau (see above, [p. 209]) and Rotrou of Montfort, at once forsake the castle which they had been defending. Robert’s wife Radegund cannot get them to wait till more certain news can be had. Robert of Bellême comes just in time for dinner. “Ingressi castrum, lebetes super ignes ferventes invenerunt carnibus plenas, et mensas mappulis coopertas et escas cum pane super appositas.” He spoils and burns the castle. Robert son of Geroy is left homeless; his wife (“proba femina et honesta”) dies; his little son William, whom Robert of Bellême somehow has as a hostage, is poisoned; he then defends his new castle of Montacute against Robert of Bellême. Robert of Bellême brings Duke Robert to besiege him. Peace is made by the mediation of Geoffrey of Mayenne; Montacute is destroyed, and Saint Cenery is restored to Robert son of Geroy.

[1288] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Her onmang þison se cyng W. sende æfter his broðer Hennrige se wæs on þam castele æt Damfront, ac forþi þe he mid friðe þurh Normandig faran ne mihte, he him sende scipon æfter, and Hugo eorl of Ceastre.”

[1289] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa þa hi towardes Oú faran sceoldan þær se cyng wæs, hi foran to Englelande and úp coman æt Hamtune on ealra halgena mæsse æfne, and her syððon wunedon, and to X[~p]es mæssan wæron on Lunden.”

[1290] Ib. 1095. “On þisum geare wæs se cyng Willelm to X[~p]es mæssan þa feower forewarde dagas on Hwitsand; and æfter þam feorðan dæge hider to lande fór, and úpp com æt Doferan.”

[1291] Ib. “And Heanrig þes cynges broðer her on lande oð Lengten wunode, and þa ofer sæ for to Normandig mid mycclon gersuman, on þæs cynges heldan, uppon heora broðer Rodbeard eorl, and gelomlice uppon þone eorl wann, and him mycelne hearm ægðer on lande and on mannan dyde.”

[1292] Ord. Vit. 722 D. “Rodbertus mollis dux a vigore priorum decidit, et pigritia mollitieque torpuit, plus provinciales subditos timens quam ab illis timebatur.”

[1293] Ib. “Henricus frater ducis Danfrontem fortissimum castrum possidebat, et magnam partem Neustriæ sibi favore vel armis subegerat.”

[1294] Ib. “Fratri suo ad libitum suum, nec aliter, obsecundabat.” I do not see what is meant in Sigebert’s Chronicle under 1095 (Pertz, vi. 367); “Rex Anglorum a fratribus sollicitatur in Normania et Anglia.”

[1295] Ib. “Porro alius frater qui Angliæ diadema gerebat in Normannia, ut reor, plusquam xx. castra tenebat, et proceres oppidanosque potentes muneribus sibi vel terroribus illexerat…. Perplures cum omnibus sibi subditis munitionibus et oppidanis regi parebant, eique, quia metuendus erat, totis nisibus adhærebant.”

[1296] He appears in Orderic’s list, 722 D.

[1297] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 129.

[1298] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 288.

[1299] Ord. Vit. 708 C. He makes the remark just before, “In diebus illis antiqui optimates qui sub Roberto duce vel filio ejus Guillelmo rege militaverant humanæ conditionis more hominem exuerunt.”

[1300] Ord. Vit. 708 C. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[1301] See above, [p. 57]. We shall come across his fuller picture in a later chapter.

[1302] Ord. Vit. 718 D. He adds the epitaph of his own making.

[1303] He records his death and adds his epitaph, 809 C, D. William of Breteuil and Ralph of Conches died the same year, 1102.

[1304] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 465.

[1305] Ord. Vit. 723 A. “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis furentibus miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine patrono desolata est.”

[1306] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Ipse quidem in Normanniam transiit, expensaque immensa pecunia eam sibi nullatenus subigere potuit. Infecto itaque negotio in Angliam reversus est.”

[1307] Will. Malms. iv. 327. “Septimo anno, propter tributa quæ rex in Normannia positus edixerat, agricultura defecit, qua fatiscente, fames e vestigio, ea quoque invalescente, mortalitas hominum subsecuta, adeo crebra ut deesset morituris cura, mortuis sepultura.” This is copied by the Margam annalist.

[1308] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Post hæc rex Willelmus iv. kal. Januarii Angliam rediit, et ut Walanos debellaret, mox exercitum in Waloniam duxit, ibique homines et equos perdidit multos.” I am not at all clear that this entry in Florence is not a confusion. The Chronicle under the same year records the return of the King, and directly after sums up the Welsh warfare of the year; but it is not implied that the King took any part in it. He could not have done so before his return from Normandy, and, to say nothing of the unlikelihood of a winter campaign in itself, the incidental notices of the King’s movements hardly leave time for one.

[1309] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 9. Eadmer writes the name Illingham, a change which might easily have happened after the pattern of Ilchester (see above, [p. 63]) and Islip (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 15), but the g remains in use to this day. There is something very amusing in the note of Henschenius reprinted in Migne’s edition of Eadmer and Anselm, col. 394;

“Alia plura dominia, ut Rochingeham, Ilingeham, Sæftesburia, quæ jam ante occurrerunt, et plura secutura, potuissent designato locorum situ explicari, si operæ pretium visum esset eorum causa totas Anglici regni tabulas perlustrare, et esset qui exsoleta jam nomina, ubi requirenda sint, indicaret. Poterit postea curiosior aliquis hunc defectum supplere.”

Fancy a man reading his Eadmer, and not making the faintest effort to find out where any place was. But perhaps this is better than M. Croset-Mouchet, who always turns the Bishop of Exeter into a Bishop of Oxford (cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 779), and who has a place Srewsbury, which does duty alike for the earldom of Shrewsbury and for the bishopric of Salisbury.

[1310] So say the Margam Annals, 1095; “Commotio fuit stellarum, et obiit Wlstanus Wigorniensis episcopus.” But unluckily it appears from Florence that the stars did not shoot till April 4. Still it is edifying to mark the different results of the death of a saintly and of a worldly bishop. The next entry is, “Moritur Willelmus episcopus Dunelmensis, et hic commotio hominum.” According to Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 474) the stars paid regard to the death of an abbot who in no way concerns us; “Stellæ de cœlo cadere visæ sunt, et eadem nocte Gyraldus abbas Silvæ majoris [in the diocese of Bourdeaux] migravit ad Dominum.” Sigebert’s Chronicle (Pertz, vi. 367) has some curious physical details.

[1311] See above, [p. 297].

[1312] The story is told by William of Malmesbury, Vit. Wlst. Angl. Sacr. ii. 266. “Præmonuerat ministros velle se ad illud pascha convivari accuratis epulis cum bonis hominibus.” He then brings the poor people into the hall and “præcepit inter eos sedili locato epulas sibi apponi.”

[1313] The steward’s doctrine is “competentius esse, ut episcopus convivaretur cum paucis divitibus quam cum multis pauperibus.” The bishop makes his scriptural quotation, and adds, “illis debere serviri, qui non haberent unde redderent.” He then winds up, “Lætius se videre istum consessum, quam si, ut sæpe, consedisset regi Anglorum.” One would like to have Wulfstan’s English. We must remember that Wulfstan was commonly surrounded at dinner by a knightly following. Vit. Wlst. 259. “Excepto si quando cum monachis reficeretur, semper in regia considentibus militibus palam convivabatur.”

[1314] Vit. Wlst. 266. “Multo eum suspiciebat rex honore, multo proceres; ut qui sæpe ipsum ascirent convivio, et assurgerent ejus consilio.” Then follows the list of his foreign admirers, but it is only of the Irish kings that we read that “magnis eum venerabantur favoribus.” Malcolm and Margaret “ipsius se dedebant orationibus;” the foreign prelates “epistolis quæ adhuc supersunt ejus ambierunt apud Deum suffragia.”

[1315] See above, [p. 312].

[1316] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Humanorum excessum [had he given in a little too much to foreign ways?] confessione facta, etiam disciplinam accepit. Ita vocant monachi virgarum flagra, quæ tergo nudato cædentis infligit acrimonia.”

[1317] Serlo we have heard of before; see N. C. vol. iv. p. 383. Of Tewkesbury I shall have to speak below, and see N. C. vol. v. pp. 628, 629.

[1318] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Magis sedens quam jacens, aures psalmis, oculos altari applicabat, sedili sic composito ut libere cerneret quicquid in capella fieret.” That is, there was a squint between his bed-room and the chapel, a not uncommon arrangement, one of the best instances of which is to be seen in Beverstone Castle, in Wulfstan’s diocese, though of a date long after Godwine’s days and his. This use of the squint is only one of several ways for enabling the inmates, whether of houses, hospitals, or monastic infirmaries, to hear mass without going out of doors.

[1319] The vision is recorded by William of Malmesbury in the life of Wulfstan (268), where he says that Bishop Robert was “in curia regis,” and adds that he was “homo sæculi quidem fretus prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.” Florence says that Robert was “in oppido quod Criccelad vocatur.” The inference is that the King was at Cricklade. Cricklade does not appear among the King’s lordships in Wiltshire; but both he (Domesday, 65) and other lords had burgesses there, and there is an entry in 64 b about the third penny, which brought in five pounds yearly.

In the Gesta Pontificum William of Malmesbury does not mention the vision; but he brings Bishop Robert to Worcester to bury Wulfstan without any such call. There is surely something a little heathenish in his description of the bishop’s body lying in “Libitina ante altare.”

[1320] Gest. Pont. 289. “Profecto, si facilitas antiquorum hominum adjuvaret, jamdudum elatus in altum sanctus predicaretur, sed nostrorum incredulitas, quæ se cautelæ umbraculo exornat, non vult miraculis adhibere fidem etiamsi conspicetur oculo, etiamsi palpat digito.” Yet, though he says that prayers offered at Wulfstan’s tomb were always answered, yet he says nothing about miracles being wrought there (unless we count the wonderful preservation of the tomb itself during a fire), and not much of miracles done during his lifetime. There is more in the Life.

[1321] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Quem consistentem in quadam villa quæ tribus miliariis a Sceftesberia distans Ilingeham vocatur Anselmus adiit.” See above, [p. 477]. By what follows this must have been some time in February.

[1322] See above, [p. 414].

[1323] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 122, 462, and Hook, Archbishops, i. 27, 270.

[1324] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 353.

[1325] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 441.

[1326] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Eique suam voluntatem in hoc esse innotuit, ut Romanum pontificem pro pallii sui petitione adiret. Ad quod rex, A quo inquit papa illud requirere cupis?”

[1327] Ib. “Quicunque sibi hujus dignitatis potestatem vellet præripere, unum foret ac si coronam suam sibi conaretur auferre.”

[1328] Ib. “Iræ stimulis exagitatus, protestatus est illum nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul et apostolicæ sedis obedientiam, contra suam voluntatem, posse servare.”

[1329] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Petivit inducias ad istius rei examinationem quatenus episcopis, abbatibus, cunctisque regni principibus, una coëuntibus communi assensu definiretur, utrum salva reverentia et obedientia sedis apostolicæ posset fidem terreno regi servare, annon.” These words must be specially attended to, as they contain the whole root of the matter with regard to the council of Rockingham. The word “indutiæ” is rather hard to translate. It means an adjournment, but something more than an adjournment. The word “truce,” commonly used to express it, is rather too strong; yet it is sometimes hard to avoid it.

[1330] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Quod si probatum, inquit, fuerit, utrumque fieri minime posse, fateor malo terram tuam, donec apostolicum suscipias, exeundo devitare, quam beati Petri ejusque vicarii obedientiam vel ad horam abnegare.”

[1331] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 435.

[1332] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 224.

[1333] Domesday, 220. “Rex tenet Rochingeham…. Hanc terram tenuit Bovi cum saca et soca T. R. E. Wasta erat quando rex W. jussit ibi castellum fieri.” On Rockingham Castle, see Mr. G. T. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxv. 209.

[1334] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fit conventus omnium dominico die, in ecclesia quæ est in ipso castro sita, ab hora prima, rege et suis secretius in Anselmum consilia sua studiose texentibus.”

[1335] “Anselmus autem, episcopis, abbatibus, et principibus, ad se a regio secreto vocatis, eos et assistentem monachorum, clericorum, laicorum, numerosam multitudinem hac voce alloquitur.”

[1336] See above, [p. 480], for somewhat similar arrangements. But the present hall of Rockingham, dating from the thirteenth century, is divided by the width of the court from what seems to be the site of the chapel.

[1337] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fateor verum dico, quia salva reverentia voluntatis Dei maluissem illa die, si optio mihi daretur, in ardentem rogum comburendus præcipitari, quam archiepiscopatus dignitate sublimari.”

[1338] “Rapuistis me, et coegistis onus omnium suscipere, qui corporis imbecillitate defessus meipsum vix poteram ferre … attamen videns importunam voluntatem vestram, credidi me vobis, et suscepi onus quod imposuistis, confisus spe auxilii vestri quod polliciti estis. Nunc ergo, ecce tempus adest quo sese causa obtulit, ut onus meum consilii vestri manu levetis.”

[1339] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Si, remota omni alia conditione, simpliciter ad voluntatem domini nostri regis consilii tui summam transferre velles, prompta tibi voluntate, ut nobis ipsis, consuleremus.”

[1340] “In medio procerum et conglobatæ multitudinis sedens.” Judges and bishops can still deliver charges sitting; but it would seem hard to carry on a debate in that posture.

[1341] “Si pure ad voluntatem domini regis consilii tui summam transferre volueris, promptum, et quod in nobis ipsis utile didicimus, a nobis consilium certum habebis. Si autem secundum Deum, quod ullatenus voluntati regis obviare possit, consilium a nobis expectas, frustra niteris; quia in hujusmodi nunquam tibi nos adminiculari videbis.”

[1342] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Quibus dictis conticuerunt, et capita sua quasi ad ea quæ ipse illaturus erat demiserunt.”

[1343] “Tunc pater Anselmus, erectis in altum luminibus, vivido vultu, reverenda voce, ista locutus est.”

[1344] “Nos qui Christianæ plebis pastores, et vos qui populorum principes vocamini.”

[1345] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Non cuilibet imperatori, non alicui regi, non duci, non comiti.” I have ventured to prefer the climax to the anti-climax.

[1346] See above, [p. 104].

[1347] See above, [p. 95].

[1348] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Turbationem suam confusis vocibus exprimentes, ut eos illum esse reum mortis una clamare putares.” The reference seems to be to St. Matthew’s Gospel, xxvi. 66.

[1349] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 295. Only the groups at Lillebonne seem to have been larger than those at Rockingham.

[1350] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Hic duo, ibi tres, illic quatuor, in unum consiliabantur, studiosissime disquirentes, si quo modo possent aliquod responsum contra hæc componere, quod et regiam animositatem deliniret et prælibatas sententias Dei adversa fronte non impugnaret.”

[1351] “Adversariis ejus conciliabula sua in longum protelantibus, ipse ad parietem se reclinans leni somno quiescebat.”

[1352] “Vult dominus noster rex, omissis aliis verbis, a te sub celeritate sententiam audire.”

[1353] “Hæc rogamus, hæc consulimus, hæc tibi tuisque necessaria esse dicimus et confirmamus.”

[1354] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Noveris totum regnum conqueri adversum te quod nostro communi domino conaris decus imperii sui, coronam, auferre. Quicumque enim regiæ dignitatis ei consuetudines tollit, coronam simul et regnum tollit.”

[1355] “Urbani illius, qui offenso domino rege nil tibi prodesse nec ipso pacato tibi quicquam valet obesse, obedientiam abjice, subjectionis jugum excute, et liber, ut archiepiscopum Cantuariensem decet, in cunctis actibus tuis voluntatem domini regis et jussionem expecta.” What more could Henry the Eighth have asked of Cranmer?

[1356] “Quatenus inimici tui qui casibus tuis nunc insultant, visa dignitatis tuæ sublevatione, erubescant.”

[1357] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Respondeam quod Deus inspirare dignabitur.”

[1358] “Suspicati ilium aut quid diceret ultra nescire aut metu addictum statim cœpto desistere.”

[1359] “Persuaserunt inducias nulla ratione dandas, sed causa recenti examinatione discussa, supremam, si suis adquiescere consiliis nollet, in eum judicii sententiam invehi juberet.”

[1360] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Erat quasi primus et prolocutor regis in hoc negotio Willelmus supra nominatus Dunelmensis episcopus, homo linguæ volubilitate facetus quam pura sapientia præditus. Hujus quoque discidii quod inter regem et Anselmum versabatur erat auctor gravis et incentor.”

[1361] “Omni ingenio satagebat, si quo modo Anselmum calumniosis objectionibus fatigatum regno eliminaret, ratus, ut dicebatur, ipso discedente, se archiepiscopatus solio sublimandum.”

[1362] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Nec regia dignitate integre se potitum suspicabatur, quamdiu aliquis in tota terra, vel etiam secundum Deum, nisi per eum quicquam habere (not dico) vel posse dicebatur.”

[1363] “Spoponderat se facturum ut Anselmus aut Romani pontificis funditus obedientiam abnegaret, aut archiepiscopatui, reddito baculo et annulo, abrenunciaret.”

[1364] Ib. 29. “Dicit quod quantum tua interest eum sua dignitate spoliasti; dum Odonem episcopum Ostiensem sine sui auctoritate præcepti papam in sua Anglia facis.”

[1365] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Revesti eum primo, si placet, debita imperii sui dignitate, et tunc demum de induciis age.”

[1366] “Nec jocum existimes esse quod agitur; immo in istis magni doloris stimulis urgemur.”

[1367] “Quod dominus tuus et noster in omni dominatione sua præcipuum habebat, et quo eum cunctis regibus præstare certum erat.”

[1368] See Appendix F.

[1369] We shall come to these matters in the next chapter.

[1370] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Aspicientes sese ad invicem, nec invenientes quid ad ista referrent, ad dominum suum reversi sunt.”

[1371] “Protinus intellexerunt quod prius non animadverterunt, nec ipsum advertere posse putaverunt, videlicet archiepiscopum Cantuariensem a nullo hominum, nisi a solo papa, judicari posse vel damnari, nec ab aliquo cogi pro quavis calumnia cuiquam, eo excepto, contra suum velle respondere.”

[1372] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Ortum interea murmur est totius multitudinis pro injuria tanti viri summissa inter se voce querentis. Nemo quippe palam pro eo loqui audebat ob metum tyranni.” We have had the word “tyrannis” already; see above, [p. 397].

[1373] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Miles unus de multitudine prodiens viro adstitit flexis coram eo genibus.”

[1374] “Confidentes juxta scripturam, vocem populi vocem esse Dei.” “Scriptura” must here be taken in some wide sense; Eadmer could hardly have thought that these words were to be found in any of the canonical books.

[1375] “Ad divisionem spiritus sui exacerbatus.”

[1376] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Dunelmensis ita inprimis tepide et silenter per singula loquebatur, ut omnis humanæ prudentiæ inscius et expers putaretur.”

[1377] “Cogitabimus pro te usque ad mane.”

[1378] “Mane reversi sedimus in solito loco exspectantes mandatum regis. At ille cum suis omnimodo perquirebat quid in damnationem Anselmi componere posset, nec inveniebat.”

[1379] “Requisitus Willielmus Dunelmensis quid ipse, ex condicto, noctu egerit apud se.”

[1380] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Verum mihi violentia videtur opprimendus, et, si regiæ voluntati non vult adquiescere, ablato baculo et annulo, de regno pellendus. Non placuerunt hæc verba principibus.”

[1381] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Per vultum Dei si vos illum ad voluntatem meam non damnaveritis, ego damnabo vos.” The oath “per vultum Dei” is the same as that “per vultum de Luca.” See Appendix G.

[1382] “Robertus quidam ipsi regi valde familiaris” would seem to be no other than the Count of Meulan. We shall hear of him by name later in the story. It might be Robert the Dispenser (see above, [p. 331]), but that seems much less likely.

[1383] “De consiliis nostris quid dicam, fateor nescio. Nam cum omni studio per totum diem inter nos illa conferimus, et quatenus aliquo modo sibi cohereant conferendo conferimus, ipse, nihil mali e contra cogitans, dormit, et prolata coram eo statim uno labiorum suorum pulsu quasi telas araneæ rumpit.”

[1384] “Primas est, non modo istius regni, sed et Scotiæ et Hiberniæ, necne adjacentium insularum, nosque suffraganei ejus.” We have had one or two other cases, in which, in Eadmer’s language at least, the Archbishop of York is spoken of as the suffragan of Canterbury.

[1385] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Properate igitur, et quod dicitis citius facite, ut cum viderit se a cunctis despectum et desolatum, verecundetur, et ingemiscat se Urbanum me domino suo contempto secutum.”

[1386] “Et quo ista securius faciatis, en ego primum in imperio meo penitus ei omnem securitatem et fiduciam mei tollo, ac deinceps in illo vel de illo nulla in causa confidere, vel eum pro archiepiscopo aut patre spirituali tenere volo.”

[1387] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Paterno more diligentiam, animæ illius curam, si ferre dignabitur, habebo.”

[1388] “Ad hæc ille respondit,” says Eadmer; but it can only mean an answer through messengers, as it is plain that the King and the Archbishop were still in different rooms.

[1389] “Omnino adversatur animo meo quod dicit, nec meus erit, quisquis ipsius esse delegerit.”

[1390] The answer of the lay lords must be taken as a formal setting forth of their position; one would be glad to know whose are the actual sentiments and words. It runs thus (Eadmer, 30);

“Nos nunquam fuimus homines ejus, nec fidelitatem quam ei non fecimus abjurare valemus. Archiepiscopus noster est; Christianitatem in hac terra gubernare habet, et ea re nos qui Christiani sumus ejus magisterium, dum hic vivimus, declinare non possumus, præsertim cum nullius offensæ macula illum respiciat, quæ vos secus de illo agere compellat.”

[1391] “Quod ipse repressa sustinuit ira, rationi eorum palam ne nimis offenderentur contraire præcavens.” This is perhaps a solitary case of recorded self-restraint on the part of William Rufus, at all events since the death of Lanfranc. It is significant that it should be in answer to the lay lords and not to the bishops.

[1392] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Episcopi hæc videntes, confusione vultus sui operti sunt, intelligentes omnium oculos in se converti, et apostasiam suam non injuste a cunctis detestari.” It must be remembered that apostasia is a technical term, meaning, besides its usual sense, a forsaking of his monastic vows and calling by a professed monk. Eadmer speaks of the bishops as guilty of a like offence towards their metropolitan.

[1393] The picture is very graphic; “Audires si adesses, nunc ab isto, nunc ab illo istum vel illum episcopum aliquo cognomine cum interjectione indignantis denotari, videlicet Judæ proditoris, Pilati, vel Herodis horumque similium.” One of the bishops had been likened to Judas some years before on somewhat opposite grounds.

[1394] “Requisiti a rege, utrum omnem subjectionem et obedientiam, nulla conditione interposita, an illam solam subjectionem et obedientiam, quam prætenderet ex autoritate Romani pontificis, Anselmo denegassent.”

[1395] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Hos quidem qui, nulla conditione interposita, funditus ei quicquid prælato suo debebant se abjurasse professi sunt, juxta se sicut fideles et amicos suos honorifice sedere præcepit.”

[1396] “Illos vero qui in hoc solo quod præciperet ex parte apostolici sese subjectionem et obedientiam illi abnegasse dicere ausi sunt, ut perfidos ac suæ voluntatis inimicos, procul in angulo domus sententiam suæ damnationis ira permotus jussit præstolari. Territi ergo et confusione super confusionem induti, in angulum domus secesserunt,”

[1397] “Reperto statim salubri et quo niti solebant domestico consilio, hoc est, data copiosa pecunia, in amicitiam regis recepti sunt.”

All this suggests the question, what was the course taken by Gundulf of Rochester, Anselm’s old friend, and the holder of a bishopric which stood in a specially close relation to the archbishop. In the Historia Novorum there is no mention of Gundulf; the bishops are spoken of as an united body, except so far as they were divided on this last question. But it seems implied that all disowned Anselm in one way or another. Yet in the Life (ii. 3. 24) the bishops disown him, “Rofensi solo excepto.” How are these accounts to be reconciled? If Gundulf had stood out in any marked way from the rest, Eadmer would surely have mentioned him in the Historia Novorum. One might suppose that the Bishop of Rochester, as holding of the Archbishop, was not in the company of the King’s bishops at all. But, if he had stayed outside with Anselm and Eadmer, one would have looked for that to be mentioned also. He can hardly lurk in the first person plural which Eadmer so often uses.

[1398] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Donec Deus tantæ perturbationi modum dignanter imponeret.”

[1399] “Licet discessum ejus summopere desideraret, nolebat tamen eum pontificatus dignitate saisitum discedere, ne novissimum scandalum quod inde poterat oriri pejus fieret priore. Ut vero pontificatu illum dissaisiret, impossibile sibi videbatur.” The feudal language creeps in at all corners.

[1400] “Episcoporum consilio per quod in has angustias se devolutum querebatur omisso, cum principibus consilium iniit.”

[1401] “Quatenus vir cum summa pace moneatur ad hospitium suum redire.”

[1402] “Perturbatis etiam curialibus plurimis … rati sunt quippe hominem a terra discedere, et ingemuerunt.”

[1403] “Lætus et alacer sperabat se perturbationes et onera sæculi, quod semper optabat, transito mari, evadere.”

[1404] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Ecce principes a latere regis mane directi”—​the style of Emperors and Popes.

[1405] “Ascendimus, inimus, et supremam de negotio nostro sententiam avidi audire, in quo soliti eramus loco consedimus.” The word “ascendimus” might show that Anselm’s lodgings were at some point lower than the castle.

[1406] “Inducias utrimque de negotio dari quatenus hinc usque ad definitum aliquod tempus inter vos pace statuta.”

[1407] “Pacem atque concordiam non abjicio; veruntamen videor mihi videre quid ista quam offertis pax habeat in se.”

[1408] “Concedo suscipere quod domino regi et vobis placet pro pacis custodia secundum Deum statuere”—​Anselm’s invariable reservation.

[1409] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Dantur induciæ usque ad octavas Pentecostes, ac regia fide sancitur, quatenus ex utraque parte interim omnia essent in pace.”

[1410] “Præsciens apud se pacem et inducias illas inane et momentaneum velamen esse odii et oppressionis mox futuræ.”

[1411] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Baldwinum monachum, in quo pars major consiliorum Anselmi pendebat.”

[1412] “Præscripti discidii causa.”

[1413] “Quid referam camerarium ejus in sua camera ante suos oculos captum, alios homines ejus injusto judicio condemnatos, deprædatos, innumeris malis afflictos?” All this was “infra dies induciarum et præfixæ pacis.” Eadmer reproaches the “regalis constantia fidei.” Rufus would have said that his faith was plighted to Anselm, not to Baldwin.

[1414] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Ut fere universi conclamarent melius sibi absque pastore jam olim fuisse quam nunc sub hujusmodi pastore esse.”

[1415] The movements of Urban at this time will be found in the Chronicle of Bernold in the fifth volume of Pertz, p. 461. Cf. Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 215.

[1416] Bernold, ib. “Henricus autem rex dictus eo tempore in Longobardia morabatur, pene omni regia dignitate privatus. Nam filius ejus Chonradus, jam dudum in regem coronatus, se ab illo penitus separavit, et domnæ Mathildi reliquisque fidelibus sancti Petri firmiter conjunctus totum robur paterni exercitus in Longobardia obtinuit.”

[1417] Ib. “Ad quam sinodum multitudo tam innumerabilis confluxit, ut nequaquam in qualibet ecclesia illius loci posset comprehendi. Unde et domnus papa extra urbem in campo illam celebrare compulsus est; nec hoc tamen absque probabilis exempli auctoritate.” He justifies the act by the example of Moses; in England Godwine and William might have been precedents enough.

[1418] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 230.

[1419] The matters discussed are reckoned up by Bernold, u. s.

[1420] See above, [p. 415].

[1421] So speaks our own Chronicler the next year. See above, [p. 415].

[1422] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Siquidem ipse rex, ubi sensit Anselmum suæ voluntatis in præscripto negotio nolle obtemperare, clam et Anselmo ignorante, eosdem clericos [Girardum et Willielmum] Romam miserat, Romanæ statum ecclesiæ per eos volens certo dinoscere.”

[1423] Bernold (Pertz, v. 461) gives the details. The part which most concerns us is that the King and future Emperor is received only “salva justitia illius [Romanæ] ecclesiæ, et statutis apostolicis, maxime de investituris in spiritalibus officiis a laico non usurpandis.”

[1424] Bernold merely glances at this matter. It will be found described more at length in the hexameters of Donizo, ii. 9, Muratori, v. 374; and in the prose life of Matilda, 13, Muratori, v. 395.

[1425] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Scire veritatem hujus rei Romam missi sunt hii duo clerici, eaque cognita, jussi sunt sacris promissionibus illectum ad hoc si possent papam perducere, ut ipsi regi ad opus archiepiscopi Cantuariensis pallium, tacita persona Anselmi, destinaret, quod ipse rex, Anselmo a pontificatu simul et regno dejecto, cui vellet cum pontificatu vice apostolici postmodum daret.” The formal grant of the hereditary legation to Count Roger comes somewhat later, being given by Urban himself in 1099. (See William of Malaterra, iv. 29, Muratori, v. 602.) But the language used seems to imply that some such power practically existed already.

[1426] Ep. S. Thom, ad Cardinales, Giles, S. T. C. iii. 93. “Eo jam perventum est ut sequatur rex noster etiam Siculos, immo certe præcedat.” On the question of the legatine power supposed to have been granted, or designed to be granted, to Henry the Second, see J. C. Robertson, Becket, 106. For my purpose the general belief that something of the kind was done or designed is enough.

[1427] Bernold, ap. Pertz, v. 461.

[1428] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Hoc quippe disposuerat apud se; hoc suspicatus est non injuria sibi concedi posse, hoc indubitato fieri promittebat opinioni suæ.”

[1429] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Eac on þis ylcan geare togeanes Eastron com þæs papan sande hider to lande, þæt wæs Waltear bisceop swiðe god lifes man, of Albin þære ceastre.” The date is strange, as he did not and could not come till after Easter.

[1430] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Præfatus episcopus Angliam veniens, secum archiepiscopatus stolam papa mittente clanculo detulit. Et silenter Cantuaria civitate pertransita, Anselmoque devitato, ad regem properabat, nulli de pallio quod ferebat quicquam dicens, nullum in absentia ductorum suorum familiariter alloquens. Rex denique præceperat ita fieri, nolens mysterium consilii sui publicari.”

[1431] Ib. 33. “Sentiens rex episcopum ex parte Urbani cuncta suæ voluntati coniventia nunciare, et ea, si ipsum Urbanum pro papa in suo regno susciperet, velle apostolica authoritate sibi dum viveret in privilegium promulgare, adquievit placito.” This is put somewhat more distinctly in the account by Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475, see Appendix AA); “Conventionem fecerat cum eo [Willelmo] Albanensis episcopus, quem primum illo miserat papa, ne legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur nisi quem rex præciperet.”

[1432] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Nil penitus ipsi pro Anselmo locutus est, quod pacem inter eos conciliaret, quod tribulationes in quibus pro fidelitate sedis apostolice desudabat mitigaret, quod eum ad sublevandum in Anglia Christianæ religionis cultum roboraret.”

[1433] Ib. “Papæ, quid dicemus? Si aurum et argentum Roma præponit justitiæ,” &c. It must be remembered that in this sentence “Papæ” has nothing to do with “Papa.” See above, [p. 292].

[1434] Ib. 33. “Præcipiens Urbanum in omni imperio suo pro apostolico haberi, eique vice beati Petri in Christiana religione obediri.”

[1435] Ib. “Egit post hæc quibus modis poterat ipse rex cum episcopo, quatenus Romani pontificis autoritate Anselmum ab episcopatu, regali potentia fultus, deponeret, spondens immensum pecuniæ pondus ei et ecclesiæ Romanæ singulis annis daturum, si in hoc suo desiderio satisfaceret.”

[1436] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Reputans apud se nihil in requisitione vel susceptione Romani antistitis se profecisse.”

[1437] “Qualiter, servata singulari celsitudinis suæ dignitate, viro saltem specie tenus amorem suum redderet, cui crudeliter iratus nihil poterat cupitæ damnationis pro voto inferre.”

[1438] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Ad eum venire et verba regis illi et illius possent regi deferre.”

[1439] “Dixi vobis jam, quod nunquam domino meo hanc contumeliam faciam ut facto probem amicitiam ejus esse venalem.”

[1440] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Dominus papa Urbanus, rogatu domini nostri regis, stolam illi archiepiscopatus per episcopum qui de Roma venit direxit.” The pallium, they said, was sent to the King, but the words which follow show that they wished it to be understood that it was meant for Anselm.

[1441] “Tuum igitur erit considerare quid tanto beneficio dignum regi rependas.”

[1442] “Laudamus et consulimus ut saltem quod in via expenderes si pro hoc Romam ires regi des, ne si nihil feceris injurius judiceris.” They enlarge also on the dangers of the way; these had certainly proved fatal to some of Anselm’s predecessors.

[1443] “Principum suorum consilio usus.”

[1444] This is not mentioned now, but it comes out afterwards; Hist. Nov. 39. See below, [p. 588].

[1445] Ib. 39. “Scio quippe me [Anselmum] spopondisse consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum servaturum, et eas per justitiam contra omnes homines pro meo posse defensurum.”

[1446] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Cum curiæ illius apud Windlesorum se præsentasset et familiari alloquio in conspectu procerum et coadunatæ multitudinis ipsum detinuisset.”

[1447] “Ut pro regiæ majestatis honorificentia, illud per manum regis susciperet.”

[1448] “Rationabiliter ostendens hoc donum non ad regiam dignitatem, sed ad singularem beati Petri pertinere auctoritatem.”

[1449] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Quasi de manu beati Petri, pro summi quo fungebatur pontificatus honore, sumeretur.”

[1450] “Adquievit istis multitudo omnis.”

[1451] “Pœnitentiam apud illum agentes pro culpa suæ abnegationis, quam cum aliis coepiscopis suis fecerant apud Rochingeham.”

[1452] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 302) has two appearances of Saint Wulfstan to Robert; but both come before Wulfstan’s burial. The one here meant is recorded by Florence (1095). Robert was, according to the Worcester writer, “vir magnæ religionis,” and we have a pleasing picture of “ambo patres nimia caritate in Dei dilectione et ad se invicem conjuncti.” In the Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac. i. 268) the Bishop of Hereford is “homo seculi quidem fretus prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”

[1453] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Ibi etiam Wilfrido episcopo sancti David de Gualis quæ vulgo Dewi vocatur, ipsa hora reddidit episcopale officium, a quo, exigente culpa ejus, jam antea ipsemet illum suspenderat.” Was Wilfrith there in person? We shall hear of him again.

[1454] Flor. Wig. 1095. “Pallium … quod juxta condictum die dominica, quæ erat iv. idus Junii, ab eodem [Waltero] Cantuariam super altare Salvatoris delatum, ab Anselmo assumptum est, atque ab omnibus pro reverentia S. Petri suppliciter deosculatum.” The details come from Eadmer; the Chronicler tells only how Walter “þam arcebisceop Ansealme uppon Pentecosten, of þæs papan healfe Urbanus, his pallium geaf, and he hine underfeng æt his arcestole on Cantwarabyrig.”

[1455] I hardly know what to make of the words of Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475); “Adeo auctoritas Romana apud Anglos avaritia et cupiditate legatorum viluerat, ut eodem Albanense præsente et consentiente nec contradicente, immo præcipiente, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus fidelitatem beato Petro et papæ juraverat salva fidelitate domini sui regis.” One cannot conceive any time during the Cardinal’s visit in which Anselm could be called on to make any such oath either to Pope or King except at the time of his receiving the pallium; there may be some confusion with the promise mentioned in [p. 531].

[1456] This coincidence is noticed by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1457] Such is the pious belief of Florence; “Credi fas est, ipsum qui prius de hoc sæculo ad Deum migravit sollicitudinem egisse sui dilectissimi, quem in hoc sæculo reliquit, et ut quam citius simul ante Deum gauderent operam dedisse.”

[1458] Hugh of Flavigny, directly after the passage just quoted (Pertz, viii. 475), goes on to say, “Quæ res in tantum adoleverat, ut nullus ex parte papæ veniens honore debito exciperetur, nullus esset in Anglia archiepiscopus, episcopus, abbas, nedum monachus aut clericus, qui litteras apostolicas suscipere auderet, nedum obedire, nisi rex juberet.”

[1459] This is noticed by the Chronicler; “And se bisceop Waltear has on lande þæs geares syððan lange wunode, and man syððan þæt Romgesceot be him sende, swa man manegan gearan æror ne dyde.”

[1460] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 430.

[1461] Epp. iii. 35. “Vestra prudentia non ignorat quia nos duo nihil efficeremus, nisi regi suggestum esset, ut ejus assensu et auxilio ad effectum perduceretur quod disponeremus.” The military history which this letter casually opens to us, and of which we have no mention elsewhere, will come in the next chapter.

[1462] “Expecto reditum domini mei regis, et episcoporum et principum qui cum eo sunt, quatenus illi quæ agenda sunt, opportune et rationabiliter suggeramus.” So in the next letter (Epp. iii. 36) he says more distinctly that he would like to meet the Cardinal, “si congruo tempore factum esset, id est quando dominus meus rex, et episcopi, et principes hujus regni vobis præsentes aut propinqui erant.”

[1463] Epp. iii. 36. “Vos ab illis et ego a vobis discessimus, veluti non nos in hac terra amplius invicem visuri.”

[1464] Epp. iii. 35. See the next chapter.

[1465] Ib. “Rex ore suo mihi præcepit … et postquam Cantuarberiam reddi mihi mandavit per litteras proprio sigillo signatas.”

[1466] Ib. “Idcirco de Cantuaria exire non audeo, nisi in illam partem ex qua hostium expectamus adventum.”

[1467] Ib. 36. “Quod quæritis a me cur et qua justitia episcopi alii me abnegantes a me discesserunt, nec sunt reversi dignam agentes pœnitentiam, hoc potius ab illis quærendum erat quam a me.”

[1468] Ib. “Reversi hactenus sunt ut illam obedientiam quam Cantuariensi sedi promiserant se mihi servaturos faterentur.”

[1469] Epp. iii. 36. “Dicitis quosdam illorum vobis dixisse ideo non offendisse in me, quia permisi me a catholica ecclesia transferri ad schismaticos et ab illis consecrari, si fieri, sicut additis, potest; et a schismatico rege investituram accepisse, et illi fidelitatem et hominium fecisse, quos omnes sciebam esse schismaticos et divisos ab ecclesia Christi, et a capite meo Urbano pontifice, quem ipsi, me audiente, abnegabant.”

[1470] Epp. iii. 36. “Illi non abnegabant canonicum Romanum pontificem, quicunque esset, nec Urbanum negabant esse pontificem; sed dubitabant propter illam quæ modo nata est dissensionem, et propter dubitationem illum suscipere quasi certum differebant; nec ullum judicium illos ab ecclesia segregaverat, et omnino obedientiam Romanæ sedis tenere se fatebantur et sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis me consecrarunt.”

[1471] Ib. “Denique dominus papa sciebat me esse consecratum et a quibus, et cui regi feceram quod feci. Et tamen pallium quod archiepiscopus Cantuariæ solet habere, mihi per vestram caritatem, non ut schismatico, sed ut accepto, non ut reprobans, sed ut approbans misit, et sic quod de me factum erat confirmavit.”

[1472] Ib. “Si vobis hæc calumnia attendenda videtur, cur earn ante pallii concessionem mihi tacuistis? Si negligenda putatur, vos judicate quam diligenter sit a vobis inculcanda.”

[1473] Ib. “Rogatis me ut fratres nostros Cantuariensis ecclesiæ quiete ac pacifice possidere dimittam res suas.”

[1474] Ib. “Nullus magis desiderat quietem ac pacem illorum quam ego, nec magis sollicitus est pro utilitate ejusdem ecclesiæ; et idcirco voluntas mea est ut res ejus, Deo annuente, disponam ad utilitatem præsentem et futuram, prout melius sciam et potero.”

[1475] This question is argued by Eadmer in the Life, ii. 1. 9.

[1476] Ib. “Si Cantuariam assidue incoleret, homines sui ex advectione victualium oppido gravarentur; et insuper a præpositis, ut sæpe contingebat, multis ex causis oppressi, si quem interpellarent, nunquam præsentem haberent, magis ac magis oppressi in destructionem funditus irent.” Of the doings of reeves of all kinds we have often heard. See specially N. C. vol. iv. p. 616.

[1477] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1478] This would seem to be the time when Anselm’s practice of various virtues is so fully described by Eadmer in the first and second chapters of the second book of the Life.

[1479] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340. He appears in the Gesta Pontificum, 289, as “Samson, canonicus Baiocensis, non parvæ literaturæ vir nec contemnendæ facundiæ. Antiquorum homo morum, ipse liberaliter vesci, et aliis dapsiliter largiri.” But this last description is substituted for an amazing account of his appetite, specially in the way of fowls and swine’s flesh (cf. the account of King Æthelred in N. C. vol. i. p. 658), and how he died of fat. He fed however three hundred poor men daily.

[1480] His kindred to the elder and the younger Thomas appears in the suppressed passage of William of Malmesbury. Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) says of the two bishops-elect, “Qui cum in summum promovendi sacerdotium ad Anselmum pro more venissent, necdum omnes inferiores ordines habuissent, ordinavit eos pro instanti necessitate, ad diaconatum et presbyteratum unum, et alium ad presbyteratum.” The canon of Bayeux would be more likely than the King’s clerk to have the higher degree.

[1481] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 290. But the first and second versions are worth comparing. It has a curiously modern sound when we read, “Quotiens Lundonia rediret, aliquid pretiosum afferret, quod esset ornamento ecclesiæ.” But it is a witness to the growing importance of London.

[1482] William of Malmesbury has a first and a second edition (Gest. Pont. 259) in the case of Gerard also. According to rumour, “multorum criminum et maxime libidini obnoxius erat.” He was suspected of magic, from his constant study of Julius Firmicus. According to Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 496), he sacrificed a pig to the devil, while of his brother more wonderful things still were told. See Pertz, viii. 496, and Appendix G.

[1483] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35.

[1484] See above, p. 448, and Appendix X.

[1485] Eadmer gives the account of these Irish bishops (Hist. Nov. 34, 36). Samuel is described as being “a rege Hiberniæ Murierdach nomine, necne a clero et populo in episcopatum ipsius civitatis electus est, atque ad Anselmum, juxta morem antiquum, sacrandus cum communi decreto directus.” Of King Muirchertach, whose name is written endless ways, and whom it is well perhaps to shorten into Murtagh, we shall hear again. He was King of Leinster, and Bretwalda, so to speak, of all Ireland, though it seems that he was not acknowledged always and everywhere. He signs the letter to Anselm which appears in Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 36) on behalf of Malchus, which professes to come from the “clerus et populus oppidi Wataferdiæ, cum rege Murchertacho, et episcopo Dofnaldo.” There are also two letters of Anselm to him (Ep. iii. 142, 147), chiefly about ecclesiastical reforms in Ireland. Anselm also speaks of a brother Cornelius, whom the Irish king had asked for, but who could not go, because he was taking care of his aged father. This is one of those little personal touches which make us wish to know more.

[1486] Orderic and William of Malmesbury stand conspicuous.

[1487] See the Chronicle, 1096. I quoted the passage in N. C. vol. iv. p. 93.

[1488] Ib.

[1489] See N. C. vol. v. p. 356.

[1490] Ib. p. 93.

[1491] See above, [p. 411].

[1492] Urban came from Rheims, but it is important to remember how little entitled Auvergne was in that day to the French name. This comes out oddly enough in an entry in the Chronicle, 1102, when thieves of all parts seem to have conspired to rob the minster of Peterborough; “Þa coman þeofas sum of Aluearnie, sum of France, and sum of Flanders, and breokan þæt mynstre of Burh.”

[1493] William of Malmesbury (iv. 344) draws a grievous picture of the state of things among the “Cisalpini,” who “ad hæc calamitatis omnes devenerant, ut nullis vel minimis causis extantibus quisque alium caperet, nec nisi magno redemptum abire sineret.” He then speaks at some length of simony, and adds; “Tunc legitimis uxoribus exclusis, multi contrahebant divortium, alienum expugnantes matrimonium; quare, quia in his et illis erat confusa criminum silva, ad pœnam quorundam potentiorum designata sunt nomina.”

[1494] The great provision of all is (Will. Malms. iv. 345), “Quod ecclesia catholica sit in fide, casta, libera ab omni servitute; ut episcopi, vel abbates, vel aliquis de clero, aliquam ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu principum vel quorumlibet laicorum non accipiant.” This decree does not appear among the acts of Piacenza in Bernold, 1095 (Pertz, v. 462).

Among so many more stirring affairs, one decree of this council, which has a good deal of interest, might easily be forgotten. This is one which was meant to reform the abuses of the privileges of sanctuary; “Qui ad ecclesiam vel ad crucem confugerint, data membrorum impunitate, justitiæ tradantur, vel innocentes liberentur.” Are we to see here the first beginning of a feeling against mutilation, which came in bit by bit in the next century? The guilty man is to be punished, but in some other way than by loss of limb.

[1495] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 429.

[1496] Philip had professed all intention of coming to Piacenza; he had even set out; “Se ad illam itiner incepisse, sed legitimis soniis se impeditum fuisse mandavit.” (Bernold, u. s.) He was allowed, like Anselm, “indutiæ” till Whitsuntide; but now the decree went forth (Will. Malms. iv. 345) against Philip himself; “Et omnes qui eum vel regem vel dominum suum vocaverint, et ei obedierint, et ei locuti fuerint nisi quod pertinet ad eum corrigendum. Similiter et illam maledictam conjugem ejus, et omnes qui eam reginam vel dominam nominaverint, quousque ad emendationem venerint, ita ut alter ab altero discedat.”

[1497] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 696.

[1498] Ib. vol. iv. p. 648.

[1499] The marriage is recorded by Orderic (vii. 23 D). There is a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres addressed to the clergy of Meulan and to all persons within the archdeaconry of Poissy. He denounces the intended marriage on the ground of kindred, and bids them send the letter to the Count of Meulan. The kindred is said to be “nec ignota, nec remota;” but it consisted in this, that Robert and Isabel had a common forefather removed by four degrees from Robert and five from Isabel. Robert was thus, as we should have expected, a generation older than his wife.

[1500] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 130, 166, 744.

[1501] See above, p. 269.

[1502] See above, p. 473.

[1503] Her second marriage with Drogo of Moncey is recorded in Will. Gem. viii. 8. Drogo was a fellow crusader (Ord. Vit. 723 D).

[1504] See Ord. Vit. 535 C, 724 C, 729 D, where we hear of him before Nikaia.

[1505] This comes from Hugh of Flavigny, Pertz, viii. 474; “Tunc temporis pro componenda inter fratres Willelmi regis filios concordia, Willelmum videlicet regem Anglorum et Robertum comitem Normannorum, abbas Divionensis ex præcepto papæ mare transierat, et ut præscriptum regem ammoneret de multis quæ illicite fiebant ab eo, de episcopatibus videlicet et abbatiis quas sibi retinebat, nec eis pastores providebat, et reditus proventusque omnium sibi assumebat, de symonia, de fornicatione clericorum.”

[1506] Ib. “Qui veniens tanta libertate usus est, ut rex, integritate ejus inspecta et inadulata mentis constantia, se consiliis et votis ejus adquieturum promitteret, ut omnes fideles gratularentur eum advenisse, ad cujus adventum quasi respiraret et resurgeret decus et vigor ecclesiæ Anglicæ et libertas Romanæ auctoritatis.”

[1507] Ib. “Sed quid imperturbatum relinquit inexplebilis gurges Romanæ avaritiæ? Rex suspectam habens viri auctoritatem, quem jam diu venturum audierat, legatum papæ præmiserat, et in manu ejus auri probati et purissimi 10 marchas.”

[1508] See Appendix AA.

[1509] The accounts do not exactly agree; but every version makes the terms such that the duchy was not ceded for ever, but could under some circumstances be recovered. The Chronicler puts it pithily, but without details; “Ðurh þas fare [that is the crusade] wearð se cyng and his broðor Rodbeard eorl sehte swa þæt se cyng ofer sæ fór, and eall Normandig æt him mid feo alisde, swa swa hi þa sehte wæron.” Florence calls the transaction “vadimonium,” and mentions the price, 10,000 marks, or 6,666l. With this William of Malmesbury agrees; Eadmer and Hugh of Flavigny make it a pledge for three years. Hugh’s words (Pertz, viii. 475) are; “Pro componenda inter fratres pacis concordia in Normannia substitit donec, pace facta, decem milium marcarum pensione accepta, terram suam comes Normanniæ regi Anglorum usque ad trium annorum spacium custodiendam traderet.” “Pensio” must here be taken in the sense of a single payment. Eadmer’s words are; “Normanniam spatio trium annorum pecuniæ gratis in dominium tradidit.” Orderic (723 A) makes the time five years; “Rex Anglorum … Normanniam usque ad quinque annos servaturus recepit, fratrique suo ad viam Domini peragendam decem milia marcos argenti erogavit.” Robert of Torigny (Will. Gem. viii. 7) mentions no number of years, but makes the bargain last as long as Robert shall be away; “Rex Willelmus in Normanniam transfretans, decies mille marcas argenti ea conditione Roberto duci commodavit, ut quamdiu idem Dux in prædicta peregrinatione moraretur, ipse ducatum Normanniæ pro eis vadem haberet, illum duci restituturus cum ipse sibi prætaxatam pecuniam rediens reconsignasset.”

[1510] See Appendix X.

[1511] See above, [p. 438].

[1512] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Quæ pecunia per Angliam, partim data, partim exacta, totum regnum in immensum vastavit.”

[1513] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtíme gear geond eall Angelcyn, ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda and eac þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe gedrehte.”

[1514] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Comites, barones, vicecomites, suos milites et villanos spoliaverunt.”

[1515] Will. Malms. iv., iv. 318. “Super violentia querimoniam facientes, non se posse ad tantum vectigal sufficere, nisi si miseros agricolas omnino effugarent.”

[1516] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Quibus curiales, turbido, ut solebant, vultu, ‘Non habetis,’ inquiunt, ‘scrinia auro et argento composita, ossibus mortuorum plena? nullo alio responso obsecrantes dignati.’”

[1517] Ib. “Ita illi, intelligentes quo responsio tenderet, capsas sanctorum nudaverunt, crucifixos despoliaverunt, calices conflarunt, non in usum pauperum, sed in fiscum regium: quicquid enim pene sancta servavit avorum parcitas, illorum grassatorum absumsit aviditas.” Cf. the account of the spoliation of Waltham in Appendix H.

[1518] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Conventus est et Anselmus per id temporis, et ut ipse quoque manum auxilii sui in tam rationabili causa regi extenderet, a quibusdam suis est amicis admonitus.”

[1519] Eadmer describes this transaction at length; and adds that Anselm gave the two hundred pounds to the King, “cum illis quæ de suis habere poterat pro instanti necessitate, ut rebus consuleret.”

[1520] This fact comes from a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres (Du Chesne, iv. 219) addressed to King Philip; “Excellentiæ vestræ litteras nuper accepi, quibus submonebar ut apud Pontesium vel Calvummontem cum manu militum vobis die quam statueratis occurrerem, iturus vobiscum ad placitum quod futurum est inter regem Anglorum, et comitem Normannorum, quod facere ad præsens magnæ et multæ causæ me prohibent.” One of these reasons is that he will not have anything to do with Bertrada, against whom he again strongly exhorts the King. He himself will not be safe in the King’s court, because of her devices; such at least seems to be the meaning of the general remark, “Postremo novit vestra serenitas, quia non est mihi in curia vestra plena securitas, in qua ille sexus mihi est suspectus et infestus, qui etiam amicis aliquando non satis est fidus.” Another reason is more curious, and seems to imply that some fighting was looked for; “Præterea casati ecclesiæ, et reliqui milites pene omnes vel absunt, vel pro pace violata excommunicati sunt: quos sine satisfactione reconciliare non valeo et excommunicatos in hostem mittere non debeo.”

[1521] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Odo Baiocensis episcopus cum Rodberto duce, nepote suo, peregrinatus est. Tantus enim erat rancor inter ipsum et regem pro transactis simultatibus, ut nullatenus pacificari possent ab ullis caduceatoribus. Rex siquidem magnanimus et iracundus et tenacis erat memoriæ, nec injuriam sibimet irrogatam facile obliviscebatur sine ultione.”

[1522] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 714.

[1523] We learn a great deal about Robert on the crusade from the Life of Lanfranc by Ralph of Caen, in the fifth volume of Muratori. One passage describing his character has been already quoted. We shall see some special cases as we go on. But it is worth while to compare the “regius sanguis Willelmides” of c. 22 with the picture in c. 58. In this last Robert makes up to the English at Laodikeia “spe dominationis.” Were they to help him in any attempt on the English crown?

[1524] I refer to Sir Francis Palgrave’s chapter “Robert the Crusader,” the eleventh in the fourth volume of his “Normandy and England.” He goes further off from the scene of our common story than I can undertake to follow him.

[1525] Will. Malms. iv. 350. But our best account just at this moment is that by Fulcher of Chartres in the “Gesta Dei per Francos,” which Orderic (718 B) witnesses to as a “certum et verax volumen.” Here we read (385), “Nos Franci occidentales, per Italiam excursa Gallia transeuntes cum usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Robertus Normannus, et comes Stephanus, nos quoque cæteri qui voluimus.”

[1526] Fulcher (u. s.) graphically describes this scene; “Cum in basilica beati Petri introissemus, invenimus ante altare homines Guiberti, papæ stolidi, qui oblationes altari superpositas, gladios suos in manibus tenentes, inique arripiebant: alii vero super trabes ejusdem monasterii cursitabant; et inde deorsum ubi prostrati orabamus, lapides jaciebant.”

[1527] Ord. Vit. 724 D. “Rogerius dux, cognomento Bursa, ducem Normanniæ cum sociis suis, utpote naturalem dominum suum, honorifice suscepit.”

[1528] He is “Marcus Buamundus” in Orderic, who afterwards (817 A) tells the story of his two names. When he went through Gaul, he stood godfather to many children, “quibus etiam cognomen suum imponebat. Marcus quippe in baptismate nominatus est; sed a patre suo, audita in convivio joculari fabula de Buamundo gigante, puero jocunde impositum est. Quod nimirum postea per totum mundum personuit, et innumeris in tripertito climate orbis alacriter innotuit. Hoc exinde nomen celebre divulgatum est in Galliis, quod antea inusitatum erat pene omnibus occiduis.” Orderic is always careful about names, specially double names. See another account in Will. Malms. iv. 387.

[1529] Orderic (724 D) says merely “quoddam castrum,” but it appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 24) and Lupus Protospata, 1096 (Muratori, v. 47), that the place besieged was Amalfi. Count Roger of Sicily brought with him ten thousand Saracens.

[1530] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Sibi tandem optimum afferri pallium præcepit, quod per particulas concidit, et crucem unicuique suorum distribuit, suamque sibi retinuit.”

[1531] Fulcher, 585. “Tunc plurimi de pauperibus vel ignavis, inopiam futuram metuentes, arcubus suis venditis, et baculis peregrinationis resumptis, ad mansiones suas regressi sunt. Qua de re viles tam Deo quam hominibus facti sunt: et versum est eis in opprobrium.” So William of Malmesbury, iv. 353, who adds that “pars pro intemperie soli morbo defecit.”

[1532] See Historical Essays, Third Series, 473, 474.

[1533] Ord. Vit. 765 B, C.

[1534] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 625, 626.

[1535] Orderic (u. s.) says, “tranquillo remige in Bulgariæ partibus applicuit.” Fulcher is naturally more exact. They land at Dyrrhachion (386), and then “Bulgarorum regiones, per montium prærupta et loca satis deserta, transivimus.” He gives several curious details of the voyage and march.

[1536] Fulcher bursts into ecstasy at the sight of Constantinople, and William of Malmesbury takes the opportunity to tell its history. From iv. 356 and the note it appears that he knew his Emperors, and that his editor did not.

[1537] See Fulcher, 386; Orderic, 728 A; Will. Malms. iv. 357. They all record the homage, except in the case of Count Raymond of Toulouse, who would only swear, but not do homage. The Count of Flanders seems a little doubtful; but the words of William of Malmesbury are explicit as to Robert; “Normannus itaque et Blesensis comites hominium suum Græco prostraverunt; nam jam Flandrita transierat, et id facere fastidierat, quod se meminisset natum et educatum libere.” Orderic seems to take a real pleasure in speaking of Alexios as Augustus and Cæsar, the latter title being a little beneath him. His subjects however are not only “Græci,” but “Pelasgi,” “Achæi,” anything that would do for the grand style. Presently Nikaia appears (728 B) as “totius Romaniæ caput.” So William of Malmesbury speaks of “Minor Asia quam Romaniam dicunt.” Here “Romania” means specially the Turkish kingdom of Roum; in more accurate geography it takes in the European provinces of the Empire.

[1538] See above, [p. 560], and Ord. Vit. 778 A, B, where he describes the coming of Eadgar, of which more in a later chapter, and his near friendship with Robert.

[1539] The words of Ralph of Caen (c. 58) on this head are very emphatic; “Normannus comes ingressus Laodiciam somno vacabat, et otio; nec inutilis tamen, dum opulentiam nactus aliis indigentibus large erogabat; quoniam conserva Cyprus Baccho, Cerere, et multo pecore abundans, Laodiciam repleverat, quippe indigentem vicinam Christicolam, et quasi collacteam; ipsa namque una in littore Syro et Christum colebat et Alexio serviebat. Sed nec sic excussato otio, prædictus comes frustra semel atque iterum ad castra revocatur. Tertio sub anathemate accitus, redit invitus; difficilem enim habebat transitum commeatio, quæ comiti ministrare Laodicia veniens debebat.”

[1540] Ord. Vit. 753 A. We have heard of Hugh before, N. C. vol. iv. p. 493. We now read that “Susceptus a Normannico duce, multum suis profuit et mores ethnicos ac tergiversationes subdolas et fraudes, quibus contra fideles callent, enucleavit.”

[1541] Ib. “Cosan etiam, nobilis heros et potens de Turcorum prosapia, Christianos ultro adiit, multisque modis ad capiendam urbem eos adjuvit. In Christum enim fideliter credebat, et sacro baptismate regenerari peroptabat. Ideoque nostratibus, ut amicis et fratribus, ad obtinendum decus Palæstinæ et metropoli Davitici regni summopere suffragari satagebat.”

[1542] “Furtivi funambuli” was the name given to Ivo and Alberic of Grantmesnil and certain others. See Orderic, 738 D. Stephen of Chartres too decamped for a while in a manner which did not please his wife.

[1543] The words of William of Malmesbury (iv. 389) are remarkable; “Robertus, Jerosolymam veniens, indelibili macula nobilitatem suam respersit, quod regnum, consensu omnium sibi utpote regis filio delatum, recusaret, non reverentiæ, ut fertur, contuitu, sed laborum inextricabilium metu.”

[1544] His exploits in the storm come out in all the accounts. In William of Malmesbury (iv. 369) he and his namesake of Flanders are as usual grouped together; “Hæc quidem victoria in parte Godefridi et duorum Robertorum evenit.”

[1545] Will. Malms. iv. 371. “Duces, et maxime Robertus Normannus, qui antesignanus erat, arte artem, vel potius virtute calliditatem eludentes, sagittariis et peditibus deductis, medias gentilium perruperunt acies.” This seems to prove more than the story in iv. 389, where Robert, with Philip of Montgomery and others, makes use of the worn-out stratagem of the feigned flight.

[1546] Robert of Torigny, 1096. “Comes Henricus contulit se ad regem Willermum, atque omnino cum eo remansit; cui idem rex comitatum Constantiensem et Baiocensem, præter civitatem Baiocas et oppidum Cadomi, ex integro concessit.”

[1547] Ord. Vit. 721 B. This decree heads the acts of the council; “Statuit synodus sancta, ut trevia Dei firmiter custodiatur,” &c.

[1548] Ib. C. All persons from twelve years of age are to swear that they will keep the Truce, and will help their several bishops and archdeacons, “ita ut, si me monuerint ad eundum super eos, nec diffugiam nec dissimulabo, sed cum armis meis cum ipso proficiscar, et omnibus, quibus potero, juvabo adversus illos per fidem sine malo ingenio, secundum meam conscientiam.”

[1549] Ib. D. “Hoc anathemate feriuntur falsarii et raptores et emptores prædarum, et qui in castris congregantur propter exercendas rapinas, et domini qui amodo eos retinuerint in castris suis. Et auctoritate apostolica et nostra prohibemus ut nulla Christianitas fiat in terris dominorum illorum.”

[1550] Ord. Vit. 721 D. “Et quod nullus laicus participationem habeat in tertia parte decimæ, vel in sepultura, vel in oblatione altaris.”

[1551] Ib. “Nec servitium, nec aliquam exactionem inde exigat, præter eam quæ tempore Guillelmi regis constituta fuit.”

[1552] Orderic draws a special picture (722 D, 723 C), winding up with “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis furentibus miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine patrono desolata est.”

[1553] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Guillelmus itaque rex Normanniam possedit, et dominia patris sui, quæ frater suus insipienter distraxerat, sibi mancipavit.”

[1554] Ib. “Ecclesias pastoribus viduatas electis pro modulo suo rectoribus commisit.” Or do these words imply simony? They might merely imply lay nomination and investiture.

[1555] Ib.

[1556] Ib.

[1557] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Turoldo fratri Hugonis de Ebremou episcopatum dedit.” Hugh of Evermouth occurs in the false Ingulf, 77 (not so in Domesday), as lord of Bourne and Deeping.

[1558] Ib. “Pro quibusdam arcanis ultro reliquit.”

[1559] I shall speak of these Welsh wars in full in the next chapter.

[1560] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … togeanes Eastron hider to lande for, forðam he þohte his hired on Winceastre to healdenne; ac he wearð þurh weder gelét oððet Eastre æfen, þæt he up com ærost æt Arundel, and forþi his hired æt Windlesoran heold.”

[1561] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37) makes a great deal more than enough of this submission, when he says; “Super Walenses qui contra eum surrexerant exercitum duxit, eosque post modicum in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.” But this would doubtless be the impression of the moment.

[1562] Ib. “Cum jam multi sperarent, quod hæc pax servitio Dei deberet militare, et attenti exspectarent aliquid magni pro emendatione Christianitatis ex regis assensu archiepiscopum promulgare.”

[1563] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Ecce spei hujus et exspectationis turbatorias literas rex, a Gualis reversus, archiepiscopo destinat, mandans in illis se pro militibus quos in expeditionem suam miserat nullas ei nisi malas gratias habere, eo quod nec convenienter, sicut aiebat, instructi, nec ad bella fuerant pro negotii qualitate idonei.”

[1564] See N. C. vol. v. p. 372.

[1565] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Præcepit ut paratus esset de his, juxta judicium curiæ suæ, sibimet rectitudinem facere, quandocumque sibi placeret inde eum appellare.”

[1566] Ib. “Licet jam olim sciverit se, eodem rege superstite, in Anglia Christo non adeo fructificaturum.”

[1567] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Rogatus de subventione Christianitatis, nonnumquam solebat respondere se propter hostes quos infestos circumquaque habebat eo intendere non valere.”

[1568] Ib. “Jam tunc illum pace potitum cogitaverat super hac re convenire, et saltem ad consensum alicujus boni fructus exsequendi quibus modis posset attrahendo delinire.”

[1569] Ib. “Quod ille dinoscens, et insuper cuncta regalis curiæ judicia pendere ad nutum regis, nilque in ipsis nisi solum velle illius considerari certissime sciens, indecens æstimavit pro verbi calumnia placitantium more contendere, et veritatis suæ causam curiali judicio, quod nulla lex, nulla æquitas, nulla ratio, muniebat, examinandam introducere.” As I understand this, he does not decline the authority of the court; he simply determines to make no defence, and to leave things to take their course.

How far did the court deserve the character which Eadmer gives of it? At this stage of the constitution, we are met at every step by the difficulty of distinguishing between the greater curia regis, which was in truth the Witenagemót, and the smaller curia regis of the King’s immediate officials and counsellors, the successor of the Theningmannagemót (see N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878). Eadmer’s picture would, under Rufus, be true enough of the smaller body. The event at Rockingham had shown that it was not always true of the larger.

[1570] We read directly after (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37) what was expected to happen;—​“ut culpæ addictus, aut ingentem regi pecuniam penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam ejus, caput amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.” Anselm was determined to avoid the latter alternative.

[1571] “Causa discidii utique, non ex rei veritate producta, sed ad omnem pro Deo loquendi aditum Anselmo intercludendum malitiose composita.”

[1572] Ib. “Tacuit ergo, nec quicquam nuntio respondit, reputans hoc genus mandati ad ea perturbationum genera pertinere quæ jam olim sæpe sibi recordabatur illata, et ideo hoc solum ut Deus talia sedaret supplici corde precabatur.”

[1573] Ib. “Verebatur ne hæc Dei judicio sibi damno fierent, si quibus modis posset eis obviare non intenderet.”

[1574] Ib. “Sed obviare sibi impossibile videbat, quod totius regni principem aut ea facere aut eis favere perspicuum erat. Visum itaque sibi est auctoritatem et sententiam apostolicæ sedis super his oportere inquiri.” Yet that he did design a last effort with the King, before he said anything about the Pope, is plain by his actually attempting it.

[1575] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Cum igitur in Pentecoste, festivitatis gratia, regiæ curiæ se præsentasset, et modo inter prandendum, modo alias quemadmodum opportunitas se offerebat, statum animi regalis quis erga colendam æquitatem esset studiose perquisisset, eumque qui olim fuerat omnimodo reperisset, nihil spei de futura ipsius emendatione in eo ultra remansit.”

[1576] Ib. “Peractis igitur festivioribus diebus, diversorum negotiorum causæ in medium duci ex more cœperunt.” This notice is important as showing us the order in which business was done in these assemblies.

[1577] Ib. “Ut culpæ addictus aut ingentem regi pecuniam penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam, ejus caput amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.”

[1578] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Accersitis ad se quos volebat de principibus regis, mandavit per eos regi se summa necessitate constrictum velle, per licentiam ipsius, Romam ire.”

[1579] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Potestas in manu sua est; dicit quod sibi placet. At si modo non vult concedere, concedet forsitan alia vice. Ego preces multiplicabo.”

[1580] Ib. “Insequenti mense Augusto cum de statu regni acturus rex episcopos, abbates, et quosque regni proceres, in unum præcepti sui sanctione egisset.”

[1581] Anselm made his petition, “dispositis his quæ adunationis illorum causæ fuerant, dum quisque in sua repedare sategisset.”

[1582] Ammianus, xxi. 18.

[1583] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Conturbat me, et intelligentem non concedendum fore quod postulat, sua graviter importunitate fatigat; quapropter jubeo ut amplius ab hujusmodi precibus cesset, et qui me jam sæpe vexavit, prout judicabitur mihi emendet.”

[1584] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Si iverit, pro certo noverit quod totum archiepiscopatum in dominium meum redigam, nec ilium pro archiepiscopo ultra recipiam.”

[1585] Ib. “Orta est ex his quædam magna tempestas diversis diversæ parti acclamantibus.”

[1586] Ib. “Quidam permoti suaserunt in crastinum rem differri, sperantes eam alio modo sedari.”

[1587] Ib. “Indubitanter sciens quod causa meæ salutis, causa sanctæ Christianitatis, et vere causa sui honoris ac profectus, si credere velit, ire dispono.”

[1588] Eadmer Hist. Nov. 38. “In hoc scilicet, ut, spreto tanti pontificatus honore simul et utilitate, Romam petas, non leve est credere quod stabilis maneas.”

[1589] Ib. “Si ita fideliter et districte vultis in mea parte considerare atque tueri rectitudinem et justitiam Dei, sicut in parte alterius perpenditis atque tuemini jura et usus mortalis hominis.”

[1590] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Audiam sequarque consilium quod mihi inde vestra fida Deo industria dabit.”

[1591] Ib. 39. “Domine pater, scimus te virum religiosum esse ac sanctum, et in cælis conversationem tuam. Nos autem, impediti consanguineis nostris quos sustentamus et multiplicibus sæculi rebus quas amamus, fatemur, ad sublimitatem vitæ tuæ surgere nequimus, nec huic mundo tecum illudere.”

[1592] Ib. “Si volueris ad nos usque descendere, et qua incedimus via nobiscum pergere.”

[1593] Ib. “Si te ad Deum solummodo quemadmodum cœpisti tenere delegeris solus.”

[1594] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Bene dixistis, Ite ergo ad dominum vestrum, ergo me tenebo ad Deum.”

[1595] Ib. “Unoquoque nostrum qui admodum pauci cum eo remansimus ad imperium illius singulatim sedente, et Deum pro digestione ipsius negotii interpellante.” There is something strange in this last word.

[1596] We here get a climax; “Sæpe diversis eum querelis exagitasti, exacerbasti, cruciasti.”

[1597] The wording is remarkable and subtle; “Cum tandem post placitum quod totius regni adunatione contra te apud Rockingeham habitum est, eum tibi sicut dominum tuum reconciliari sapienter peteres; et, adjutus meritis et precibus plurimorum pro te studiose intervenientium, petitioni tuæ effectum obtineres.”

[1598] See above, [p. 531].

[1599] Hist. Nov. 39. “Quibus opem credulus factus sperabat se de cætero quietum fore.”

[1600] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Hanc pollicitationem, hanc fidem, en tu patenter egrederis, dum Romam, non expectata licentia ejus, te iturum minaris.”

[1601] Ib. “Tunc te ad judicium curiæ suæ præcepit sibi emendare, quod de re in qua non eras certus te perseveraturum, ausus fuisti eum totiens inquietare.”

[1602] Ib. “Dextram illius ex more assedit.” Here is the distinct mention of a custom which we have come across before.

[1603] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Scio me spopondisse consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum servaturum.”

[1604] Ib. “Cum rex et principes sui cæca mente objicerent, ac jurisjurandi interjectione firmarent, nec Dei nec rectitudinis in ipsa sponsione ullam mentionem factam fuisse.”

[1605] Ib. 40. “Cum ad hæc illi summurmurantes contra virum capita moverent, nec tamen quid certi viva voce proferrent.”

[1606] Ib. “Cum fides quæ fit homini per fidem Dei roboretur, liquet quod eadem fides, si quando contraria fidei Dei admittit, enervatur.”

[1607] Hist. Nov. 40. “Tunc rex et comes de Mellento Robertus nomine, interrumpentes verba ejus, ‘O, O, dixerunt, prædicatio est quod dicit, prædicatio est: non rei de qua agitur ulla quæ recipienda sit a prudentibus ratio.’”

[1608] Ib. “Ipse inter ora perstrepentium, demisso vultu, mitis sedebat, et clamores eorum quasi surda aure despiciebat. Fatigatis autem eis a proprio strepitu, sedatoque tumultu, Anselmus ad verba sua remeat.”

[1609] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “His verbis præfatus comes indignando suburgens, ait, Eia, eia, Petro et papæ te præsentabis, et nos equidem non transibit quod scimus.” I can only guess at the meaning of these last words.

[1610] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “Ecce ibis. Veruntamen scias dominum nostrum pati nolle te exeuntem quicquam de suis tecum ferre.”

[1611] See above, [p. 93].

[1612] Hist. Nov. 40. “In istis princeps pudore suffusus, dictum suum non ita intellexisse se respondit.”

[1613] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Mox ille surgens, levata dextra signum sanctæ crucis super regem ad hoc caput humiliantem edidit, et abscessit, viri alacritatem rege cum suis admirante.”

[1614] “Ubi sedes pontificalis, ubi totius regni caput est atque primatus,” Eadmer takes care to add.

[1615] For the discourse we have to go to the Life, ii. 3. 30. It contains the remarkable passage which I referred to in N. C. vol. iv. p. 52.

[1616] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “In qua mora idem Willielmus, cum patre intrans et exiens et in mensa illius quotidie comedens, nihil de causa pro qua missus fuerat agere volebat.”

[1617] Ib. “Patrem patriæ, primatem totius Britanniæ, Willielmus ille, quasi fugitivum vel alicujus immanis sceleris reum, in littore detinuit.”

[1618] Ib. “Ingenti plebis multitudine circumstante ac nefarium opus, pro sui novitate, admirando spectante et spectando exsecrante.”

[1619] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Irrita fieri omnia quæ per ipsum mutata vel statuta fuisse probari poterant, ex quo primo venerat in archiepiscopatum.”

[1620] See N. C. vol. v. p. 772.

[1621] Hist. Nov. 41. “Ut tribulationes quæ factæ sunt in illo post mortem venerandæ memoriæ Lanfranci ante introitum patris Anselmi parvipensæ sunt comparatione tribulationum quæ factæ sunt his diebus.”

[1622] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 359.

[1623] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) describes the new building as “novum opus quod a majori turre in orientem tenditur, quodque ipse pater Anselmus inchoasse dinoscitur.” Its minute history must be studied in Gervase and Willis.

[1624] This was the time when Henry the First broke out into the fit of devout swearing of which I spoke in N. C. vol. v. p. 844; Ann. Osney, 1130; “Rex Henricus ecclesiam Christi Cantuariensis nobiliter dedicari fecit, adeo ut, coruscante luminaribus ecclesia, et singulis altaribus singulis episcopis deputatis, cum simul omnes inciperent canticum ‘Terribilis est locus iste,’ et classicum mirabiliter intonaret, rex illustris, præ lætitia se non capiens, juramento per mortem Domini regio affirmaret vere terribilem esse.”

[1625] See above, [p. 516].

[1626] “Salvo ordine meo.” See Herbert of Bosham, iii. 24, vol. iii. p. 273, Robertson.

[1627] The Archbishop enters the hall (“aula”), while the King is in “cœnaculo seorsum” (Herbert, iii. 37, vol. iii. p. 305). From pp. 307, 309 it appears that this cœnaculum was simply a solar or upper chamber; “Universis quotquot erant de cœnaculo ad domum inferiorem in qua nos eramus, descendentibus.” William Fitz-Stephen (vol. iii. p. 57) seems to speak of the hall as “camera;” cf. p. 50.

[1628] See above, [p. 94].

[1629] Will. Fitz-Steph. 58, vol. iii. p. 67. “A comitibus et baronibus suum exigit rex de archiepiscopo judicium. Evocantur quidam vicecomites et secundæ dignitatis barones, antiqui dierum, ut addantur eis et assint judicio.”

[1630] See above, [p. 508].

[1631] The distinction between the Court of our Lord the King in Parliament and the Court of the Lord High Steward is most clearly brought out in Jardine’s Criminal Trials, i. 229. Lord Macaulay (iv. 153) is less accurate. He speaks of the Court of our Lord the King in Parliament as one form of the Court of the Lord High Steward. But in truth, the Court of our Lord the King in Parliament is simply the Witan sitting for a judicial purpose. The Lords alone sit, because the Commons have never attained to a share in the judicial functions of the Witan. The right to be tried before the Witan thus sitting judicially is naturally confined to those classes of persons who have kept or acquired the right to the personal summons, that is, to the peers.

If it should be objected that this privilege does not now extend to the spiritual peers, the reason is most likely to be found in the fact that for some ages a bishop would not be tried before any temporal court at all. When such trials began again in the sixteenth century, the later notion of peerage had grown up, and those peers whose holding was still strictly official was looked on as in some measure less fully peers than those whose peerage was “hereditary” in the modern sense.

[1632] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878.

[1633] See above, [p. 115].

[1634] See N. C. vol. v. p. 145.

[1635] See the decree of the Council, Hist. Nov. 53.

[1636] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 42. We are told that the Duke, “succensus amore pecuniæ quam copiosam illum ferre rumor disperserat, proponit animo eam ipsi auferre.” But there is really nothing in what Odo is said to have done which implies any such bad purpose. Perhaps Eadmer judged him uncharitably.

[1637] See Historical Essays, Third Series, p. 20. On my last visit to Rome (1881) I found the apse of Saint John Lateran destroyed, not by Huns or Turks, but by its own chapter, with the approval, it is said, of its present and late bishops. I believe there is some pretence of enlarging the church, and of replacing the mosaics in a new apse.

[1638] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 5. 48. “Angli illis temporibus Romam venientes, pedes ejus ad instar pedum Romani pontificis sua oblatione honorare desiderabant. Quibus ille nequaquam acquiescens, in secretiorem domus partem fugiebat, et eos pro tali re nullo patiebatur ad se pacto accedere.”

[1639] Hist. Nov. 49. “Hinc etiam erat quod non facile a quoquam Romæ simpliciter homo vel archiepiscopus, sed quasi proprio nomine sanctus homo vocabatur.”

[1640] Eadmer brings this out with all vividness, Hist. Nov. 49; “Sedebat enim idem pater in ordine cæterorum inter primos concilii patres, et ego ad pedes ejus.” Then the Pope calls him, “Pater et magister Anselme, Anglorum archiepiscope, ubi es?”

[1641] The whole story is charmingly told by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 50. His picture of himself and his curiosity in the new world which is opened to him is delightful. So is his joy when he sees the cope of which he has so often heard and shows it to Anselm; “Cum, ut dixi, concilio præsens antistitem Beneventanum, cappa reliquis præstante ornatum, viderem, et eam ex his quæ olim audieram optime nossem, non modice lætatus et cappam et verba mihi puero ex inde dicta patri Anselmo ostendi.”

[1642] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 51. Some one, seemingly the Lady herself, requires that he shall swear “super corpus Dominicum et super sanctorum reliquias quas ei proponam jurejurando reliquias de quibus agitur veraciter esse de corpore beati apostoli Bartholomæi, et id remota omni æquivocatione atque sophismate.” The Archbishop was quite ready to swear.

[1643] Ib. “Inter alia mutuæ dilectionis colloquia cœpi de eadem cappa loqui, et unde illam haberet quasi nescius interrogavi.”

[1644] The story is told in the Annales Capituli Cracoviensis (Pertz, xix. 588), 1079, and more briefly in other annals in the same volume.

[1645] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 43.

[1646] Ib. “Ipse rex faciebat quædam quæ facienda non videbantur de ecclesiis, quas post obitum prælatorum aliter quam oporteret tractabat.”

[1647] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 43. “Legem Dei et canonicas et apostolicas auctoritates voluntariis consuetudinibus obrui videbam. De his omnibus cum loquebar, nihil efficiebam, et non tam simplex rectitudo quam voluntariæ consuetudines obtendebantur.”

[1648] He gives among his reasons, “Nec de his placitare poteram; nullus enim aut consilium aut auxilium mihi ad hæc audebat dare.”

[1649] Ib. 45. “Scribit literas Willielmo regi Angliæ, in quibus ut res Anselmi liberas in regno suo faceret, et de suis omnibus illum revestiret, movet, hortatur, imperat.”

[1650] Ib. 51. “Susceptis quidem quoquo modo literis papæ, literas Anselmi nullo voluisse pacto suscipere, imo, cognito illum [nuntium] esse hominem ejus, jurasse per vultum Dei quia, si festine terram suam non exiret, sine retractatione oculos ei erui faceret.”

[1651] See above, [p. 526].

[1652] Chron. Petrib. 1097. We shall come to his crossing and returning in another chapter.

[1653] Ib. 1099.

[1654] See above, [p. 162].

[1655] See above, [p. 155].

[1656] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 45. “Ducit eum [abbas] in villam suam Sclaviam nomine, quæ in montis altitudine sita, sano jugiter aere conversantibus illic habilis exstat.”

[1657] See Historical Essays, Second Series, p. 357, ed. 2; Arnold, Hist. Rome, ii. 365.

[1658] Vita Anselmi, ii. 4. 43.

[1659] We shall come to this in another chapter.

[1660] The reception of Anselm by Duke Roger is described by Eadmer in both his works (Hist. Nov. 46, and in the Life, ii. 5. 45). The plots of William Rufus come from William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 98); “Adeo ut Rogerus dux Apuliæ, apud quem rex Angliæ illum litteris insimulandum curaverat, spretis neniis, longe aliter sententiam suam in viri honorem transferret.”

[1661] There is something rather singular in the picture of the Pope and Anselm dwelling in the camp of the besiegers (Hist. Nov. 46); “Plures exhinc dies in obsidione fecimus, remoti in tentoriis a frequentia et tumultu perstrepentis exercitus…. Sicque donec civitas in deditionem transiit, obsidio illius dominum papam et Anselmum vicinos habuit, ita ut familia illorum magis videretur una quam duæ.” This is one of several passages in which Anselm and others seem to take a state of war for granted. There is no protest, no pleading of any kind, on behalf of the besieged city. There are some remarks of M. de Rémusat (Saint Anselme, p. 362) on this subject, with regard to the correspondence between Henry and Anselm after the battle of Tinchebrai. But in this last case the victory of Henry was surely a gain to humanity. In the Life Eadmer gives some curious details of their life in the camp, and of a remarkable escape of Anselm.

[1662] Eadmer seems to take a certain pleasure in little hits against Urban, which his conduct presently made not wholly undeserved. Thus, in Hist. Nov. 46, he points out how the Pope came to the camp “ingenti sæcularis gloriæ pompa.” So now in the Life (ii. 5. 46) he contrasts the demeanour of Urban with that of Anselm at some length, and ends, “Multi ergo, quos timor prohibebat ad papam accedere, festinabant ad Anselmum venire, amore ducti qui nescit timere. Majestas etenim papæ solos admittebat divites, humanitas Anselmi sine personarum acceptione suscipiebat omnes.”

[1663] Vita, ii. 5. 46. “Et quos omnes? Paganos etiam, ut de Christianis taceam.” Eadmer then goes on to speak at some length of the Saracens brought over by Count Roger, whom he pointedly speaks of as the man of his nephew; “Homo ducis Rogerus, comes de Sicilia.” We read how Anselm received and entertained many of the Mussulmans, and how, when he passed through their camp, “ingens multitudo eorum elevatis ad cælum manibus ei prospera imprecarentur, et osculatis pro ritu suo manibus propriis necne coram eo genibus flexis, pro sua eum benigna largitate grates agendo venerarentur.”

[1664] Vita, ii. 5. 46. “Quorum etiam plurimi, velut comperimus, se libenter ejus doctrinæ instruendos submisissent, ac Christianæ fidei jugo sua per eum colla injecissent, si credulitatem [crudelitatem?] comitis sui per hoc in se sævituram non formidassent. Nam revera nullum eorum pati volebat Christianum impune fieri.” He adds the comment; “Quod qua industria, ut ita dicam, faciebat nihil mea interest; viderit Deus et ipse.”

[1665] Anselm’s motives are set forth at length in Hist. Nov. 46. One reason is that his teaching was so much more listened to on the continent than it was in England. The stories of William’s evil doings are brought in at this point.

[1666] A debate on this head, in rather long speeches between Urban and Anselm, is given in Hist. Nov. 48. The main doctrine stands thus; “Si propter tyrannidem principis, qui nunc ibi dominatur, in terram illam redire non permitteris, jure tamen Christianitatis semper illius archiepiscopus esto, potestatem ligandi atque solvendi super eam dum vixeris obtinens.”

[1667] Ib. “Et insignibus pontificalibus more summi pontificis utens ubicunque fueris.”

[1668] He again describes his whole struggle between the two duties, how he believed that he could reconcile both, how others told him that he could not, and he asks, “Et ego, pater, inter tales quid facerem?”

[1669] Ib. 49. “De ipso rege Anglico suisque et sui similibus qui contra libertatem ecclesiæ Dei se erexerunt.”

[1670] See above, [p. 608].

[1671] Hist. Nov. 51. “Si causam quæris, hæc est. Quando de terra sua discedere voluit, aperte minatus est se illo discedente totum archiepiscopatum in dominium suum accepturum. Quoniam igitur, nec his minis constrictus, quin exiret omittere noluit, juste se putat fecisse quod fecit et injuria reprehendi.”

[1672] Ib. 52. “Quis unquam audivit talia? pro hoc solo primatem regni suis omnibus spoliavit, quia ne sanctam matrem ecclesiam omnium Romanam visitaret omittere noluit?… Et pro tali responso mirabilis homo huc te fatigasti?”

[1673] Ib. “Certissime noverit se in eodem concilio damnationis sententia puniri quam promeruit.”

[1674] Chron. Petrib. 1123.

[1675] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 52. “Priusquam abeam, tecum secretius agam.”

[1676] Ib. “Prudenter operam dando hos et illos suæ causæ fautores efficere, ac, ut domini sui voluntati satisfaceret, munera quibus ea cordi esse animadvertebat dispertiendo et pollicendo parvi habere. Deductus ergo a sententia Romanus pontifex est.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 101) is still more distinct on this head; “Arte qua peritus erat negotium conficiens, singulos ambiendo, muneribus et pollicitationibus, regi terminum ad festum sancti Michahelis obtinuit. Cunctatus est multum ad id concedendum Urbanus, quod luctarentur in ejus animo Anselmi religio et munerum oblatio; sed prævaluit tandem pecunia. Itaque omnia superat, omnia deprimit nummus. Indignum factum ut pectori tanti viri, Urbani dico, vilesceret famæ cura, Dei respectus cederet, et pecunia justitiam præverteret.”

[1677] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 52. “Quod videntes vane nos ibi consilium, nihil auxilium operiri intelleximus.”

[1678] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 102. “Visum est ergo Anselmo circa tam venalem hominem expectationem non perdere, sed Lugdunum remeare. Sed enim licentiam impetrare non potuit, retinente papa, ut invidiam facti aliquo levaret solatio.”

[1679] Hist. Nov. 53. “His dictis, virgam pastoralem quam manu tenebat tertio pavimento illisit, indignationem spiritus sui, compressis exploso murmure labiis et dentibus, palam cunctis ostendens.”

[1680] Ib. “Oppido miratus est, sciens se nec homini de re locutum fuisse, nec a se vel ullo suorum, ut talia diceret, processisse.” A little characteristic touch follows; “Sedebat ergo uti solebat, silenter auscultans.”

[1681] See above, [p. 606].

[1682] Hist. Nov. 53. “Nil judicii vel subventionis, præterquam quod diximus, per Romanum præsulem nacti.”

[1683] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 54. “Dei odium habeat qui inde curat.”

[1684] Ib. “Ego interim libertate potitus agam quod libet.”

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

INDEX

A.

• Aaron, the Jew, i. 160 [(note)].
• Abbeys,
  • sale of, by William Rufus, i. [134], [135], [347], [349];
  • vacancies of, prolonged by him, i. [134], [135], [347], [350], ii. 564;
  • Englishmen appointed to by him, i. [352];
  • in what sense the king’s, i. [455].
• Aberafan,
  • held by the descendants of Jestin, ii. 87;
  • foundation of the borough, ii. 88.
• Aberllech, English defeat at, ii. 107.
• Aberlleiniog Castle, ii. 97;
  • destroyed by the Welsh, ii. 101;
  • rebuilt, ii. 129;
  • modern traces of, ii. 130;
  • fleet of Magnus off, ii. 143.
• Aberllwehr Castle, ii. 103.
• Abingdon Abbey, dealings of Hugh of Dun and Hugh of Buckland with, ii. 665.
• Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, her correspondence with Anselm, i. [374], ii. 571.
• Adelaide,
  • wife of Walter Tirel, ii. 322, 673;
  • her tenure of lands in Essex, ii. 674.
• Adeliza, Queen, wife of Henry I., ii. 389 (note).
• Adeliza (Atheliz), abbess of Wilton, Anselm’s letter to, ii. 578.
• Adeliza, wife of Roger of Montgomery, legend of her vow, ii. 154.
• Adeliza, wife of William Fitz-Osbern, i. [266].
• Advocatio, advowson, right and duty of, i. [420].
• Ælfgifu-Emma. See [Emma].
• Ælfheah, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anselm asserts his right to the title of martyr, i. [377].
• Ælfhere, Prior of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. 579.
• Ælfred, King, Henry I. descended from, ii. 383.
• Ælfred of Lincoln, ii. 485.
• Ælfsige, Abbot of Bath, his death, i. [136].
• Ælwine Retheresgut, ii. 359 (note).
• Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, fortifies Bridgenorth, ii. 152, 153 (note).
• Æthelflæd, Abbess of Romsey, her alleged outwitting of William Rufus, ii. 32, 600.
• Æthelnoth the Good, Archbishop of Canterbury, his gift of a cope to the Archbishop of Beneventum, i. [610].
• Æthelred II., compared with William Rufus, ii. 307.
• Æthelward, son of Dolfin, ii. 551.
• Agnes of Ponthieu,
  • wife of Robert of Bellême, i. [180];
  • his treatment of her, i. [183];
  • escapes from him, i. 183 [(note)].
• Agnes, wife of Helias of Maine, ii. 373.
• Agnes, widow of Walter Giffard, said to have poisoned Sibyl of Conversana, ii. 312 (note).
• Aiulf, Sheriff of Dorset, ii. 485.
• Alan the Black, lord of Richmond,
  • part of Bishop William’s lands granted to, i. [90];
  • his agreement with the Bishop, i. [93];
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. [109], [117], [120];
  • Rufus bids him give the Bishop ships, i. [114];
  • seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. 602;
  • his death, ib.
• Albanians, followers of Magnus so called, ii. 623.
• Alberic, Earl of Northumberland, confirms the grant of Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. 18, 605.
• Alberic of Grantmesnil,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [552];
  • called the “rope-dancer,” i. 565 [(note)].
• Aldric, Saint, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. 240, 633.
• Alençon, garrison of,
  • driven out by Robert of Bellême, i. [193];
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. [218];
  • the army of William Rufus meets at, ii. 228.
• Alexander the Great, William Rufus compared to, i. [287].
• Alexander II., Pope, his excommunication of Harold, i. [612].
• Alexander, King of Scotland,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. 22;
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. 30;
  • his accession, ii. 124;
  • marries a daughter of Henry I., ib.;
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. 581.
• Alexios Komnênos, Eastern Emperor,
  • appeals for help to the Council of Piacenza, i. [545];
  • Duke Robert does homage to, i. [564].
• Allières, castle of, ii. 216, 217.
• Almaric the Young, ii. 251.
• Alnwick,
  • history of the castle and lords of, ii. 15, 596;
  • death of Malcolm III. at, ii. 16, 592.
• Alton, meeting of Henry I. and Robert near, ii. 408.
• Alvestone, sickness of William Rufus at, i. [390].
• Amalchis, brings news to William Rufus of the victories of Helias, ii. 283, 645–652, 785.
• Amalfi, siege of, i. [562].
• Amalric of Montfort, gets possession of the county of Evreux, i. 268 [(note)].
• Amercements, provision for, in Henry’s charters, ii. 354.
• Amfrida, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. 571.
• Anglesey,
  • advance of Hugh of Chester in, ii. 97;
  • deliverance of, ii. 101;
  • war of 1098 in, ii. 127 et seq.;
  • fleet of Magnus off, ii. 143;
  • his designs thereon, ii. 145;
  • subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. 146;
  • recovered by the Welsh, ii. 301;
  • second visit of Magnus to, ii. 442.
• Annales Cambriæ, ii. 3 (note).
• Anselm,
  • his biographers, i. 325 [(note)], [369];
  • his birthplace and parentage, i. [366];
  • compared with Lanfranc, i. [368], [456];
  • his friendship with William the Conqueror, i. [368], [380];
  • not preferred in England by him, i. [368];
  • his character, i. [369];
  • his childhood and youth, i. [370], [371];
  • leaves Aosta, sojourns at Avranches, and becomes a monk at Bec, i. [371];
  • elected prior and abbot, i. [372];
  • his wide-spread fame, i. [373];
  • his correspondence, i. [374], ii. 570 et seq.;
  • his desire to do justice, i. [377];
  • his first visit to England, [ib.;]
  • asserts Ælfheah’s right to the title of martyr, [ib.];
  • his friendship with the monks of Christ Church, i. [378];
  • with Eadmer, i. [369], [378], [460];
  • his popularity in England, i. [378];
  • his preaching and alleged miracles, i. [379];
  • his friendship for Earl Hugh, i. [380];
  • entertained by Walter Tirel, i. 380 [(note)];
  • regarded as the future Archbishop, i. [381];
  • refuses Earl Hugh’s invitation to Chester, i. [383];
  • yields at last, at the bidding of his monks, i. [384];
  • hailed at Canterbury as the future Archbishop, i. [385];
  • his first interview with William Rufus, [ib.];
  • rebukes him, i. [386];
  • goes to Chester, i. [387];
  • the King refuses him leave to go back, i. [388];
  • his form of prayer for the appointment of an archbishop, i. [390];
  • the King’s mocking speech about, [ib.];
  • sent for by him, i. [393];
  • named by him to the archbishopric, i. [396], ii. 584;
  • his unwillingness, i. [396];
  • Rufus pleads with him, i. [398];
  • invested by force, i. [399];
  • his first installation, i. [400];
  • his prophecy and parable, i. [401];
  • has no scruple about the royal right of investiture, i. [403];
  • later change in his views, i. [404];
  • stays with Gundulf, i. [406];
  • his interview with William at Rochester, i. [412];
  • conditions of his acceptance, i. [413]–416;
  • refuses to confirm William’s grants during the vacancy, i. [418]–421;
  • states the case in a letter to Hugh of Lyons, i. [419], ii. 571, 576;
  • receives the archbishopric and does homage, i. [422];
  • his friendship with Abbot Paul of Saint Alban’s, i. [423];
  • the papal question left unsettled, i. [424], [432];
  • his enthronement, i. [427];
  • Flambard’s suit against him, i. [428];
  • his consecration, i. [429]–432;
  • professes obedience to the Church of Rome, i. [432];
  • attends the Gemót at Gloucester, i. [434];
  • his unwilling contribution for the war against Robert, i. [437], [438];
  • his gift refused by the King, i. [439];
  • his dispute with the Bishop of London, i. [440];
  • at the consecration of Battle Abbey, i. [444];
  • insists on the profession of Robert Bloet, i. [446];
  • rebukes the courtiers, i. [449];
  • appeals to Rufus for reforms, i. [451];
  • asks leave to hold a synod, [ib.];
  • protests against fashionable vices, i. [452];
  • prays the King to fill vacant abbeys, i. [453];
  • his claim to the regency, i. [457];
  • attempts to regain the King’s favour, [ib.];
  • refuses to give him money, i. [458]–460;
  • leaves Hastings, i. [460];
  • his interview with the King at Gillingham, i. [481];
  • asks leave to go to Urban for the pallium, i. [481]–484;
  • argues in favour of Urban, i. [484];
  • asks for an assembly to discuss the question, i. [485];
  • insists on the acknowledgement of Urban, i. [486];
  • states his case at the assembly at Rockingham, i. [492];
  • how regarded by the King’s party, i. [493];
  • advice of the bishops to, i. [494];
  • sets forth his twofold duties, i. [495], [496];
  • compared with William of Saint-Calais, i. [497];
  • not the first to appeal to Rome, [ib.];
  • his speech to Rufus, i. [498];
  • sleeps during the debate, [ib.];
  • the King’s message and advice of the bishops, [ib.];
  • schemes of William of Saint-Calais against, i. [500];
  • speech of Bishop William to him, i. [502];
  • Anselm’s challenge, i. [505];
  • popular feeling with him, i. [507];
  • speech of the knight to, i. [508];
  • renounced by the King and the bishops, i. [512];
  • supported by the lay lords, i. [514];
  • proposes to leave England, i. [516];
  • agrees to an adjournment, i. [518];
  • his friends oppressed by the King, i. [520];
  • summoned to Hayes, i. [530];
  • refuses to pay for the pallium, i. [531];
  • reconciled to Rufus, [ib.];
  • refuses to take the pallium from him, i. [532];
  • absolves Bishops Robert and Osmund, i. [533];
  • restores Wilfrith of Saint David’s, i. [534];
  • receives the pallium at Canterbury, [ib.];
  • his alleged oath to the Pope, i. [535], ii. 588;
  • his letters to Cardinal Walter, i. [536], [538], ii. 41, 571;
  • entrusted with the defence of Canterbury, i. [537], ii. 44;
  • his canonical position objected to by the bishops, i. [539];
  • his dealings with his monks and tenants, i. [541];
  • attends Bishop William on his deathbed, i. [542], ii. 61;
  • consecrates English and Irish bishops, i. [544];
  • his letters to King Murtagh, i. 545 [(note)], ii. 581;
  • his contribution to the pledge-money, i. [558];
  • complaints made of his contingent to the Welsh war, i. [572];
  • position of his knights, i. [573];
  • summoned to the King’s court, i. [574];
  • change in his feelings, i. [575];
  • his yearnings towards Rome, i. [575]–577;
  • new position taken by, i. [577];
  • determines to demand reform, i. [579],
    • and not to answer the new summons, [ib.];
  • favourably received, i. [581];
  • asks leave to go to Rome, i. [582], [583],
    • and is refused, [ib.];
  • renews his request, i. [584];
  • again impleaded, [ib.];
  • alternative given to by William, [ib.];
  • his answer to the bishops and lords, i. [585];
  • to Walkelin, i. [587];
  • charged with breach of promise, i. [589];
  • alternative given to him, [ib.];
  • his discourse to the King, i. [589]–591;
  • the barons take part against him, i. [591];
  • his answer to Robert of Meulan, i. [592];
  • terms on which he is allowed to go, i. [592], [593];
  • his last interview with Rufus, i. [593];
  • blesses him, i. [594];
  • his departure from Canterbury, [ib.];
  • his departure foretold by the comet, ii. 118;
  • William of Warelwast searches his luggage, i. [595];
  • crosses to Whitsand, [ib.];
  • his estates seized by the King, [ib.];
  • his acts declared null, i. [596];
  • compared with Thomas of London and William of Saint-Calais, i. [598] et seq.;
  • does not strictly appeal to the Pope, i. [598];
  • does not assert clerical privileges, i. [599];
  • effects of his foreign sojourn on, i. [606];
  • writes to Urban from Lyons, i. [612];
  • alleged scheme of Odo Duke of Burgundy against, i. [606],
    • and of Pope Clement, i. [607];
  • his reception by Urban, [ib.];
  • known as “the holy man,” i. [608];
  • writes to Rufus, i. [613];
  • his sojourn at Schiavia, i. [615];
  • writes his “Cur Deus Homo,” [ib.];
  • plots of William Rufus against, [ib.];
  • his reception by Duke Roger, [ib.];
  • his kindness to the Saracens, i. [616];
  • forbidden to convert them, i. [617];
  • Urban forbids him to resign his see, [ib.];
  • defends the Filioque at Bari, i. [609], [618];
  • pleads for William Rufus, [ib.];
  • Urban’s dealings with him, i. [621];
  • made to stay for the Lateran Council, i. [621];
  • special honours paid to, i. [607], [622];
  • goes to Lyons, i. [622];
  • hears of the death of Rufus, ii. 34, 363;
  • the monks of Canterbury beg him to return, ii. 363;
  • Henry’s letter to, ii. 364–366;
  • returns to England, ii. 369;
  • his connexion with Norman history, ib.;
  • his meeting with Henry, ii. 374;
  • his dispute with Henry compared with that with Rufus, ii. 375;
  • his refusal to do homage and receive investiture, ii. 375, 376;
  • the question is adjourned, ii. 377, 378, 399;
  • no personal scruple on his part, ii. 377;
  • provisional restoration of his temporalities, ii. 378;
  • refuses his consent to the appointment of Eadwulf as abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 (note);
  • Eadgyth appeals to, concerning her marriage with Henry, ii. 384;
  • holds an assembly on the matter, and pronounces in her favour, ii. 384, 385, 683;
  • other versions of the story, ii. 385, 387;
  • celebrates the marriage, ii. 387;
  • his speech thereat, ii. 388;
  • mediates between Henry and his nobles, ii. 400;
  • his contingent against Robert, ii. 403;
  • his energy on behalf of Henry, ii. 410;
  • threatens Robert with excommunication, ib.;
  • Henry’s compromise with, ii. 455;
  • called Saint before his canonization, ii. 661.
• Ansfrida, mistress of Henry I.,
  • story of, ii. 380;
  • buried at Abingdon, ii. 382.
• Anskill of Berkshire,
  • story of, ii. 380;
  • notice of in Domesday, ii. 381 (note).
• Anthony, Sub-Prior of Christ Church, appointed Prior of Saint Augustine’s, i. [140].
• Antioch,
  • “rope-dancers” at, i. [565];
  • death of Arnulf of Hesdin at, ii. 66.
• Aosta, birthplace of Anselm, i. [366].
• Aquitaine, Duke William proposes to pledge it to William Rufus, ii. 313.
• Archard. See [Harecher].
• Archbishop of Canterbury,
  • special position of, i. [358];
  • the parish priest of the Crown, i. 414 [(note)].
• Archbishopric, meaning of the phrase “receiving” it, ii. 375.
• Argentan Castle,
  • held by William Rufus, i. [462];
  • siege of, i. [463];
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. [464];
  • granted to Robert of Bellême, ii. 396;
  • held by him against Henry I., ii. 428.
• Armethwaite Nunnery, alleged foundation of, by William Rufus, ii. 506.
• Arnold, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. 240, 634.
• Arnold of Saint Evroul, translates Robert of Rhuddlan’s body to Saint Evroul, i. [128].
• Arnold of Escalfoy, poisoned by Mabel Talvas, i. [215].
• Arnold of Percy, signs the Durham charter, ii. 530.
• Arnold, Dr., on chivalry, ii. 508.
• Arnulf of Hesdin,
  • his alleged foundation at Ruislip, i. 376 [(note)];
  • his gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. 65;
  • his innocence proved by battle, ib.;
  • goes to the crusade and dies, ii. 66.
• Arnulf of Montgomery,
  • son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, i. 57 [(note)];
  • begins Pembroke Castle, ii. 96;
  • plots against Henry, ii. 395;
  • his share in Robert of Bellême’s rebellion, ii. 423;
  • his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. 425, 622, 624;
  • and with King Magnus, ii. 426;
  • harries Staffordshire, ii. 429;
  • goes to Ireland, ii. 442;
  • his banishment, ii. 450.
• Arques Castle, held by Helias of Saint-Saens, i. [236].
• Arundel,
  • held by Earl Roger, i. [58];
  • position of, [ib.];
  • castle of, built T. R. E., [ib.];
  • priory founded at, by Earl Roger, i. 59 [(note)];
  • besieged by Henry I., ii. 428;
  • terms of its surrender, ii. 430;
  • its later fortunes, ib.
• Arundel, Earl of, origin of the title, i. 60 [(note)].
• Ascalon, battle of, i. [623].
• Ascelin Goel, his war with William of Breteuil, i. 243 [(note)].
• Assemblies, frequency of, under William Rufus, i. [487].
• Aumale Castle,
  • surrendered to William Rufus, i. [228];
  • strengthened by him, i. [229].
• Auvergne, mention of in the Chronicle, i. 547 [(note)].
• Avesgaud, Bishop of Le Mans, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, 539.
• Avon, at Bristol, i. [37].
• Avranchin, bought by Henry of Robert, i. [196], ii. 510–516.

B.

• Baldwin of Boulogne, King of Jerusalem,
  • his dream, i. [269], ii. 122;
  • its fulfilment, i. [270];
  • marries Godehild of Toesny, i. 270 [(note)];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551];
  • besieged in Rama, ii. 122;
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. 581.
• Baldwin, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s,
  • rebuilds his church, ii. 268;
  • translates Saint Eadmund’s body, ii. 270;
  • his journey to Rome, ib.;
  • his death, ii. 267, 270;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Baldwin of Tournay, monk of Bec,
  • his advice to Anselm, i. [399];
  • driven out of England by William Rufus, i. [520];
  • recalled, i. [542];
  • leaves England with Anselm, i. [595].
• Ballon,
  • castle of, i. [209];
  • siege and surrender of, i. [209]–211;
  • betrayed to William Rufus and occupied by Robert of Bellême, ii. 235;
  • Fulk’s unsuccessful attempt on, ii. 236;
  • William’s treatment of the captive knights, ii. 237, i. [171];
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. 282.
• Bamburgh Castle, ii. 47, 607;
  • relic of Saint Oswald at, ii. 49;
  • question as to the date of the keep, ib.;
  • held by Robert of Mowbray against William Rufus, ii. 50, 607;
  • effect of the making of the Malvoisin tower, ii. 51, 608;
  • siege abandoned by Rufus, ii. 52, 609;
  • Robert’s escape from, ii. 53, 609;
  • defended by Matilda of Laigle, ii. 54, 610;
  • surrender of, ii. 54.
• Bari, Archbishop of,
  • Wulfstan’s correspondence with, i. [479];
  • Council of (1098), i. [608], [618].
• Barnacles not to be eaten on fast-days, ii. 93 (note).
• Basilia, wife of Hugh of Gournay, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. 571.
• Bath,
  • burned by Robert of Mowbray, i. [41];
  • see of Wells moved to, i. [136], ii. 483;
  • temporal lordship of, granted to John of Tours, i. [137], ii. 487;
  • dislike of the monks to Bishop John’s changes, i. [138];
  • buildings of John of Tours at, i. [138], ii. 486;
  • church of, called abbey, i. [139];
  • later charters concerning, ii. 487;
  • sales and manumissions done at, ii. 489.
• Battle Abbey,
  • gifts of William Rufus to, i. [18], [168], ii. 504;
  • consecration of the church, i. [443];
  • gifts of Bernard of Newmarch to, ii. 90.
• Bayard, Chevalier, at the siege of Padua, i. [173].
• Beaumont-le-Roger, i. [185].
• Beaumont-le-Vicomte, ii. 229.
• Beavers, lawfulness of eating their tails on fast-days, ii. 93 (note).
• Bec Abbey,
  • fame of, under Anselm, i. [373];
  • its intercourse and connexion with England, i. [374]–376, ii. 572;
  • Gundulf’s letter to the monks, i. [405];
  • monks of, object to Anselm’s accepting the primacy, i. [406].
• Belfry, origin of the name, ii. 520.
• Bellême,
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. [218];
  • site of the old castle, i. 218 [(note)].
• Benefices,
  • vacant, policy of William Rufus with regard to, i. [134], [336], [337], [347], [348], ii. 564;
  • sale of, under Rufus, i. [134], [347], [349];
  • sale of, not systematic before Rufus, i. [348].
• Beneventum, Archbishop of,
  • sells the arm of Saint Bartholomew to the Lady Emma, i. [609];
  • Æthelnoth’s gift of a cope to, i. [610].
• Benjamin the monk, ii. 579.
• Bequest, right of, confirmed by Henry I., i. [338], ii. 354.
• Berkeley,
  • harried by William of Eu, i. [44];
  • its position and castle, i. [45].
• Berkshire pool, portent of, ii. 258, 316.
• Bermondsey Priory, its foundation, ii, 508.
• Bernard of Newmarch,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [34];
  • his conquest of Brecknock, ii. 89–91;
  • his gifts to Battle Abbey, ii. 90;
  • marries Nest, granddaughter of Gruffydd, ib.
• Bertrada of Montfort,
  • brought up by Countess Heloise, ii. 193;
  • sought in marriage by Fulk of Anjou, ii. 192;
  • marries him, ii. 194;
  • her adulterous marriage with Philip of France, i. [548], ii. 171, 172;
  • Bishop Ivo of Chartres protests against, i. 559 [(note)];
  • denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. 173;
  • excommunicated, i. [549], ii. 173;
  • her sons, ii. 174;
  • schemes against Lewis, ib.
• Berwick, granted to and withdrawn from the see of Durham, ii. 121.
• Bishops,
  • their power in the eleventh century, i. [138];
  • no reference to the Pope in their appointment, i. [425];
  • order of their appointment then and now, i. [425]–427;
  • theories of the two systems, i. [426];
  • why the peers’ right of trial does not extend to, i. 604 [(note)].
• Bishoprics,
  • sale of, under William Rufus, i. [134], [347], [349];
  • vacant, his policy with regard to, i. [134], [336], [337], [347], [350], ii. 564.
• Blasphemy, frequency of, i. [166].
• Blèves, castle of, ii. 216, 217.
• Blindness, armies smitten with, ii. 478, 480.
• Blyth Priory,
  • founded by Roger of Bully, ii. 161;
  • granted to Saint Katharine’s at Rouen, ii. 162 (note).
• Bofig, his lordship of Rockingham, i. [490].
• Bohemond, Mark, brother of Roger of Apulia,
  • besieges Amalfi, i. [561];
  • goes on the crusade, i. [562];
  • origin of his name, i. 562 [(note)].
• Boleslaus King of Poland, i. [611].
• Bonneville,
  • castle of, ii. 285;
  • early history and legends of, ii. 286.
• Boso of Durham, his visions, ii. 59.
• Botolph, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. 268.
• Bourg-le-roi, castle of, ii. 232.
• Boury, castle of, ii. 189.
• Brecknock,
  • conquest of, ii. 89–91;
  • castle of, ii. 90;
  • revolt of, ii. 106.
• Bribery under William Rufus, i. [153], [344].
• Bridgenorth,
  • fortified by Æthelflæd, ii. 152, 153 (note);
  • fortress of Robert of Bellême at, ii. 155–158;
  • churches and town of, ii. 157;
  • defence of, against Henry I., ii. 428, 432;
  • siege of, ii. 435 et seq.;
  • dealings of the captains with Henry, ii. 440;
  • divisions in, ii. 442;
  • surrender of, ii. 444.
• Brihtric, son of Ælfgar, lands of, held by Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. 83.
• Brionne,
  • said to be exchanged for Tunbridge, i. 68 [(note)];
  • granted to Roger of Beaumont, i. [194];
  • taken by Duke Robert, i. [244].
• Bristol,
  • its position in the eleventh century, i. [37];
  • castle of that date, i. [37], [38];
  • later growth of, i. [39];
  • occupied by Bishop Geoffrey, i. [40].
• Britain,
  • effects of the reign of William Rufus on its union, ii. 6;
  • causes of the union, ii. 7;
  • English conquest of, compared with Rufus’s conquest of Wales, ii. 72;
  • changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. 303 et seq.;
  • fusion of elements in, ii. 304;
  • ceases to be another world, ii. 305.
• Brockenhurst, William Rufus at, ii. 321.
• Bromham, grant of, to Battle Abbey, ii. 504.
• Brunton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. 535.
• Brut-y-Tywysogion, the two versions of, ii. 3, 4 (note).
• Brychan, King, his daughters, ii. 90.
• Buckler, Mr., on Ilchester, i. 43 [(note)].
• Bulgaria, use of the name, i. [563].
• Bures,
  • castle of, i. [236];
  • taking of, i. [463].
• Burf Castle, ii. 158.
• Burgundius, brother-in-law of Anselm, ii. 579.

C.

• Cadulus, Anselm’s advice to, i. [372].
• Cadwgan, son of Bleddyn,
  • drives out Rhys ap Tewdwr, i. [12];
  • harries Dyfed, ii. 92;
  • his revolt, ii. 99;
  • his action in Dyfed, ii. 101;
  • mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. 111;
  • schemes to save Anglesey, ii. 128;
  • flees to Ireland, ii. 131;
  • returns to Wales, ii. 301, 424;
  • his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. 424;
  • his action on his behalf, ii. 433, 442;
  • Ceredigion ceded to, by Jorwerth, ii. 451.
• Caen,
  • treaty of, i. [275] et seq., ii. 522–528;
  • its short duration, i. [283].
• Caerau. See [Carew].
• Caermarthen, conquest of, ii. 102.
• Caerphilly Castle, ii. 87.
• Cæsar, C. Julius, his speech compared with that of William Rufus, ii. 497, 647, 652.
• Candida Casa. See [Whithern].
• Canonization, popular, instances of, ii. 339.
• Canterbury, citizens of,
  • side with the monks of Saint Augustine’s against Guy, i. [139];
  • monks from Christ Church sent to Saint Augustine’s, i. [140];
  • vengeance of William Rufus on, i. [141];
  • the city granted to the archbishopric, i. [423];
  • Anselm’s enthronement and consecration at, i. [427], [429];
  • his dealings with the monks, i. [540];
  • their rights confirmed by William Rufus, i. [423];
  • rebuilding of the choir, i. [597];
  • its consecration under Henry I., [ib.]
• Canterbury, Archbishopric of,
  • policy of William Rufus in keeping the see vacant, i. [328], [360], ii. 565;
  • Flambard’s action in the matter, i. 363 [(note)];
  • effects of the vacancy, i. [357], [363]–365;
  • its special position as metropolitan, i. [357];
  • no attempt at election, i. [362];
  • feeling as to the vacancy, i. [381];
  • prayers for the appointment of the Archbishop, i. [389];
  • the Archbishop the parish priest of the Crown, i. 414 [(note)].
• Cantire,
  • Magnus at, ii. 141;
  • part of Sigurd’s kingdom, ii. 146;
  • its formal occupation by Magnus, ii. 147.
• Capua, siege of, i. [614], ii. 403.
• Caradoc, son of Gruffydd, ii. 81, 82.
• Cardiff,
  • castle of, ii. 77, 84, 86;
  • Robert Fitz-hamon’s settlement at, ii. 81, 84;
  • borough of, ii. 88.
• Careghova Castle,
  • built by Robert of Bellême, ii. 158;
  • history of the site, ii. 159 (note);
  • strengthened by Robert, ii. 428.
• Carew Castle, ii. 95.
• Carlisle,
  • its cathedral church called abbey, i. 139 [(note)];
  • history and character of, i. [314], [317];
  • destroyed by Scandinavians, i. [315];
  • conquered by William Rufus, i. [4], [313]–315, [318];
  • Saxon colony in, i. [316], ii. 550;
  • earldom of, i. [317], ii. 545–551;
  • its analogy with Edinburgh and Stirling, i. [317];
  • wall and castle of, i. [318];
  • see founded by Henry I., [ib.];
  • effects of its restoration on Scotland, ii. 8;
  • not an English earldom under the Conqueror, ii. 546;
  • shire of, ii. 549;
  • its purely British name, ii. 550;
  • entries of, in the Pipe Roll, ii. 551.
• Castles,
  • building of, in Normandy, i. [192];
  • garrisoned by William the Conqueror, [ib.];
  • building of, in Wales, ii. 70, 76, 77, 93, 108, 112;
  • rarity of, in England, as compared with Maine, ii. 220.
• Caux, obtained as dowry by Helias of Saint-Saens, i. [235].
• Cedivor, Prince of Dyfed, ii. 78.
• Cenred the priest,
  • his mutilation, ii. 132;
  • restoration of his speech, ib.
• Ceredigion,
  • conquest of, ii. 92, 93;
  • action of Cadwgan in, ii. 101;
  • recovered by the Welsh, ii. 301;
  • ceded to Cadwgan by Jorwerth, ii. 451.
• Charma, M., his Life of Anselm, i. 325 [(note)].
• Château du Loir, ii. 275, 276;
  • Helias flees to, ii. 287.
• Château-Gonthier, ii. 428.
• Château-Thierry, monks of Saint Cenery flee to, i. [213].
• Chaumont-en-Vexin,
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. 176;
  • castle of, ii. 185;
  • siege of, ii. 248.
• Cherbourg, ceded to William Rufus, i. [276].
• Chester,
  • Robert of Rhuddlan buried at, i. [127];
  • his gifts, i. 127 [(note)];
  • Earl Hugh’s reforms at, i. 127 (note), 381, 382;
  • Anselm at, i. [387].
• Chivalry,
  • growth of, under William Rufus, i. [169];
  • its true character, [ib.];
  • Palgrave and Arnold on, i. [169], ii. 508;
  • its one-sided nature, i. [172];
  • practical working of, [ib.];
  • illustrations of, i. [173], [291], ii. 237, 406, 534;
  • tenure in, systematized by Flambard, i. [335];
  • personal character of, ii. 407.
• Christina, Abbess of Romsey, her treatment of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 31, 32, 599.
• Chronicle, the, witness of, to Flambard’s system of feudalism, i. [335].
• Church, R. W., his Life of Anselm, i. 326 [(note)], [370].
• Church, Sir Richard, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. 123.
• Church lands,
  • revenues of, appropriated by William Rufus, i. [336], [337], [347], [349];
  • feudalization of, i. [346];
  • nature of Rufus’s grants of, i. [419].
• Churches, plundered to raise the pledge-money for Normandy, i. [558].
• Clare, Suffolk, priory of, a cell of Bec, i. [376].
• Clarendon, news of the loss of Le Mans brought to Rufus at, ii. 283, 645.
• Clark, G. T.,
  • on Malling tower, i. 70 [(note)];
  • on Rochester, i. 79 [(note)];
  • on the site of Careghova Castle, ii. 159 (note);
  • on “The Land of Morgan,” ii. 615.
• Clemence, Countess of Boulogne, Anselm’s letters to, ii. 581.
• Clement,
  • Anti-Pope, i. [415];
  • his position, i. [488];
  • excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, i. [549];
  • his alleged scheme against Anselm, i. [607].
• Clergy,
  • their exemption from temporal jurisdiction asserted by William of Saint-Calais, i. [97];
  • not asserted by Anselm, i. [599];
  • their corruption under William Rufus, i. [363].
• Clerks,
  • the king’s, preferments held by, i. [330];
  • their position and power, i. [342], [343].
• Clermont,
  • Council of (1095), i. [545];
  • decrees of, i. [548];
  • crusade preached at, i. [549].
• Coinage, false, issue of, punished by Henry I., ii. 353.
• Coker (Somerset), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. 504.
• Colchester, story of Eudo’s good rule at, ii. 464.
• Coldingham, lands of, granted to Durham, ii. 121.
• Comet, foretells the departure of Anselm, ii. 118.
• Commons, House of, foreshadowed by the outer council of the Witan, i. [603].
• Conan of Rouen,
  • his wealth, i. [246];
  • his treaty with William Rufus, i. [247], [248];
  • exhorts the citizens against Gilbert of Laigle, i. [253];
  • taken prisoner by Henry, i. [256];
  • his death, i. [257]–259, ii. 516–518.
• Conches,
  • besieged by William of Evreux, i. [261], [266], ii. 627;
  • its position, i. [262], [264];
  • abbey and castle of, i. [265].
• Conrad,
  • son of the Emperor Henry the Fourth, i. [522];
  • receives Urban at Cremona, i. [525];
  • his marriage, i. [526].
• Constantius I., Emperor, his voyage to Britain, ii. 648.
• Corbet, his lands in Shropshire, ii. 433 (note).
• Cornelius the monk, i. 545 [(note)].
• Corsham (Wilts), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. 504.
• Cosan the Turk, joins the crusaders, i. [565].
• Côtentin, bought by Henry of Robert, i. [196], ii. 510–516.
• Coulaines,
  • William Rufus encamps at, ii. 233;
  • ravaged by him, ii. 234, 625, 627.
• Courcy,
  • siege of, i. [274], ii. 519–522;
  • church of, ii. 522.
• Cowbridge, ii. 88.
• Coyty, held by Pagan of Turberville, ii. 87.
• Cricklade, entry of, in Domesday, i. 480 [(note)].
• Croc the huntsman, signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 [(note)].
• Croset-Mouchet, M.,
  • his life of Anselm, i. 325 [(note)];
  • on Anselm’s parentage, i. 366 [(note)].
• Crusade, the first,
  • its bearing on English history, i. [546];
  • no kings take part in, [ib.];
  • a Latin movement, [ib.];
  • argument in favour of, ii. 207;
  • success of, ii. 306.
• Crusades, Palgrave’s condemnation of, ii. 509.
• Cumberland,
  • why not entered in Domesday, i. [313], ii. 547 et seq.;
  • Scandinavians in, i. [315];
  • earldom of, a misnomer, ii. 548;
  • origin of the modern county, ii. 549.
• Curia Regis, the, i. [102].
• Cuthberht, Saint, appears to Eadgar of Scotland, ii. 119.

D.

• Dadesley. See [Tickhill].
• Danesford, ii. 152, 155.
• Dangeuil Castle,
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. 213;
  • site of, ii. 214;
  • effects of his occupation, ib.;
  • Helias taken prisoner near, ii. 223.
• David, King of Scots,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. 22;
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. 30;
  • divides the kingdom with Alexander, ii. 124;
  • marries Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, ii. 124;
  • effects of his reign on Scottish history, ii. 125;
  • his English position, ib.;
  • invades England on behalf of the Empress Matilda, ib.;
  • his mocking speech to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 390;
  • earldom of Carlisle granted to, ii. 549.
• Deverel (Wilts), lordship of, held by Bec, i. [375].
• Diacus, Bishop of Saint James of Compostella, his correspondence with Anselm, ii. 582.
• Dimock, J. F., his defence of Robert Bloet, ii. 585.
• Dolfin, son of Gospatric, lord of Carlisle, driven out by William Rufus, i. [315].
• Domesday, alleged new version of, by Randolf Flambard, i. [332], ii. 562.
• Domfront,
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. [183], [319];
  • men of, choose Henry to lord, i. [319], ii. 538;
  • position of, i. [319];
  • kept by Henry I., ii. 413, 691.
• Donald Bane, King of Scots, i. [475];
  • story of his attempting to disturb Margaret’s burial, ii. 28, 597;
  • his election, ii. 29;
  • drives out the English, ib.;
  • driven out by Duncan, ii. 34;
  • his restoration, ii. 36;
  • dethroned and imprisoned by Eadgar, ii. 119.
• Donald,
  • sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. 137;
  • driven out, ii. 138.
• Dress, new fashions in, i. [158], ii. 500–502.
• Drogo of Moncey, marries Eadgyth, widow of Gerard of Gournay, i. [552].
• Duncan, King of Scots, son of Malcolm,
  • set free by Robert, i. [13];
  • signs the Durham charter, i. [305], ii. 536;
  • claims the Scottish crown, ii. 33;
  • his Norman education, ii. 34;
  • receives the crown from William Rufus, i. [475], ii. 5, 34;
  • overthrows Donald, [ib.];
  • his death, ii. 36;
  • his burial, ii. 36 (note).
• Dunfermline,
  • Malcolm translated to, ii. 18;
  • Margaret’s burial at, ii. 28, 597.
• Dunstable, Prior of,
  • his alleged warning to William Rufus, ii. 334;
  • minster of, founded by Henry I., ii. 663.
• Dunster, church of, granted by William of Moion to the church of Bath, ii. 490.
• Durham, cathedral church of,
  • called abbey, i. 139 [(note)];
  • evidence of, in charters, i. [305], ii. 535;
  • rebuilding of the abbey, ii. 11;
  • Malcolm takes part in laying the foundation, ii. 11, 12;
  • works of Bishop William of Saint-Calais at, ii. 60;
  • gifts of King Eadgar to, ii. 121;
  • works of Randolf Flambard at, ii. 272;
  • monks of, favourably treated by William Rufus, i. [298], ii. 508;
  • building of the refectory, i. [299];
  • Bishop William restored to, [ib.]
• Durham castle, surrendered to William Rufus, i. [114].
• Dwyganwy,
  • peninsula and castle of, i. [123], [124];
  • attack made by Gruffydd on, i. [24];
  • meeting of Magnus and the two Earls Hugh at, ii. 143.
• Dyfed,
  • harried by Cadwgan, ii. 92;
  • conquest of, ib.;
  • action of Cadwgan in, ii. 101;
  • grant of, by Henry I., ii. 451.
• Dyrrhachion, Duke Robert crosses to, i. [563].

E.

• Eadgar Ætheling,
  • banished from Normandy, i. [281], ii. 527;
  • policy of William Rufus towards, [ib.];
  • goes to Scotland, i. [282];
  • mediates between Rufus and Malcolm, i. [301], ii. 541;
  • reconciled to Rufus, i. [304];
  • signs the Durham charter, i. [305], ii. 536;
  • returns to Normandy with Robert, i. [307];
  • his mission to Malcolm, ii. 9, 10, 590;
  • protects Malcolm’s children, ii. 30, 31;
  • his designs as to the Scottish crown, ii. 114;
  • Ordgar’s charge against, ii. 115, 617;
  • his acquittal by ordeal, ii. 117;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 117, 615;
  • marches to Scotland, ii. 118;
  • and wins the crown for his nephew Eadgar, ii. 120;
  • goes on the crusade, ii. 121;
  • not thought of to succeed William Rufus, ii. 344;
  • his character, ii. 393.
• Eadgar, King of Scots,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. 22;
  • brings the news of his father’s death, ii. 27;
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. 30;
  • his vision, ii. 119;
  • dethrones and imprisons Donald, ib.;
  • his gifts to Durham and to Robert son of Godwine, ii. 121;
  • his action towards Robert Flambard, ib.;
  • his peaceful reign, ii. 123;
  • his death, ii. 124;
  • bears the sword before William Rufus at his Whitsun feast, ii. 265;
  • results of his succession, ii. 304.
• Eadgyth, wife of Henry I. See [Matilda].
• Eadgyth, mistress of Henry I. and mother of Matilda Countess of Perche, ii. 379.
• Eadgyth, mistress of Henry I. and wife of Robert of Ouilly, ii. 379.
• Eadgyth,
  • wife of Gerard of Gournay, i. [230];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [552];
  • her second marriage, i. 552 [(note)].
• Eadmer,
  • his belief in the ordeal, i. 166 [(note)];
  • his Life of Anselm, i. [325], [369];
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. [369], [378], [460];
  • references to in other writers, i. [370];
  • on the Norman campaign of 1094, i. [474];
  • leaves England with Anselm, i. [595];
  • recognizes the cope of Beneventum at Bari, i. [609], [610];
  • bishop-elect of Saint Andrews, ii. 124.
• Eadmund, Saint, king of the East-Angles,
  • his miracles, ii. 268;
  • translation of his body, ii. 270.
• Eadmund,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. 22;
  • helps Donald against Duncan, ii. 36;
  • becomes a monk at Montacute, ii. 120;
  • his burial in chains, ib.
• Eadmund the monk, his vision, ii. 604.
• Eadric the Wild, marked as “Edric Salvage,” ii. 433 (note).
• Eadric the Provost, ii. 270 (note).
• Eadward the Confessor, his law restored by Henry I., ii. 357.
• Eadward, son of Malcolm and Margaret, killed at Alnwick, ii. 16, 21, 594.
• Eadwine, King of the Northumbrians, builds a church at Tynemouth, ii. 603.
• Eadwulf, Abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 (note).
• Eardington, lordship of, ii. 154.
• Earle, John, on Bath, i. 42 [(note)].
• Earthquake of 1089, i. [176].
• Edinburgh, Margaret’s death at, ii. 28, 597.
• Edward the Black Prince and the massacre of Limoges, i. [173];
  • his twofold character, [ib.]
• Eginulf of Laigle, i. 243 [(note)].
• Eglaf of Bethlington, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Einion,
  • story of him and Jestin, ii. 80;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 81, 614.
• Eleanor of Aquitaine, her foundation at Tickhill, ii. 432.
• Emma (Ælfgifu), the Lady,
  • buys the arm of Saint Bartholomew of the Archbishop of Beneventum, i. [610];
  • changes her name on her marriage, ii, 305.
• Emma, daughter of Count Robert of Sicily, sought in marriage by Philip of France, ii. 171 (note).
• Emma, wife of Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, i. [552].
• Emmeline, wife of Arnulf of Hesdin, her gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. 65.
• Empire, Western,
  • advance of, in the eleventh century, ii. 305, 306;
  • alleged designs of William Rufus on, ii. 314.
• Empire, Eastern, decline of, ii. 306.
• England,
  • extension of, under William Rufus, i. [4];
  • beginning of her rivalry with France, i. [5], [228], [240];
  • her wealth, [ib.];
  • her European position, [ib.];
  • unity of, i. [81];
  • how indebted to foreigners, i. [365];
  • in what sense feudal, i. [341];
  • compared with Normandy, i. [468];
  • wretchedness of, under Rufus, i. [474];
  • position of, towards the Popes, i. [496];
  • her relations with Sicily, i. [526];
  • Welsh inroad into, ii. 100;
  • rarity of castles in, as compared with Maine, ii. 220;
  • oppression in, during William’s absence in Normandy, ii. 256;
  • various grievances in, ii. 258;
  • changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. 303 et seq.;
  • becomes part of the Latin world, ii. 305;
  • united under Henry I. against Norman invasion, ii. 401.
• English,
  • accept William Rufus as king, i. [7], [16], [20], [66], [131];
  • their loyalty to him, [18], [64], [65], [130];
  • their hatred of Odo, i. [67], [86];
  • their position under Rufus, i. [133];
  • native, not specially oppressed by him, i. [341];
  • growth of their power and nationality under Rufus, ii. 4.
• English and Normans, fusion of, i. [130], [134], ii. 401, 455.
• English Conquest, compared with that of Wales, ii. 72.
• Englishmen,
  • the fifty charged with eating the king’s deer, i. [155], [614], ii. 494;
  • acquitted by ordeal, i. [156].
• Epernon, castle of, ii. 251.
• Epitumium, Orderic’s use of the word, ii. 288 (note).
• Erling, Earl of Orkney,
  • taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. 140;
  • his death in Norway, ib.
• Ermenberga, daughter of Helias,
  • betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, ii. 232;
  • married to Fulk of Anjou, ii. 232 (note), 374.
• Ermenberga, mother of Anselm, her pedigree, i. 366 [(note)].
• Ermengarde of Bourbon, second wife of Fulk of Anjou, ii. 192.
• Ernan, “Biscope sune,” ii. 605.
• Erneis of Burun, his action in the case of Bishop William, i. [114].
• Ernulf, Bishop of Rochester, his buildings at Christchurch, Canterbury, i. [597].
• Ernulf of Hesdin. See [Arnulf of Hesdin].
• Etard, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his appointment, i. [570].
• Eu, castle of, Philip and Robert march against, i. [238].
• Eudo of Rye,
  • story of his share in the accession of William Rufus, ii. 463;
  • how he became dapifer, ib.;
  • his good deeds at Colchester, ii. 464, 465.
• Eulalia, Abbess, Anselm’s letters to, ii. 578.
• Eustace III. Count of Boulogne,
  • sent over to England by Duke Robert, i. [56], ii. 465 et seq.;
  • agrees to surrender Rochester, i. [80];
  • pleading made for, i. [84];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551].
• Eustace, monk of Bec, i. [399].
• Eustace, father of one Geoffrey, Anselm rebukes him for bigamy, ii. 579.
• Eustace, son of William of Breteuil, i. 268 [(note)].
• Eva, widow of William Crispin, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. 571.
• Everard of Puiset, goes on the first crusade, i. [551].
• Evreux Castle,
  • garrisoned by William the Conqueror, i. [192];
  • its position and history, i. [262]–264.
• Ewenny, priory of, ii. 86, 89.
• Exmes, Robert of Bellême driven back from, i. [242].
• Eynesham, monks of Stow moved to, ii. 585, 587.
• Eystein, brother of Sigurd, does not go on the crusade, ii. 206.

F.

• Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon,
  • his appointment, ii. 360;
  • why not appointed to the see of Canterbury, ib.;
  • recovers the manor of Sparsholt, ii. 380 (note).
• Farman the monk, ii. 579.
• Farn Islands, ii. 50.
• Fécamp, ceded to William Rufus, i. [276].
• Feudalism, developement of,
  • under Rufus, i. [4];
  • systematized by Randolf Flambard, i. [324], [335] et seq., [341].
• Feudal tenures,
  • mainly the work of Flambard, i. [335], [336];
  • abolished in 1660, [ib.]
• Finchampstead, portent at, ii. 258, 316.
• Flanders, her share in the first crusade, i. [547].
• Flemings,
  • their settlement in Pembrokeshire, ii. 70 (note), 74, 88, 615;
  • whether also in Gower and Glamorgan, ii. 88, 103.
• Florus, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. 174.
• Forest laws,
  • become stricter under William Rufus, i. [155];
  • enforced by Henry I., ii. 355.
• Forfeiture, provision as to, in Henry’s charter, ii. 354.
• Fourches, castle of, ii. 428.
• France,
  • beginning of her rivalry with England, i. [5];
  • effects of the war with, i. [7];
  • her rivalry with Normandy, i. [201];
  • her first direct dealings with England, i. [240];
  • her relations with England and Normandy, [ib.];
  • designs of William Rufus on, ii. 167;
  • his war with, ii. 167, 171, 175 et seq.;
  • its position compared with that of Maine, ii. 168–170.
• Francis I. of France, compared with William Rufus, i. [173].
• Frank-almoign, tenure of, i. [350].
• Franks, Eastern name for Europeans, i. [546].
• Fresnay-le-Vicomte, castle and church of, ii. 229.
• Freystrop, ii. 95 (note).
• Frome (river) at Bristol, i. [38].
• Fulcher,
  • brother of Randolf Flambard, ii. 552;
  • receives the see of Lisieux, ii. 416.
• Fulchered, Abbot of Shrewsbury, his sermon at Gloucester, ii. 318.
• Fulcherius Quarel, i. 215 [(note)].
• Fulk, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his deposition and restoration, i. [570].
• Fulk, Bishop of Beauvais, Anselm intercedes for, ii. 582.
• Fulk, Rechin, Count of Anjou,
  • Robert does homage to, for Maine, i. [204];
  • patronizes pointed shoes, i. [159], ii. 502;
  • his wives, ii. 172 (note), ii. 192;
  • Robert seeks help from him, ib.;
  • seeks Bertrada of Montfort in marriage, ib.;
  • marries her, ii. 194;
  • garrisons Le Mans, ii. 232, 628;
  • his unsuccessful attempt on Ballon, ii. 236;
  • returns to Le Mans, ii. 237, 628;
  • his convention with William, ii. 238, 628–630;
  • helps Helias to besiege the castle of Le Mans, ii. 370.
• Fulk, Count of Anjou, King of Jerusalem, marries Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. 374.
• Fulk, Dean of Evreux, father of Walter Tirel, ii. 322, 672.

G.

• Gaillefontaine, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. [230].
• Galen, story of, i. 151 [(note)].
• Galloway, dealings of Magnus with, ii. 141.
• Gausbert, Abbot of Battle, i. [443].
• Gentry, growth of, under Henry I., ii. 356.
• Geoffrey, Archbishop of Rouen,
  • his appointment to the deanery of Le Mans, ii. 201;
  • nominated bishop by Helias, ii. 210;
  • set aside by the chapter, ib.;
  • appointed to the see of Rouen, ib.
• Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [27], [34], ii. 470;
  • occupies Bristol, i. [40];
  • notices of his estates, [ib.];
  • his relation to Bristol, [ib.];
  • his speech on behalf of William of Saint-Calais, i. [100];
  • charges the Bishop’s men with robbing his cattle, i. [113];
  • his death, i. [444].
• Geoffrey, Bishop of Chichester, his death, i. [135].
• Geoffrey, monk of Durham, charge brought against him, i. [116], ii. 60 (note).
• Geoffrey of Baynard, his combat with William of Eu, ii. 63.
• Geoffrey Martel,
  • son of Fulk Rechin and Ermengarde, ii. 192;
  • betrothed to Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. 232;
  • left by his father in command of Le Mans, ib.
• Geoffrey, Count of Mayenne, i. [205];
  • submits to Duke Robert, i. [209];
  • founds the castle of Saint Cenery, i. [214];
  • accepts the succession of Hugh, ii. 195, 197;
  • truce granted to him by Rufus, ii. 230;
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. 231;
  • submits to Rufus, ii. 241.
• Geoffrey Plantagenet, his parentage, ii. 374.
• Geoffrey, Count of Perche,
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. [183], [242];
  • Orderic’s estimate of, i. 242 [(note)].
• Gerald, Abbot of Tewkesbury, visits Wulfstan, i. [479].
• Gerald of Windsor,
  • his wife Nest, ii. 97, 110 (note);
  • builds Pembroke Castle, ii. 96;
  • defends it against the Welsh, ii. 101, 108;
  • his devices against them, ii. 109;
  • his mission to King Murtagh, ii. 425;
  • grant of Henry I. to, ii. 451.
• Gerald, story of his attempt on Randolf Flambard’s life, ii. 560.
• Gerard, Bishop of Hereford and Archbishop of York,
  • his mission to Pope Urban, i. [524], [525];
  • returns with Legate Walter, i. [526];
  • his appointment and consecration, i. [543], [544];
  • present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. 317;
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366;
  • appointed to the see of York, ii. 392.
• Gerard, Bishop of Seez,
  • story of the capture of his clerk by Robert of Bellême, ii. 521;
  • his death, ib.
• Gerard of Gournay,
  • submits to William Rufus, i. [229];
  • his castle, i. [230];
  • supports Rufus, i. [472];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [552];
  • his death, ii. 55.
• Germinus. See [Jurwine].
• Geronto, Abbot of Dijon,
  • his mission to William Rufus, i. [553], ii. 558;
  • rebukes him, i. [554];
  • overreached by him, [ib.];
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. 589.
• Geroy, history of his descendants, i. [214].
• Gervase, Archbishop of Rheims, ii. 196.
• Gervase, nephew of Bishop Gervase of Le Mans, ii. 201 (note).
• Gevelton. See [Yeovilton].
• Giffard, in the fleet of Magnus, ii. 451.
• Gilbert, Bishop of Evreux,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [560];
  • goes to Sicily, i. [562];
  • attends Odo on his deathbed, i. [563];
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. 575.
• Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lisieux, his death, ii. 416.
• Gilbert of Clare,
  • holds Tunbridge Castle against William Rufus, i. [68];
  • surrenders, i. [69];
  • his gift of the priory of Clare to Bec, i. [376];
  • his confession to Rufus, ii. 45;
  • with him in the New Forest, ii. 321.
• Gilbert of Laigle,
  • drives back Robert of Bellême, i. [242];
  • his descent and kindred, i. 243 [(note)];
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. [249], [253];
  • enters Rouen, i. [256];
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. 190;
  • charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. 241;
  • with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. 321;
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. 338, 676.
• Gilbert, nephew of Bishop Walcher, ii. 605.
• Gillingham,
  • meeting of Anselm and William Rufus at, i. [477]–481;
  • written Illingham by Eadmer, i. 477 [(note)].
• Gilo de Soleio, beholds William’s army on its way to Maine, ii. 228.
• Giraldus Cambrensis,
  • born at Manorbeer, ii. 95;
  • his parentage, ii. 97.
• Gisa, Bishop of Somerset, his death, i. [136].
• Gisors Castle,
  • its first defences by Pagan or Theobald, ii. 186;
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. 151, 187;
  • under Henry II., ii. 188;
  • its present appearance, ib.;
  • restored to Pagan by Duke Robert, ii. 396.
• Givele. See [Yeovil].
• Glamorgan,
  • legend of the conquest of, ii. 79–81, 613;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 81;
  • settlement of, by Robert Fitzhamon, ii. 81, 84;
  • distinguished from Morganwg, ii. 85;
  • its extent, ib.;
  • military character of its churches, ii. 88.
• Gloucester,
  • sickness of William Rufus at, i. [391];
  • Anselm’s first installation at, i. [400];
  • meetings at, ii. 10, 13, 33.
• Gloucester Abbey,
  • gifts of Arnulf and Emmeline of Hesdin to, ii. 65;
  • works of Robert Fitz-hamon at, ii. 84;
  • grant of Welsh churches to, ib.;
  • consecration of, ii. 317;
  • Abbot Fulchered’s sermon there, ii. 318.
• Gloucestershire, ravaged by William of Eu, i. [41], [44].
• Godehild, daughter of Ralph of Toesny, her marriages, i. 270 [(note)].
• Godgifu, nickname given to Matilda, ii. 389.
• Godred Crouan,
  • his dominion, ii. 136;
  • his expulsion and death, ii. 137;
  • his sons, ib.
• Godric and Godgifu, nicknames given to Henry I. and Matilda, ii. 389.
• Godricus unus liber homo, holds Sparsholt, ii. 380 (note).
• Godwine, Earl, a benefactor of Christ Church, Twinham, ii. 555.
• Godwine of Winchester,
  • story of his duel with Ordgar, ii. 116, 617;
  • notices of him in Domesday, ii. 116, 616;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 117, 615.
• Godfrey of Lorraine, goes on the first crusade, i. [552].
• Goodeve, surname, a corruption of Godgifu, ii. 389 (note).
• Gordon, General, parallelled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. 123.
• Gosfridus Mala Terra, ii. 485.
• Gospatric, son of Beloch, ii. 551.
• Gospatric, son of Mapbennoc, ii. 551.
• Gospatric, son of Orm, ii. 551.
• Gournay, castle and church of, i. [230].
• Gower,
  • no part of Glamorgan, ii. 85;
  • conquest of, ii. 102;
  • castles built in, ii. 103;
  • alleged West-Saxon settlement of, ii. 103, 615;
  • granted to Howel, ii. 451.
• Gruffydd, son of Cynan,
  • his Irish allies, i. [122];
  • attacks Rhuddlan, [ib.];
  • at Dwyganwy, i. [124];
  • invades England, ii. 100;
  • schemes to save Anglesey, ii. 128;
  • fails to hold it and flees to Ireland, ii. 131;
  • returns to Wales, ii. 301, 424;
  • his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. 424.
• Gruffydd, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. 107.
• Gruffydd, son of Rhydderch, ii. 81.
• Gundrada of Gournay, marries Nigel of Albini, ii. 55, 612.
• Gundulf, Bishop of Rochester,
  • his buildings at Rochester, i. 54 [(note)];
  • his tower at Malling, i. [70];
  • sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. [140];
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. [374];
  • his letter to the monks of Bec, i. [405];
  • Anselm’s visit to, i. [406];
  • blasphemous speech of William Rufus to, i. [407];
  • present at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • question as to his action in the council of Rockingham, i. 516 [(note)];
  • present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. 317;
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • expounds William Rufus’s dream to him, ii. 661.
• Gundulf, father of Anselm, i. [366].
• Guy of Etampes, Bishop of Le Mans, his rebuilding after the fire, ii. 639.
• Guy, Abbot of Pershore, his share in the defence of Worcester, ii. 481.
• Guy, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s,
  • sent with a summons to Bishop William, i. [90];
  • driven out by the monks and citizens, i. [139];
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Guy, monk of Christ Church, i. 140 [(note)].
• Guy, Count of Ponthieu, i. [180].
• Guy of the Rock,
  • his fortress of Roche Guyon, ii. 180;
  • submits to William Rufus, ii. 181.
• Guy of Vienne, Legate, his pretensions not acknowledged, ii. 391.
• Guy the Red Knight,
  • helps to defend Courcy, ii. 519;
  • his daughter betrothed to King Lewis, ib.
• Gwenllwg, revolt of, ii. 106.
• Gwent, revolt of, ii. 106; English defeat in, ii. 107.
• Gwynedd, revolt in, ii. 424.

H.

• Haimericus de Moria, his conference with Helias, ii. 371.
• Hair, long, fashion of, i. [158], ii. 500.
• Hakon, Earl of Orkney,
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. 581;
  • his murder of Saint Magnus and repentance, ii. 582.
• Hallam, held by Roger of Bully, ii. 160.
• Hallam, Henry, on Henry VIII., i. 173 [(note)].
• Hamon, Viscount of Thouars, notices of his lands, ii. 83 (note).
• Hamon the Dapifer, signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366.
• Harecher, or Archard, of Domfront,
  • revolts against Robert of Bellême, i. [319], ii. 538;
  • signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. 539.
• Harold, son of Godwine,
  • case of his excommunication, i. [612];
  • his Welsh campaign compared with that of William Rufus, ii. 71, 105.
• Harold, son of Harold, with the fleet of Magnus, ii. 134–136, 619.
• Harold, son of Godred Crouan, ii. 137.
• Harrow, church of, dispute as to its consecration, i. [440].
• Hartshorne, Mr.,
  • on Rochester, i. 53 [(note)], [54] [(note)];
  • on Alnwick, ii. 592.
• Hasgard, ii. 95 (note).
• Hasse, M., his Life of Anselm, i. 325 [(note)].
• Hastings, castle of,
  • held by Robert of Eu, i. [229];
  • assembly at, i. [441];
  • consecration of Robert Bloet at, i. [445].
• Hastings, Frank Abney, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. 123.
• Haverfordwest Castle, ii. 95.
• Hebrides. See [Sudereys].
• Hedenham, grant of, to Rochester, ii. 506.
• Helias of La Flèche,
  • contrasted with Rufus, i. [171];
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. [183];
  • his character and descent, i. [205], ii. 195, 196;
  • submits to Duke Robert, i. [209];
  • his position compared with that of King Philip, ii. 169;
  • his castles, ii. 196;
  • his wife Matilda, ib.;
  • his possible claim on the county of Maine, ii. 195, 197;
  • imprisons and sets free Bishop Howel, ii. 198, 199, 624;
  • buys the county of Hugh, ii. 203;
  • excellence of his reign, ii. 204;
  • his friendship for Bishop Howel, ib.;
  • prepares to go on the crusade, ii. 205;
  • estimate of his action, ii. 206;
  • his interview with Robert and with William Rufus, ii. 207–210;
  • challenges Rufus, ii. 208;
  • makes ready for defence, ii. 210;
  • his action in the appointment to the bishopric, ii. 211, 624;
  • his acceptance of Hildebert the cause of the war, ii. 213, 625;
  • strengthens Dangeul Castle, ii. 213, 214;
  • his guerilla warfare, ii. 215;
  • defeats Robert of Bellême at Saônes, ii. 222;
  • his second victory over him, ii. 223;
  • taken prisoner near Dangeul, ii. 223, 224, 625;
  • surrendered to William Rufus, ii. 225;
  • honourably treated by him, ib.;
  • Hildebert negotiates for his release, ii. 238, 625, 628–630;
  • William agrees to release him, ii. 238, 628;
  • his interview with William at Rouen, ii. 242–245, 640–645;
  • defies him, ii. 243, 641;
  • is set free, ii. 244, 642, 643;
  • his renewed action, ii. 275;
  • marches against Le Mans, ii. 277;
  • his victory at Pontlieue, ii. 278;
  • recovers Le Mans, ib.;
  • besieges the castles in vain, ii. 282;
  • flees to Château-du-Loir, ii. 287;
  • burns two castles, ii. 288;
  • returns to Le Mans, ii. 370;
  • his dealings with the garrison of the castle, ii. 370, 371;
  • called the “White Bachelor,” ii. 371;
  • his conference with Walter of Rouen, ib.;
  • surrender of the castle to, ii. 373;
  • his last reign, ib.;
  • his friendship with Henry I., ii. 373, 413;
  • his second marriage, ib.;
  • descent of the Angevin kings from him, ii. 374;
  • notices of his death, ii. 374 (note);
  • Anselm’s letter to him, ii. 581.
• Helias of Saint-Saens,
  • married to Robert’s daughter, i. [235];
  • his descent, [ib.];
  • importance of his position, i. [236];
  • his fidelity to Robert, i. [237].
• Heloise, Countess of Evreux,
  • her rivalry with Isabel of Conches, i. [231]–234, [245];
  • Orderic’s account of her, i. 237 (note);
  • her banishment and death, i. [270];
  • Bertrada of Montfort brought up by, ii. 193.
• Henry IV.,
  • Emperor, i. [549];
  • excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, i. [549], [611].
• Henry I.,
  • his familiar knowledge of English, i. [viii];
  • the one Ætheling among William’s sons, i. [11], ii. 461;
  • an alleged party favours his immediate succession, i. 11 [(note)];
  • difficulties in the way of it, i. [20];
  • refuses a loan to Robert, i. [196];
  • buys the Côtentin and Avranchin of him, i. [196], ii. 510–516;
  • his firm rule, i. [197], [221];
  • goes to England and claims his mother’s lands, i. [195], [197];
  • William Rufus promises them to him, i. [197];
  • brings Robert of Bellême back with him, i. [199];
  • imprisoned by Duke Robert, [ib.];
  • set free, i. [220];
  • strengthens his castles, i. [221];
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. [248];
  • sends him away, i. [254];
  • takes Conan, i. [256];
  • puts him to death with his own hand, i. [257]–259, ii. 516–518;
  • policy thereof, i. [260];
  • William and Robert agree together against, i. [278], ii. 527;
  • excluded from the succession by the treaty of Caen, i. [280];
  • his position as Ætheling, i. [281];
  • William’s policy towards, [ib.];
  • strengthens himself against his brothers, i. [283];
  • besieged by them at Saint Michael’s Mount, i. [284]–292, ii. 528–535;
  • Robert’s generosity to, i. [291], ii. 534;
  • surrenders, i. [293];
  • accompanies William to England, i. [293], [295];
  • his alleged adventures, i. [294], ii. 535–540;
  • signs the Durham charter, i. [305], ii. 536;
  • chosen lord of Domfront, i. [319], ii. 538;
  • restored to William’s favour, i. [321];
  • wars against Robert, [ib.];
  • gets back his county, [ib.];
  • occupies the castle of Saint James, [ib.];
  • grants it to Earl Hugh, i. [323];
  • alleged spoliation of, by Flambard, i. [334], [357];
  • helps Robert, grandson of Geroy, against Robert of Bellême, i. [469];
  • summoned by William to Eu, [ib.];
  • goes to England, i. [470];
  • reconciled to William, [ib.];
  • returns to Normandy and wars against Robert, [ib.];
  • William’s grants to, i. [567];
  • story of him on the day of William’s death, ii. 321, 345, 346;
  • his claims to the throne, ii. 344;
  • his speedy election, ii. 345, 680;
  • William of Breteuil withstands his demand for the treasure, ii. 346, 680;
  • popular feeling for him, ii. 346, 351;
  • his formal election, ii. 347, 348;
  • fills up the see of Winchester, ii. 349;
  • his coronation, ii. 350, 681;
  • goes to London with Robert of Meulan, ii. 350, 680;
  • form of his oath, ii. 350;
  • his charter, i. [336], [338], [342], [344], ii. 352–357;
  • his statute against the mercenaries, i. [154], ii. 498;
  • his policy towards the second order, ii. 356;
  • his alleged laws, ii. 357;
  • his appointments to abbeys, ii. 359;
  • imprisons Randolf Flambard, ii. 361;
  • his inner council, ii. 362;
  • recalls Anselm, ii. 364;
  • Norman intrigues against, ii. 367, 368, 393, 395;
  • his war with Robert, ib.;
  • the garrison of Le Mans send an embassy to, ii. 372;
  • his friendship with Helias, ii. 373, 413;
  • his meeting with Anselm, ii. 374;
  • his dispute with him compared with that of Rufus, i. [605], ii. 374;
  • calls on Anselm to do homage, ii. 375;
  • the question is adjourned, ii. 377, 378, 399;
  • his reformation of the court, ii. 379, 502;
  • his personal character, ii. 379;
  • his mistresses and children, ii. 97, 110 (note), 380, 381, 389, 414;
  • seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. 382, 684;
  • his descent from Ælfred, ii. 383;
  • objections to the marriage, ii. 384, 683–688;
  • later fables about his marriage, ii. 387, 684, 685;
  • his marriage, ii. 387;
  • his nickname of Godric, ii. 389;
  • his children by Matilda, ib.;
  • appoints Gerard to the see of York, ii. 392;
  • his rule distasteful to the Normans, ii. 395;
  • plots against him, ii. 395, 399;
  • his Whitsun gemót, ii. 399;
  • loyalty of the Church and people to, ii. 401, 410, 411;
  • fusion of Normans and English under, ii. 401, 455;
  • peace of his reign, ii. 402, 454;
  • his levy against Robert’s invasion, ii. 403;
  • desertion of some of his fleet, ii. 404, 686;
  • and of certain of the nobles, ii. 409;
  • his nickname of Hartsfoot, ib.;
  • his trust in Anselm, and promises to him, ii. 410, 411;
  • his exhortation to his army, ii. 411;
  • his negotiations with Robert, ii. 412;
  • their personal meeting and treaty, ii. 412–415, 538, 688–691;
  • his schemes against the great barons, ii. 415;
  • his rewards and punishments, ii. 417;
  • his action against Robert of Bellême, ii. 421, 422;
  • negotiates against him with Duke Robert, ii. 426;
  • besieges Arundel, ii. 428;
  • Arundel and Tickhill surrender to him, ii. 428, 429;
  • his faith pledged for Robert of Bellême’s life, ii. 430, 438;
  • his Shropshire campaign, ii. 432 et seq.;
  • besieges Bridgenorth, ii. 435–444;
  • division of feeling in his army, ii. 437;
  • appeal of his army to, ii. 438;
  • his dealings with the Welsh, ii. 439, 451–453;
  • surrender of Bridgenorth to, ii. 444;
  • his march to Shrewsbury, ii. 446–448;
  • Robert of Bellême submits to, ii. 448;
  • banishes him and his brothers, ii. 449, 450;
  • his later imprisonment of Robert of Bellême, i. [184], ii. 450;
  • banishes William of Mortain, ii. 453;
  • character and effects of his reign, ii. 454, 457;
  • the refounder of the English nation, ii. 455;
  • his compromise with Anselm, ib.;
  • England reconciled to the Conquest under, ii. 456;
  • his correspondence with Anselm, ii. 579;
  • see of Carlisle founded by, i. [318];
  • at the consecration of Canterbury Cathedral, i. 597 [(note)];
  • his settlement of Flemings in Pembrokeshire, ii. 70 (note);
  • his second marriage, ii. 389 (note);
  • seizes on the treasure left by Magnus at Lincoln, ii. 624.
• Henry II.,
  • his blasphemy, i. [167];
  • question of the legatine power granted to, i. 526 [(note)];
  • estimate of his dispute with Thomas, i. [605].
• Henry VIII. compared with Francis I., i. 173 [(note)].
• Henry of Beaumont,
  • earldom of Warwick granted to, i. [472];
  • his influence in favour of the election of Henry I., ii. 348, 680;
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • one of his inner council, ii. 362;
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366;
  • the owner of a burgess at Gloucester, ii. 564.
• Henry of Huntingdon as a contemporary writer, i. 9 [(note)].
• Henry of Port, his signature to the charter of Henry I., ii. 358.
• Henry, son of Nest and Henry I., ii. 379.
• Henry, son of Swegen, ii. 551.
• Heppo the balistarius, given as a surety to Bishop William, i. [114], [120].
• Herbert Losinga, Bishop of Thetford,
  • buys the see for himself, i. [354], ii. 568;
  • and the Abbey of New Minster for his father, i. [355];
  • repents, and receives his bishopric from the Pope, i. [355], ii. 568;
  • anger of Rufus thereat, i. [356], ii. 569;
  • not present at Anselm’s consecration, i. [429];
  • deprived by Rufus, i. [448], ii. 569;
  • restored to his see, i. [449], ii. 569;
  • moves the see to Norwich, ib.
• Hereditary right, growth of, i. [280].
• Hereford, seized by Robert of Lacy, i. [46].
• Herfast, Bishop of Thetford, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. 268.
• Herlwin, Abbot of Glastonbury, his appointment, ii. 360.
• Hervey, Bishop of Bangor, at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. 317.
• Hiesmois, war in, ii. 428.
• Hildebert, Bishop of Le Mans,
  • his election accepted by Helias, ii. 211, 625;
  • his character, ii. 212;
  • anger of William Rufus at his election, ii. 213, 625;
  • negotiates for the release of Helias, ii. 238, 625, 628–630;
  • at the head of the municipal council of Le Mans, ii. 226, 238;
  • welcomes William Rufus into Le Mans, ii. 240;
  • reconciled to him, ii. 297, 626;
  • charges brought against, ib.;
  • ordered to pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. 297, 298, 654;
  • receives the kiss of peace from Rotrou’s mother, ii. 373 (note);
  • translated to the see of Tours, ii. 212;
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. 580.
• Hildebert II., Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, his buildings, i. [284].
• Hilgot of Le Mans, ii. 201.
• Holm Peel, Island of, Magnus at, ii. 141.
• Honour, law of,
  • as practised by William Rufus, i. [85], [92], [169], [408], ii. 14, 237, 244;
  • Palgrave on, ii. 508.
• Hook. W. F., his estimate of Anselm, i. 326 [(note)].
• Howard, family of, ii. 430 (note).
• Howel, Bishop of Le Mans,
  • his loyalty to Duke Robert, i. [205], [208], ii. 198;
  • story of his appointment, i. [205];
  • consecrated at Rouen, i. [207], [208];
  • his conduct during the famine, i. [208];
  • imprisoned by Helias, ii. 198, 624;
  • liberated by him, ii. 199;
  • flees to Robert and is bidden to return, ii. 200;
  • his disputes with Hugh and with his chapter, ii. 201;
  • comes to England, ib.;
  • his reconciliation and return, ii. 202;
  • his friendship with Helias, ii. 204;
  • translates Saint Julian, ib.;
  • his buildings, ii. 205, 634 et seq., 656;
  • entertains Urban, ii. 205;
  • his sickness, ib.;
  • and death, ii. 210;
  • foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral signed by, i. 309 [(note)].
• Howel, Welsh prince, flees to Ireland, ii. 301.
• Howel, son of Goronwy,
  • besieges Pembroke, ii. 108;
  • grants to, by Henry I., ii. 452.
• Hubert of Rye, his alleged share in the accession of William the Conqueror, ii. 463.
• Hucher, M., on Le Mans, ii. 631.
• Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons,
  • denounces Philip’s adulterous marriage, ii. 173;
  • advises Anselm to return after the death of Rufus, ii. 364;
  • Anselm’s letter to, i. [419], ii. 571, 576.
• Hugh, Saint, his foreign origin, i. [365].
• Hugh of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings at and gifts to Le Mans, ii. 639, 640.
• Hugh, Abbot of Clugny, his dream about William Rufus, ii. 341, 666.
• Hugh, Abbot of Flavigny,
  • his story of the mission of Abbot Geronto, ii. 588;
  • marvellous tales told by, ii. 589;
  • his chronicle and career, ib.
• Hugh or Hugolin with the Beard, ii. 489.
• Hugh the Great, brother of King Philip, goes on the first crusade, i. [350].
• Hugh of Avranches, Earl of Chester,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. [34], [62];
  • supports Henry, i. [221];
  • surrenders his castle to William, i. [283];
  • his alleged advice to Henry, ii. 530;
  • joins Henry, i. [320];
  • castle of Saint James granted to, i. [323], ii. 540;
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. [380];
  • his changes at Saint Werburh’s at Chester, i. [381], [382];
  • seeks help from Anselm, i. [382];
  • his sickness and messages to Anselm, i. [383];
  • summoned by William Rufus to Eu, i. [469];
  • goes to England, i. [470];
  • his share in the conspiracy of Robert of Mowbray, ii. 38;
  • urges the mutilation of William of Eu, ii. 64;
  • his advance in Anglesey, ii. 97;
  • his last expedition to Anglesey, ii. 129–146, 619;
  • bribes the wikings, ii. 130;
  • his cruelty to the captives, ii. 131, 132;
  • makes peace with Magnus, ii. 145;
  • Anglesey and North Wales subdued by, ii. 146;
  • compared with Robert of Bellême, ii. 150;
  • hastens to acknowledge Henry I. as king, ii. 362;
  • one of Henry’s inner council, ib.;
  • his death, ii. 410;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536;
  • Anselm’s letter of rebuke to, ii. 580.
• Hugh Bardolf, gate of Montfort Castle named after, ii. 254.
• Hugh, of Beaumont,
  • reads the charge against Bishop William, i. [98];
  • defies him, i. [101].
• Hugh, Earl of Bedford, i. 98 [(note)], ii. 419 (note).
• Hugh of Buckland, Sheriff of Berkshire, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. 665.
• Hugh of Dun, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. 665.
• Hugh of Este, son of Azo,
  • sent for by the men of Maine, ii. 195, 198;
  • his succession accepted by Helias, ii. 197;
  • reaches Le Mans, ii. 200;
  • his dispute with Bishop Howel, ii. 201;
  • reconciled to him, ii. 202;
  • his unpopularity, ib.;
  • puts away his wife and is excommunicated, ib.;
  • bought out by Helias, ii. 203.
• Hugh of Evermouth, i. [571].
• Hugh of Grantmesnil,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [34];
  • his ravages, i. [36];
  • strengthens his castle against Robert of Bellême, i. [274];
  • his death and burial, i. [473].
• Hugh of Jaugy, i. [565], ii. 123.
• Hugh of Lacy, grant of his brother’s estates to, ii. 63.
• Hugh, Count of Meulan, i. [185].
• Hugh of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [57];
  • succeeds his father in England, i. [473];
  • buys his pardon of Rufus, ii. 62;
  • his expedition into Anglesey, ii. 129–144, 619;
  • bribes the wikings, ii. 130;
  • his cruelty to the captives, ii. 131, 132;
  • his death, ii. 144, 618–621;
  • his burial, ii. 145;
  • effects of his death, ii. 147, 150, 618.
• Hugh of Port, i. [117], [120].
• Humbald, Archdeacon of Salisbury, ii. 384.
• Humbert, Count of Maurienne, Anselm’s letter to, ii. 580.

I.

• Ida, Countess of Boulogne, her correspondence with Anselm, i. [374], [384], ii. 571, 581.
• Ilchester,
  • description of, i. [43];
  • besieged by Robert of Mowbray, [ib.]
• Ingemund,
  • sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. 138;
  • his death, ib.
• Ingulf, prior of Norwich, ii. 569.
• Investiture,
  • royal right of, i. [345], [346];
  • not questioned by Anselm, i. [403];
  • change in his views in regard to, i. [404];
  • forbidden by the Council of Clermont, i. [548];
  • dispute between Henry I. and Anselm, ii. 375 et seq.;
  • Anselm’s letters about, ii. 579, 584.
• Iona, isle of,
  • Margaret’s gifts to, ii. 21;
  • Duncan buried at, ii. 36 (note);
  • spared by Magnus, ii. 141.
• Ireland,
  • designs of William the Conqueror on, ii. 94;
  • of William Rufus on, ii. 93;
  • of Magnus of Norway on, ii. 136, 141, 620.
• Irish, help Rhys and Gruffydd, i. [121], [122].
• Isabel or Elizabeth of Vermandois, daughter of Hugh the Great,
  • married to Robert of Meulan, i. 187 [(note)], [551];
  • her marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 551 [(note)];
  • her second marriage, i. 187 [(note)].
• Isabel, daughter of Robert of Meulan, mistress of Henry I., i. 187 [(note)], ii. 380.
• Isabel of Montfort, wife of Ralph of Conches,
  • her rivalry with Heloise of Evreux, i. [231]–234, [245];
  • her character, i. [233];
  • takes the veil, i. 233 [(note)], [271].
• Isabel, daughter of William of Breteuil, given in marriage to Ascelin Goel, i. [243], [268] (note).
• Ivo, Bishop of Chartres,
  • his advice to Anselm, i. 367 [(note)];
  • denounces the marriage of Isabel and Robert of Meulan, i. 551 [(note)];
  • protests against the marriage of King Philip and Bertrada, i. 559 [(note)], ii. 173.
• Ivo of Grantmesnil,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [552];
  • called the “rope-dancer,” i. 565 [(note)];
  • plots against Henry, ii. 395;
  • harries his neighbours’ lands, ii. 417;
  • his trial and conviction, ib.;
  • his bargain with Robert of Meulan, ii. 418;
  • his relations with Leicester, ib.
• Ivo, son of Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. 418.
• Ivo Taillebois,
  • his action in the case of Bishop William, i. [114], [115];
  • holds Kirkby Kendal, ii. 549.
• Ivo of Veci, lord of Alnwick, ii. 596.
• Ivor, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. 107.
• Ivry,
  • granted to William of Breteuil, i. [194];
  • lost by him, i. [243];
  • claimed by Robert of Meulan, [ib.]

J.

• Jarrow, Tynemouth granted to, ii. 18, 605.
• Jeronto, Abbot. See [Geronto].
• Jerusalem, kingdom of, said to have been refused by Duke Robert, i. [566].
• Jerusalem, Patriarch of, Wulfstan’s correspondence with, i. [479].
• Jestin, son of Gwrgan,
  • story of him and Einion, ii. 80;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 81, 614;
  • his descendants, ii. 81 (note), 82, 87;
  • his alleged long life, ii. 614.
• Jews,
  • settle in England, i. [160];
  • their position, [ib.];
  • favoured by Rufus, i. [161];
  • compared with the Sicilian Saracens, [ib.];
  • dispute between their rabbis and English bishops, [ib.];
  • converts forced to apostatize by Rufus, i. [162], [614], ii. 504.
• John, King, his devotion to the shrine of Wulfstan, i. [481].
• John of Tours,
  • bishopric of Somerset granted to, i. [136], ii. 483;
  • removes the see to Bath, [ib.];
  • his doings at Wells and at Bath, i. [138], ii. 486;
  • his architectural works, i. [138];
  • assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, i. [309];
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • Anselm confers with him at Winchester, i. [586];
  • at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. 61;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• John, Bishop of Tusculum, ii. 488.
• John, Abbot of Telesia, i. [615].
• John, Prior of Bath, letter of Anselm to, ii. 490.
• John, son of Odo of Bayeux, ii. 488.
• John of La Flèche, father of Helias, ii. 196.
• Jones, Longueville, on Penmon and Aberlleiniog, ii. 130 (note).
• Jorwerth, son of Bleddyn,
  • becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. 424;
  • his action on behalf of Robert, ii. 433;
  • promises of Henry I. to, ii. 439;
  • influences the Welsh on his behalf, ii. 440, 442;
  • his war with his brothers, ii. 451;
  • Henry’s want of faith to, ib.;
  • his trial and imprisonment, ii. 452;
  • his later history, ii. 453.
• Judith, wife of Tostig, her invention of Saint Oswine’s body, ii. 18, 604.
• Julian, Saint, translation of his body, ii. 204.
• Juliana, natural daughter of Henry I., i. [201], ii. 380.
• Jurwine, son of King Anna of East-Anglia, ii. 268 (note).
• Justice, technical use of the word, i. 191 [(note)].
• Justiciarship, growth of the office under Flambard, i. [331].

K.

• Kenfig, borough of, ii. 88.
• Kidwelly, ii. 86;
  • conquest of, ii. 102;
  • granted to Howell, ii. 451.
• Kings, doctrine of their immunity from drowning, ii. 284, 647, 648, 651.
• Kirkby Kendal, held by Ivo Taillebois, ii. 549.
• Knights,
  • privileges granted to, by Henry I., ii. 355;
  • effect of this grant, ii. 356.

L.

• La Chartre, castle of, ii. 275.
• La Ferté Saint Samson, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. [230].
• La Flèche,
  • Helias withdraws to, ii. 275;
  • castle of, ii. 276.
• La Houlme, castle of,
  • held by Rufus, i. [462];
  • taken by Robert, i. [465].
• La Lude, castle of, ii. 275.
• La Roche Guyon, castle of, ii. 180, 181.
• Lagman, son of Godred Crouan, ii. 137.
• Laigle, town of, i. 73 [(note)].
• Lambert, chaplain to Ida of Boulogne, ii. 581.
• Lambeth,
  • grant of, to Rochester, ii. 506;
  • given in exchange to Canterbury, ib.
• Land, tenure of, Flambard’s theory of, i. [337].
• Lanfranc,
  • his special agency in the accession of William Rufus, i. [10], [12], ii. 459;
  • his grief at the death of William the Conqueror, i. [15];
  • crowns William Rufus, [ib.];
  • binds him to follow his counsel, i. [16], ii. 460;
  • attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, i. [18];
  • Odo’s hatred towards, i. [24], [53] (note);
  • his loyalty to William, i. [63];
  • his part in the meeting at Salisbury, i. [95], [119];
  • his view of vestments, i. [95];
  • his position as regards that of Bishop William, i. [97];
  • his answer to Bishop Geoffrey, i. [100];
  • to Bishop William, i. [105], [110];
  • interposes on his behalf, i. [113];
  • his death, i. [140];
  • its effect on William Rufus, i. [141], [142], 148 [(note)];
  • his position in England and Normandy, i. [141];
  • buried at Christ Church, i. [142];
  • his relations with William the Conqueror, i. [328];
  • compared with Anselm, i. [368], [456];
  • advises Anselm to become a monk of Bec, i. [371].
• Lanfranc, nephew of Archbishop Lanfranc, ii. 575.
• Laodikeia, Eadgar and Robert at, i. [564].
• Lateran,
  • Council of (1099), i. [607], [621];
  • destruction of the apse, i. 607 [(note)].
• Leckhampsted, lands at, taken from Abingdon Abbey, ii. 665.
• Legitimacy, growth of the doctrine of, i. [280].
• Le Hardy,
  • M. Gaston, quoted, i. 145 [(note)];
  • his apology for Duke Robert, i. 175 [(note)].
• Leicester,
  • college at, founded by Robert of Meulan, ii. 420;
  • foundation of the abbey, ib.;
  • churches at, ii. 420 (note).
• Leicester, earldom of, its origin, ii. 418.
• Le Mans,
  • temporal relations of the bishopric, i. [207];
  • under an interdict, ii. 199;
  • claims of the Norman dukes over the bishopric, ii. 200, 212;
  • Howel’s buildings at, ii. 205;
  • Pope Urban’s visit to, ib.;
  • welcomes Duke Robert’s host, i. [209];
  • new municipality of, ii. 226;
  • garrisoned by Fulk, ii. 232, 628;
  • besieged by Rufus, ii. 233–235;
  • siege of, raised, ii. 235;
  • submits to Rufus, ii. 238, 628;
  • fortresses of, ii. 239, 631;
  • entry of Rufus into the town, ii. 240;
  • description of the church, ib.;
  • recovered by Helias, ii. 278;
  • the castles still held for Rufus, ii. 279;
  • compared with the deliverance of York, ib.;
  • burning of, ii. 280;
  • modern destruction at, ii. 281 (note);
  • William’s march against, ii. 287;
  • flight of the citizens, ii. 288;
  • William’s treatment of, ii. 295, 296;
  • orders the destruction of the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. 297, 654;
  • description of the towers, ii. 299, 655;
  • return of Helias to, ii. 370;
  • action of the garrison, ii. 370–373;
  • palace of the counts at, ii. 632, 656;
  • dates of the building, ii. 632–639, 656;
  • burning of, ii. 638.
• Leofwine, Dean of Durham, ii. 605.
• Lewes,
  • held by William of Warren, i. [59];
  • customs of, i. 59 [(note)];
  • William of Warren’s death and burial at, i. 62 [(note)], [76].
• Lewis VI. of France (the Fat), ii. 170;
  • Bertrada’s schemes against him, ii. 174;
  • grant of the Vexin to, ii. 175;
  • refuses to cede the Vexin to William Rufus, ii. 176;
  • his difficulties in the war with William, ii. 178;
  • betrothed to a daughter of Guy the Red Knight, ii. 519;
  • his letter to Anselm, ii. 580.
• Lewis IX. of France (Saint Lewis),
  • his ordinance against blasphemy, i. [167];
  • his walls at Rouen, i. [252].
• Ligulf, father of Morkere, ii. 605.
• Limoges, massacre of, i. 173 [(note)].
• Lincoln,
  • its connexion with Norway, ii. 134;
  • Jews at, i. 160 [(note)];
  • prevalence of the slave-trade at, i. [310];
  • completion of the minster, [ib.];
  • Thomas of York claims jurisdiction over, i. [311], [433];
  • consecration delayed by the death of Remigius, i. [312];
  • see kept vacant by Rufus, i. [356], [381];
  • jurisdiction over again claimed by Thomas of York, i. [433];
  • compromise concerning, i. [447].
• Lindesey, jurisdiction of, claimed by Thomas of York, i. [311].
• Lindisfarn, Isle of, ii. 50 (note).
• Llancarfan, church of, granted to Gloucester abbey, ii. 84.
• Llandaff, see of, ii. 86, 89.
• Llanrhidian Castle, ii. 103.
• Llantrissant, ii. 88.
• Llantwit, church of, granted to Tewkesbury, ii. 84.
• Llywelyn, son of Cadwgan, his death, ii. 301.
• Loir, Castle of the. See [Château-du-Loir].
• London,
  • Jews settle in, i. [160];
  • great wind and fire in, i. [308];
  • buildings of William Rufus in, ii. 258, 261;
  • growth of its greatness, ii. 261;
  • dogs of, mentioned by Hugh of Flavigny, ii. 589.
• London Bridge, ii. 259, 260, 261.
• London, Tower of. See [Tower of London].
• Longueville, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. [231].
• Lonlay Abbey, foundation charter of, ii. 539.
• Lords, House of,
  • foreshadowed by the inner Council of the Witan, i. [603];
  • gradual developement of, ii. 58.
• Losinga, origin of the name, ii. 570.
• Lothian, question as to the homage of Malcolm for, i. [303], ii. 541 et seq.
• Luca, per vultum de,
  • favourite oath of William Rufus, i. [108], [112], [164], [289], [391], 511 [(note)], ii. 61 (note), 503, 650;
  • meaning of the phrase, ii. 503.
• Lucan, whether quoted by Rufus, ii. 642, 647.
• Lugubalia. See [Carlisle].
• Lund, archbishopric of, ii. 582.
• Lurçon, castle of, ii. 216.

M.

• Mabel, wife of Earl Roger, poisons Arnold of Escalfoi and seizes on Saint Cenery, i. [215].
• Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, marries Robert of Gloucester, ii. 83.
• Maelgwyn, i. [124].
• Magnus Barefoot, king of Norway,
  • his expedition into Britain, ii. 133 et seq., 617–624;
  • character of his reign, ii. 133;
  • his surnames, ib.;
  • professes friendship for England, ib.;
  • his sons, ib.;
  • his treasure at Lincoln, ii. 134, 624;
  • his designs on Ireland, ii. 136, 141, 620;
  • his alleged Irish marriage, ii. 136, 622;
  • his voyage among the islands, ii. 136, 140–142;
  • legend of him and Saint Olaf, ii. 139;
  • seizes the Earls of Orkney, ii. 140;
  • grants the earldom to Sigurd, ib.;
  • his dealings with Galloway, ii. 141;
  • occupies Man, ib.;
  • approaches Anglesey, ii. 143, 619, 621;
  • kills Hugh of Shrewsbury, ii. 144, 620, 621;
  • makes peace with Hugh of Chester, ii. 145;
  • his designs on Anglesey, ib.;
  • his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. 146, 622;
  • and with Scotland, ii. 147;
  • Arnulf of Montgomery negotiates with, ii. 426;
  • his second voyage round Britain, ii. 442;
  • his castle-building in Man, ib.;
  • refuses help to Robert of Bellême, ii. 443, 623, 624;
  • his death, ii. 451;
  • described as “rex Germaniæ,” ii. 619, 620.
• Magnus, Saint, murdered by Hakon, ii. 582.
• Maine,
  • history of, under the Conqueror, i. [203];
  • dissatisfaction in, under Robert, i. [204];
  • alleged derivation of its name, i. [205];
  • submits to Robert, i. [209];
  • stipulation about, in the treaty of Caen, i. [277], ii. 524;
  • men of, send for Hugh son of Azo as their ruler, ii. 195;
  • revolts against Robert, ii. 197;
  • peace of, under Helias, ii. 204;
  • cession of, demanded by William Rufus, ii. 208;
  • his designs on, ii. 213;
  • attacked by Robert of Bellême, ib.;
  • geographical character of the war, ii. 214;
  • beginning of the war of William Rufus in, ii. 167, 215;
  • castles of Robert of Bellême in, ii. 216;
  • teaching of its landscapes, ii. 219;
  • castles of, ii. 219–221;
  • contrasted with England, ii. 220;
  • general submission of, to William Rufus, ii. 241;
  • extent of his conquests in, ii. 245;
  • southern part harried by Rufus, ii. 288;
  • no bribery in, ii. 290;
  • later fortune of, ii. 374.
• Malchus, Bishop of Waterford, consecrated by Anselm, i. [544].
• Malcolm III., King of Scots,
  • invades Northumberland, i. [295];
  • driven back, i. [296];
  • his relations with Robert, i. [297];
  • meets William Rufus at Scots’ Water, i. [301];
  • negotiates with him through Robert, i. [302];
  • two versions of the negotiations, i. [302]–304, ii. 540–545;
  • his alleged homage to Robert, i. [302], ii. 542;
  • question as to his earlier betrothal to Margaret, i. [303], ii. 542;
  • as to the homage for Lothian, i. [303], ii. 541 et seq.;
  • does homage to Rufus, i. [304], ii. 541;
  • his correspondence with Wulfstan, i. [479];
  • his complaints against Rufus, ii. 8;
  • summoned to Gloucester, ii. 9, 590;
  • lays one of the foundation-stones of Durham Abbey, ii. 11;
  • much of his dominions in Durham diocese, ii. 12;
  • Rufus refuses to see him at Gloucester, i. [410], ii. 13, 590;
  • dispute between them, ii. 13;
  • returns to Scotland, ii. 14;
  • invades England, ii. 15, 592;
  • English feeling towards, ii. 16, 595;
  • slain at Alnwick, i. [410], ii. 5, 16, 592;
  • alleged treachery towards him, ii. 16, 592 et seq.;
  • his burial at Tynemouth, ii. 17;
  • translated to Dunfermline, ii. 18;
  • local estimate of his death, ii. 19;
  • his devotion to Margaret, ii. 20;
  • acts as her interpreter, ii. 23;
  • his visit to Romsey, ii. 31, 600;
  • what languages he spoke, ii. 591.
• Malling, Gundulf’s tower at, i. [70].
• Malpeter, Mormaor of Mærne, ii. 36.
• Malvoisin, towers so called, use of, ii. 51, 435, 520, 608.
• Mamers, castle of, ii. 216, 217.
• Man,
  • the centre of Godred Crouan’s dominion, ii. 136;
  • civil war in, ii. 138;
  • occupied by Magnus, ii. 141, 619;
  • his designs with regard to, ii. 142, 620;
  • his castle-building in, ii. 442.
• Manorbeer Castle, birthplace of Giraldus, ii. 95.
• Mantes,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. 175;
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. 176.
• Margam Abbey, ii. 89.
• Margaret, daughter of Eadward,
  • question as to her earlier betrothal to Malcolm, i. [303], ii. 542;
  • her correspondence with Wulfstan, i. [479];
  • her character, ii. 20;
  • her influence on Malcolm, ii. 20, 23;
  • her education of their children, ii. 21;
  • her reforms, ii. 22;
  • increases the pomp of the Scottish court, ii. 23;
  • Scottish feeling towards, ii. 25, 28, 597;
  • hears of her husband’s death, ii. 26, 592, 594;
  • versions of her death, ii. 26–28;
  • her burial at Dunfermline, ii. 28, 597.
• Margaret of Mortagne, wife of Henry of Warwick, ii. 348.
• Marriage, lord’s right of,
  • growth of, under Rufus, i. [336];
  • peculiar to England and Normandy, i. [340];
  • restrained by the charter of Henry I., ii. 353.
• Mary, daughter of Malcolm,
  • brought up in Romsey Abbey, ii. 31, 598;
  • marries Eustace of Boulogne, ii. 31.
• Matilda of Flanders, Queen,
  • lands of, claimed by Henry, i. [195], [197];
  • they are granted to Robert Fitz-hamon, i. [198].
• Matilda, or Eadgyth, Queen, wife of Henry I.,
  • her sojourn at Romsey, ii. 31, 599;
  • her relations with Henry, ib.;
  • tale of her and William Rufus, ii. 32, 600;
  • sought in marriage by Alan of Richmond, ii. 602;
  • sought in marriage by Henry, ii. 31, 382;
  • her beauty and learning, ii. 382;
  • policy of the marriage, ii. 383;
  • wishes to appoint Eadwulf abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 (note);
  • objections to the marriage, ii. 384, 683;
  • appeals to Anselm, ib.;
  • declared free to marry, ii. 385;
  • other versions of the story, ii. 385–387, 683 et seq.;
  • later fables about her marriage, ii. 387, 684, 685;
  • her marriage and coronation, ii. 387, 388;
  • takes the name of Matilda, ii. 305, 388;
  • her nickname of Godgifu, ii. 389;
  • her children, ib.;
  • her character, ii. 390;
  • known as “good Queen Mold,” ii. 391;
  • Robert’s generosity to her, ii. 406;
  • baptized by the name of Eadgyth, ii. 598;
  • god-daughter of Duke Robert, ii. 602.
• Matilda, Empress, daughter of Henry I. and Matilda, ii. 389.
• Matilda, wife of Stephen, and granddaughter of Malcolm, ii. 31.
• Matilda, Abbess of Caen, Anselm’s letter to, ii. 579.
• Matilda, Countess of Perche, natural daughter of Henry the First, ii. 379.
• Matilda, wife of Helias of La Flèche, ii. 196.
• Matilda of Laigle,
  • marries Robert of Mowbray, i. 243 [(note)], ii. 38;
  • holds out at Bamburgh, ii. 54, 609;
  • yields to save her husband’s eyes, ii. 54;
  • her second marriage and divorce, ii. 55, 612.
• Matilda, wife of William of Bellême, signs the foundation-charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. 539.
• Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, marries David of Scotland, ii. 124.
• Matilda of Wallingford, her foundation at Oakburn, i. 376 [(note)].
• Matthew, Count of Beaumont, helps to defend Courcy, ii. 519.
• Matthew Paris, his version of the accession of William Rufus, ii. 461.
• Maule, fortress of, ii. 251, 253.
• Maurice, Bishop of London,
  • his dispute with Anselm, i. [440];
  • crowns Henry I., ii. 350, 681;
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • false story of his approaching death brought to Flambard, ii. 560.
• Mayet Castle, ii. 196;
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. 275;
  • siege of, ii. 289–294, 652;
  • raising of the siege, ii. 294, 653;
  • description of, ii. 652.
• Mediolanum. See [Evreux].
• Mercenaries,
  • employment of under William Rufus, i. [134], [153], [226], ii. 496;
  • their presence tends to promote the fusion of English and Normans, i. [134];
  • their wrong-doings, i. [154], ii. 498;
  • statute of Henry I. against, ib.
• Meredydd, son of Bleddyn,
  • becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. 424;
  • his action on his behalf, ii. 442.
• Merewine of Chester-le-Street, signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Meulan, importance of its position, ii. 183.
• Mevania. See [Anglesey].
• Milford Haven, ii. 95.
• Mona. See [Anglesey].
• Monacledin, Duncan slain at, ii. 36 (note).
• Monarches, use of the title, ii. 484.
• Montacute (near Saint Cenery), castle of, besieged by Duke Robert and destroyed, i. 469 [(note)].
• Montacute Priory, ii. 120.
• Mont Barbé, castle of, at Le Mans, i. [239], [361].
• Montbizot, ii. 232.
• Mont-de-la-Nue, castle of, ii. 216.
• Montfort l’Amaury,
  • fortress of, ii. 251, 253;
  • church of, ii. 254;
  • defended by the younger Simon, ib.
• Montgomery (in Wales),
  • castle of, ii. 77;
  • taken by the Welsh, ii. 104.
• Morel,
  • slays Malcolm, ii. 16, 593;
  • plunders Norwegian ships, ii. 40;
  • holds out at Bamburgh, ii. 54, 610;
  • turns king’s-evidence, ii. 55;
  • his end, ii. 69;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Moreldene, ii. 17.
• Morgan, son of Jestin, ii. 81 (note).
• Morganwg,
  • distinguished from Glamorgan, ii. 85;
  • conquest of, see [Glamorgan].
• Morkere, son of Ælfgar,
  • re-imprisoned by William, i. [13], [14];
  • his signature to a charter of William of Saint-Calais, i. 14 [(note)].
• Moses of Canterbury, ii. 573.
• Motte de Gauthier-le-Clincamp, castle of, ii. 216.
• Mowbray Castle, granted to Nigel of Albini, ii. 612.
• Murtagh, Muirchertach, or Murchard,
  • calls himself king of Ireland, i. [544];
  • Anselm’s letters to, i. 545 [(note)], ii. 581;
  • his answer to the threat of William Rufus, ii. 94;
  • drives Godred Crouan out of Dublin, ii. 137;
  • sends Donald to the Sudereys, ib.;
  • his dealings with Magnus of Norway, ii. 146, 622, 624;
  • marries his daughter to Sigurd, ii. 136, 146, 443, 622;
  • Arnulf of Montgomery’s dealings with, ii. 425, 426, 442.
• Mutilation, feeling with regard to, i. 548 [(note)], ii. 64.

N.

• Neath, borough and abbey of, ii. 88, 89.
• Neauphlé-le-Château, ii. 251;
  • defended by the elder Simon of Montfort, ii. 253.
• Nest, wife of Bernard of Newmarch,
  • her descent, ii. 90;
  • her faithlessness to her husband, ii. 91;
  • her grant to Battle Abbey, ii. 91 (note).
• Nest,
  • wife of Gerald of Windsor, ii. 97, 110 (note);
  • her relations with Henry I., ii. 97, 110 (note), 379.
• Nest, daughter of Jestin, marries Einion, ii. 80.
• Neufchâtel-en-Bray, i. 236 [(note)].
• Neuilly, Robert of Bellême imprisoned at, i. [199].
• Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
  • defended by Robert of Mowbray, ii. 46;
  • taken by William Rufus, ii. 47, 607.
• New Forest,
  • its supposed connexion with the Saxon colony at Carlisle, i. [316], ii. 550;
  • death of Richard son of Duke Robert there, ii. 316;
  • various versions of the death of William Rufus in, ii. 325 et seq.
• Nicolas, Bishop of Llandaff, his charter, ii. 84 (note).
• Nidaros. See [Trondhjem].
• Nigel of Albini,
  • his marriages, ii. 55, 612;
  • Mowbray Castle granted to, ii. 612.
• Nithing Proclamation of William, i. [78].
• Nivard of Septeuil, ii. 252.
• Nomenclature of Wales compared with that of England, ii. 75.
• Nomenclature, personal, illustrations of, ii. 489, 551, 577.
• Norham Castle, founded by Flambard, ii. 272.
• Norman Conquest,
  • at once completed and undone under Rufus and under Henry I., i. [3], [7], [130], ii. 456;
  • England reconciled to it by Henry I., ii. 456;
  • compared with that of Wales, ii. 72.
• Norman nobles,
  • revolt against William Rufus, i. [22] et seq., ii. 465 et seq.;
  • refuse to attend the Easter Gemôt, i. [32];
  • amnesty granted to, by Rufus, i. [88];
  • accepted as Englishmen, i. [132];
  • some loyal to Rufus, i. [62];
  • second revolt of, ii. 37.
• Normandy,
  • chief seat of warfare in the reign of Rufus, i. [178];
  • contrasted with England, [ib.];
  • temptations for the invasion of Rufus, i. [188];
  • under Robert, i. [189], [190];
  • spread of vice in, i. [192];
  • building of castles in, [ib.];
  • its rivalry with France, i. [201];
  • Rufus’s invasion of, agreed to by the Witan, i. [222]–224;
  • its relations with England and France, i. [240];
  • private wars in, i. [241]–244;
  • Orderic’s picture of, i. [271];
  • Rufus crosses over to, i. [273];
  • compared with England, i. [468];
  • her share in the first crusade, i. [547];
  • pledged to Rufus by Robert, i. [555];
  • Rufus takes possession of, i. [566];
  • his rule in, i. [567], [569], [570];
  • renewed anarchy in, on his death, ii. 366.
• Normannus. See [Northman].
• Normans and English,
  • fusion of, i. [130], [134], ii. 401, 455;
  • use of the words, ii. 649.
• Northallerton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, i. [535].
• Northampton,
  • architectural arrangements of the castle, i. [601];
  • constitution of the Council of 1164, i. [602].
• Northman, monk of Christ Church, i. 140 [(note)].
• Northumberland, invaded by Malcolm, i. [296].
• Norwich, see of Thetford moved to, i. [449]; ii. 569.

O.

• Oakburn, a cell of Bec, i. 376 [(note)].
• Odo, Bishop of Bayeux,
  • restored to his earldom, i. [19], ii. 467;
  • his discontent and intrigues, i. [23], [24], ii. 465;
  • his hatred towards Lanfranc, i. [24], [53] (note);
  • his harangue against William Rufus, i. [26], ii. 466;
  • his ravages in Kent, i. [52];
  • occupies Rochester Castle, i. [55];
  • invites Robert over, i. [56];
  • hated by the English, i. [67], [86];
  • moves to Pevensey, i. [70];
  • besieged therein by Rufus, i. [72]–76;
  • surrenders on favourable terms, i. [76];
  • his treachery at Rochester, i. [77];
  • besieged therein, i. [79];
  • agrees to surrender, i. [80];
  • Rufus refuses his terms, i. [81];
  • pleadings made for, i. [83];
  • terms granted to, by Rufus, i. [85];
  • his humiliation and banishment, i. [85]–87;
  • his influence with Duke Robert, i. [199];
  • his exhortation to him, i. [200];
  • marches with him into Maine, i. [208];
  • his further schemes, i. [211];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [560];
  • his death and tomb at Palermo, i. [563], [571], ii. 307;
  • said to have married Philip and Bertrada, ii. 172.
• Odo, Abbot of Chertsey,
  • resigns his abbey, i. [350];
  • restored by Henry, [ib.]
• Odo of Champagne, lord of Holderness,
  • part of the lands of the see of Durham granted to, i. [90];
  • his agreement with the Bishop, i. [93];
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. [109], [117], [120];
  • confiscation of his lands, ii. 66.
• Odo, Duke of Burgundy, his alleged scheme against Anselm, i. [606].
• Ogmore Castle, ii. 86.
• Olaf, Saint, legend of him and Magnus, ii. 139.
• Olaf, son of Godred Crouan, ii. 137, 623.
• Oldbury, ii. 155.
• Omens, William Rufus sneers at the English regard for, ii. 330.
• Ordeal,
  • contempt of William Rufus for, i. [157], [165];
  • Eadmer’s belief in, i. 166 [(note)].
• Orderic,
  • writes Robert of Rhuddlan’s epitaph, i. [128];
  • his picture of Normandy, i. [271];
  • dictates his writings, i. 272 [(note)];
  • his account of the expedition of Magnus, ii. 142;
  • the only writer who mentions Eadgyth-Matilda’s change of name, ii. 687.
• Ordgar,
  • his charge against Eadgar Ætheling, ii. 115, 617;
  • story of his duel with Godwine, ii. 115–117, 617;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 117, 615;
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. 616.
• Ordwine, monk, Anselm’s letters to, ii. 579.
• Orkneys, invaded by Magnus, ii. 140.
• Orm, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Orm’s Head, the, origin of the name, i. 123 [(note)].
• Orricus de Stanton, ii. 555.
• Osbern, monk of Bec, various bearers of the name, i. 374 [(note)].
• Osbern, brother of Flambard, ii. 551.
• Osbern of Orgères, companion of Robert of Rhuddlan, i. [126].
• Osbern of Richard’s Castle, rebels against William Rufus, i. [33].
• Osgod Clapa, his irreverence towards Saint Eadmund, ii. 268.
• Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury,
  • sent with a summons to Bishop William, i. [116];
  • consecrates his cathedral, i. [309];
  • helps at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, i. [533];
  • Anselm confers with him at Winchester, i. [586];
  • receives William of Alderi’s confession, ii. 68;
  • not present at his hanging, ib.;
  • his death, i. [351], ii. 302;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Oswald, Saint, King of the Northumbrians,
  • rebuilds the church of Tynemouth, ii. 17, 604;
  • his relic at Bamburgh, ii. 49, 608.
• Oswine, King of Deira,
  • his martyrdom, ii. 17;
  • invention of his relics, ii. 18, 603;
  • his translation, ii. 18, 606.
• Outillé Castle,
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. 275;
  • burned by him, ii. 288.
• Owen, son of Edwin, ii. 424.
• Oystermouth Castle, ii. 103.

P.

• Padua, siege of, i. 173 [(note)].
• Pagan or Theobald,
  • fortifies Gisors, ii. 186;
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. 186 (note), 190;
  • Gisors restored to, ii. 396.
• Pagan of Montdoubleau,
  • holds Ballon against Duke Robert, i. [209];
  • Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 [(note)];
  • betrays Ballon to William Rufus, ii. 235.
• Pagan of Turberville,
  • holds Coyty, ii. 87;
  • joins the Welsh, ii. 104.
• Palermo, death and tomb of Odo of Bayeux at, i. [563], [571], ii. 307.
• Palgrave, Sir F.,
  • on chivalry, ii. 508;
  • his condemnation of the crusades, ii. 509;
  • on the alleged Domesday of Randolf Flambard, ii. 562–564;
  • his belief in the legend about Purkis, ii. 679.
• Pallium,
  • elder usage as to, i. [482];
  • not needful for the validity of archiepiscopal acts, i. [483].
• Papacy, English feeling as to the schism in, i. [415].
• Paschal II., Pope,
  • speech of William Rufus on his election, i. [623];
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. 582.
• Paul, Abbot of Saint Alban’s,
  • Anselm’s friendship with, i. [424];
  • his death, i. [424], ii. 18.
• Paul, Earl of Orkney,
  • taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. 140;
  • his death in Norway, ii. 140, 581.
• Paula, mother of Helias of La Flèche, ii. 196.
• Peckham manor,
  • mortgaged by Anselm to the monks of Christ Church, i. [559];
  • kept by the monks, i. [596].
• Peers, their right of trial, i. 604 [(note)].
• Pembroke Castle,
  • description of, ii. 96;
  • begun by Arnulf of Montgomery, ib.;
  • later castle, ib.;
  • defended by Gerald of Windsor, ii. 101, 108;
  • surrendered to Henry I. by Arnulf, ii. 450 (note);
  • grant of, by Henry I., ii. 451.
• Pembrokeshire,
  • Flemish settlement in, ii. 70 (note), 74, 88, 615;
  • building of castles in, ii. 93;
  • military character of its buildings, ii. 96.
• Penmon Priory, ii. 129, 130 (note).
• Penrice Castle, ii. 103.
• Percy, house of, beginning of its connexion with Alnwick, ii. 15, 596.
• Perray, castle of, ii. 216.
• Peter of Maule, ii. 252.
• Peterborough, monks of, buy a congé d’élire of Rufus, i. [352].
• Pevensey,
  • held by Robert of Mortain, i. [53], [62];
  • Odo moves to, i. [70];
  • castle of, i. [72];
  • besieged by William Rufus, i. [73]–76;
  • attempted landing of the Normans at, i. [74], ii. 468, 481;
  • surrenders, i. [76];
  • Henry I. gathers his fleet at, ii. 404.
• Philip I. of France,
  • marches with Robert against Eu, i. [238];
  • bought off by William Rufus, i. [239];
  • historical importance of this bribe, [ib.];
  • mediates between William Rufus and Robert, i. [275], ii. 522;
  • helps Robert against William, i. [463];
  • returns to France, i. [464];
  • bought off by William, i. [466];
  • his position compared with that of Helias of Maine, ii. 169;
  • rebuked by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 559 [(note)];
  • puts away his first wife, ii. 171;
  • seeks Emma of Sicily in marriage, ii. 171 (note);
  • his adulterous marriage with Bertrada of Montfort, i. [548], ii. 171, 172;
  • denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. 173;
  • his excommunication, i. [549], ii. 173;
  • his pretended divorce, ii. 173 (note);
  • his sons by Bertrada, ii. 174;
  • grants the Vexin to Lewis, ii. 175;
  • his letter to Anselm, ii. 580.
• Philip, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. 174.
• Philip of Braose, supports William Rufus, i. [472].
• Philip, son of Roger of Montgomery,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [552];
  • conspires against William Rufus, ii. 38;
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Piacenza,
  • Council of, i. [522], [545];
  • no mention of English affairs at, i. [522].
• Pipe Rolls, notices of nomenclature in, ii. 551.
• Poix, lordship of Walter Tirel, ii. 673.
• Ponthieu, acquired by Robert of Bellême, ii. 423.
• Pontlieue, victory of Helias at, ii. 278.
• Pontoise,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. 175;
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. 176;
  • withstands William Rufus, ii. 185;
  • castle and town of, ii. 247;
  • the furthest point in the French campaign of William Rufus, ii. 248.
• Pope,
  • William of Saint-Calais appeals to, i. [103], [109];
  • first appeal made to, i. [119];
  • not to be acknowledged without the king’s consent, i. [414];
  • Anselm insists on the acknowledgement, i. [416];
  • question left unsettled, i. [424];
  • no reference to, in the case of English episcopal appointments, i. [425];
  • position of England towards, i. [496].
• Porchester,
  • Duke Robert lands at, ii. 405;
  • church and castle of, ii. 406 (note).
• Powys, advance of Earl Roger in, ii. 97.
• Prisoners, ransom of, i. [464].
• Purkis, the charcoal-burner, legend of, ii. 679.

Q.

• Quatford,
  • Danish fortification at, ii. 152;
  • castle of, ii. 153;
  • Earl Roger’s buildings at, ii. 154;
  • legend of the foundation of the church, ii. 154 (note).

R.

• Radegund, wife of Robert of Geroy, i. 469 [(note)].
• Radnor, ii. 77.
• Ralph Luffa,
  • Bishop of Chichester, i. [353];
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • whether a mediator between Henry I. and the garrison of Arundel, ii. 430 (note).
• Ralph, Bishop of Coutances, at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444].
• Ralph, Abbot of Seez, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury,
  • driven out by Robert of Bellême, i. [184], [242];
  • his alleged share in the surrender of Arundel, ii. 430 (note).
• Ralph of Aix, death of William Rufus attributed to, ii. 325, 334, 663.
• Ralph of Fresnay and Beaumont,
  • truce granted to, by William Rufus, ii. 230;
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. 231;
  • submits to William Rufus, ii. 241.
• Ralph of Mortemer,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [34];
  • submits to him, i. [231].
• Ralph Paganel, Sheriff of Yorkshire,
  • his treatment of William of Saint-Calais, i. [31];
  • founds Holy Trinity Priory, York, [ib.];
  • his action in regard to Bishop William’s lands, i. [90];
  • at the meeting at Salisbury, i. [111].
• Ralph of Toesny, or Conches,
  • drives out the ducal forces, i. [193];
  • joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, i. [209];
  • his feud with William of Evreux, i. [231], [233], [245];
  • asks help in vain from Duke Robert, i. [234];
  • submits to Rufus, [ib.];
  • his treaties with William of Evreux, i. [267], [270];
  • wars against Robert of Meulan, i. [270];
  • supports William Rufus in his second invasion, i. [472];
  • his death, i. [270];
  • entertains William Rufus, ii. 246.
• Ralph of Toesny, the younger, i. [233], [271].
• Ralph of Wacey, his nickname, ii. 193.
• Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, i. [552].
• Rama, siege of, ii. 117 (note), 122.
• Randolf Flambard, Bishop of Durham,
  • feudal developement under, i. [4];
  • his early history, i. [329], ii. 551;
  • said to have been Dean of Twinham, i. [330], ii. 553;
  • his parents, i. [331];
  • origin of his surname, i. [331], ii. 555;
  • his financial skill, i. [331];
  • his probable share in Domesday, i. [331], ii. 552;
  • his alleged new Domesday, i. [332], ii. 562;
  • Justiciar, i. [333], ii. 557;
  • his loss of land for the New Forest, i. [333];
  • his systematic changes and exactions, i. [333], [339], [346], [348];
  • his alleged spoliation of the rich, i. [334], [341];
  • systematizes the feudal tenures, i. [336] et seq.;
  • his theory of land tenure, i. [337];
  • extent of his changes, i. [340];
  • the law-giver of English feudalism, i. [341];
  • suggests the holding of the revenues of vacant sees, i. [345] et seq., ii. 564;
  • his action in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, i. 363 [(note)];
  • his suit against Anselm, i. [428];
  • attacks and imprisons Robert son of Godwine, ii. 121;
  • King Eadgar’s action towards, ib.;
  • his exactions, ii. 256;
  • joint regent with Bishop Walkelin, ii. 266;
  • see of Durham granted to, ii. 271;
  • his consecration, ib.;
  • character of the appointment, ii. 272;
  • his buildings at Durham, ii. 60, 272;
  • founds Norham Castle, ib.;
  • his personal character, ii. 273;
  • his penitent end, ii. 274;
  • his dealings with Saint Alban’s Abbey, ii. 359 (note);
  • imprisoned by Henry, ii. 361;
  • his escape, ii. 397;
  • adventures of his mother, ii. 398;
  • stirs Duke Robert up against Henry, ib.;
  • said to have brought about desertions to Duke Robert, ii. 404;
  • receives the revenues of the see of Lisieux under cover of his son, ii. 416;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536;
  • entries about, in Domesday, ii. 553;
  • his official position, ii. 557;
  • story of the attempt on his life, ii. 560;
  • his measurement by the rope, ii. 563.
• Randolf Meschines, Earl of Chester, grant of the earldom of Carlisle to, ii. 549.
• Randolf Peverel, ii. 485.
• Randolf, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. 269.
• Ransom, growth of the custom, i. [464].
• Rapes, in Sussex, origin of the name, ii. 564.
• Raymond, Count of Toulouse, refuses to do homage to Alexios, i. 564 [(note)].
• Redemption of land,
  • as devised by Flambard, i. [337];
  • as reformed by Henry I., i. [338], [353].
• Reginald, Abbot of Abingdon,
  • said to have helped in distributing the Conqueror’s treasure, ii. 265 (note);
  • his death, ii. 265 (note), 381 (note).
• Reginald of Saint Evroul, adorns Robert of Rhuddlan’s tomb, i. [128].
• Reginald of Warren, comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. [249], [253].
• Reingar, Bishop of Lucca, his protest in favour of Anselm, i. [622].
• Relief,
  • Flambard’s theory as to, i. [337], [338];
  • enforced by Henry’s charter, i. [338], ii. 353.
• Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln,
  • denounces the slave trade, i. [310];
  • completes the minster, [ib.];
  • his dispute with Thomas of York, i. [311];
  • wins over William Rufus, [ib.];
  • his death, i. [312];
  • alleged miracles at his tomb, i. 312 [(note)];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Rémusat, Charles de, his Life of Anselm, i. 325 [(note)].
• Rhuddlan,
  • attacked by Gruffydd, i. [122];
  • castle of, ii. 77.
• Rhyd-y-gors Castle,
  • built by William Rufus, ii. 97;
  • defence of, ii. 101;
  • gained by the Welsh, ii. 106.
• Rhys ap Tewdwr, King of Deheubarth,
  • driven from and restored to his kingdom, i. [121];
  • his attack on Rhuddlan Castle, i. [122], ii. 78;
  • his defeat and death at Brecknock, ii. 91;
  • effect of his death, ii. 92.
• Rhys ap Thomas, Sir, ii. 95 (note).
• Richard I., compared with William Rufus, i. [290].
• Richard II., recasts Westminster Hall, ii. 262.
• Richard the Good, Duke of the Normans, i. [169].
• Richard, son of Duke Robert, his death, ii. 316.
• Richard,
  • son of Henry I. and Ansfrida, ii. 314, 380;
  • dies in the White Ship, ii. 381.
• Richard, Abbot of Saint Alban’s, ii. 166.
• Richard, Abbot of Ely,
  • his appointment, ii. 360;
  • removed by Anselm, ib.
• Richard of Courcy,
  • besieged by Duke Robert and Robert of Bellême, i. [274];
  • supports William Rufus, i. [472].
• Richard of Montfort, his death before Conches, i. [266].
• Richard of Redvers,
  • supports Henry, i. [221];
  • surrenders to William Rufus, i. [283];
  • joins Henry, i. [320];
  • one of Henry’s inner council, ii. 362;
  • his loyalty to Henry, ii. 399;
  • granted to Henry by Robert, ii. 513.
• Richard Siward, ii. 86.
• Richard Tisone, ii. 596.
• Richer of Laigle, i. 243 [(note)].
• Richera (Richesa), sister of Anselm, his letters to, ii. 579.
• Robert, Duke of the Normans,
  • assertion of his hereditary right, i. 11 [(note)], ii. 460;
  • releases Duncan and Wulf, i. [14];
  • his gifts for his father’s soul, i. [18];
  • compared with William Rufus, i. [20], [226];
  • arguments of the rebels in his favour, i. [24] et seq.;
  • invited to England by Odo, i. [56];
  • sends over Robert of Bellême and others, [ib.];
  • delays his coming, i. [71], [74];
  • his childish boasting, i. [71];
  • his promises to Odo, i. [72];
  • welcomes Bishop William, i. [117];
  • M. le Hardy’s apology for him, i. 175 [(note)];
  • William of Malmesbury’s estimate of him, [ib.];
  • character of his reign foretold by his father, i. [189];
  • anarchy under him, i. [190], [191];
  • his character, i. [190], [298], ii. 393;
  • spread of vice under him, i. [192];
  • his lavish waste, i. [195];
  • sells the Côtentin and Avranchin to Henry, i. [196], ii. 510–516;
  • imprisons Henry and Robert of Bellême, i. [199];
  • Earl Roger makes war on him, [ib.];
  • Odo’s exhortation to him, i. [200];
  • does homage to Fulk of Anjou for Maine, i. [204];
  • Maine submits to him, i. [209];
  • Ballon surrenders to him, i. [210];
  • besieges Saint Cenery, i. [211];
  • blinds Robert Carrel, i. [216];
  • grants Saint Cenery to Robert, grandson of Geroy, i. [217];
  • Alençon and Bellême surrender to him, i. [218];
  • frees Robert of Bellême and Henry, i. [220];
  • asks King Philip to help him against William, i. [237];
  • suspects the loyalty of Maine, ii. 191;
  • asks help of Fulk of Anjou, ii. 192;
  • bargains for the marriage of Fulk and Bertrada, ii. 193, 194;
  • Maine revolts again, ii. 197;
  • his carelessness as to his loss, ii. 200;
  • cleaves to his rights over the bishopric, ib.;
  • marches on Eu, i. [238];
  • a party in Rouen in his favour, i. [248];
  • Henry and Robert of Bellême come to his help, [ib.];
  • sent away from Rouen by Henry, i. [255];
  • is brought back, i. [260];
  • his treatment of the citizens, [ib.];
  • helps Robert of Bellême in his private wars, i. [273];
  • his treaty with William, i. [275]–281, ii. 522, 528;
  • marches against Henry, i. [283];
  • besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, i. [285]–292, ii. 528–535;
  • story of his clemency towards Henry, i. [291], ii. 534;
  • accompanies William to England, i. [295], [297];
  • his relations with Malcolm, i. [297], ii. 541 et seq.;
  • mediates between William and Malcolm, i. [301];
  • former homage of Malcolm to him, i. [302], ii. 542;
  • signs the Durham charter, i. [305], ii. 536;
  • his fresh dispute with William, i. [306];
  • leaves England, i. [307];
  • Henry wars against him, i. [321];
  • consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, i. [406];
  • his challenges to William, i. [435], [436];
  • his meeting with him, i. [461];
  • calls on Philip for help, i. [463];
  • takes La Houlme, i. [465];
  • besieges Montacute, i. 469 [(note)];
  • Henry again wars against him, i. [470];
  • his eagerness to go on the crusade, i. [552];
  • forced to apply to William for help, i. [553];
  • Abbot Geronto mediates between them, i. [553]–555;
  • pledges Normandy to William, i. [555], ii. 506;
  • his conference with William, i. [559];
  • sets forth, i. [560];
  • his conduct as a crusader, i. [560], [564], [565], [566], ii. 394;
  • blessed by Urban at Lucca, i. [561];
  • goes to Rome, [ib.];
  • welcomed by Roger of Apulia, [ib.];
  • crosses to Dyrrhachion, i. [563];
  • does homage to Alexios at Constantinople, i. [564];
  • his presence at Laodikeia and Jerusalem, i. [564], [565], ii. 300;
  • said to have refused the crown of Jerusalem, i. [566];
  • marries Sibyl of Conversana, ii. 312;
  • his reception in Southern Italy, ib.;
  • returns to Normandy, i. [566], ii. 311, 367;
  • gives thanks at Saint Michael’s for his safe return, ii. 367;
  • his renewed misgovernment, ii. 367, 394;
  • his claims to the English throne, ii. 343, 344, 346;
  • supported by William of Breteuil and other Normans, ii. 346, 347;
  • Norman nobles intrigue with, against Henry I., ii. 366, 368;
  • beginning of his war with Henry, ii. 368;
  • his reply to the garrison of Le Mans, ii. 372;
  • plots on his behalf, ii. 395;
  • his grants and promises, ib.;
  • his fleet, ii. 402;
  • desertions to, ii. 404, 409, 686;
  • lands at Portchester, ii. 405;
  • estimate of his conduct in not besieging Winchester, ii. 406;
  • meets Henry near Alton, ii. 409;
  • threatened with excommunication by Anselm, ii. 410;
  • negotiates with him, ii. 412;
  • personal meeting and treaty between the brothers, ii. 412–415, 538, 688–691;
  • returns to Normandy, ii. 414;
  • Henry negotiates with him, against Robert of Bellême, ii. 426;
  • besieges Vignats, ib.;
  • said to have stood godfather to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 602.
• Robert, Bishop of Hereford,
  • foretells the death of Remigius, i. [312];
  • receives Wulfstan’s confession, i. [479];
  • Wulfstan appears to him, i. [480];
  • absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, i. [533];
  • Wulfstan appears to him again, [ib.] and [note];
  • his death, i. [535].
• Robert Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln,
  • accompanies William Rufus to England, i. [13];
  • his appointment, i. [395], ii. 584;
  • his character and offices, i. [395], [447], ii. 584 et seq.;
  • Thomas of York claims the right to consecrate him, i. [433];
  • consecrated by Anselm, i. [445]–447;
  • bribes Rufus, i. [446];
  • his death, i. [448], ii. 587;
  • local legends about, i. [448], ii. 586;
  • said to have besieged Tickhill, ii. 431;
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. 536;
  • not in good favour with monks, ii. 585;
  • his son Simon, ii. 586;
  • meaning of his name, ii. 588.
• Robert, Bishop of Bath, restores the canons of Wells, ii. 487.
• Robert Losinga, Abbot of New Minster,
  • the abbey bought for him by his son, i. [355];
  • his death, ii. 265 (note), 267.
• Robert, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s,
  • his appointment, ii. 359;
  • removed by Anselm, ii. 360.
• Robert of Bellême,
  • sent over to England by Duke Robert, i. [57], ii. 465 et seq.;
  • agrees to surrender Rochester, i. [80];
  • pleadings made for him, i. [84];
  • his history and greatness, i. [179], [180];
  • his character, i. [181];
  • his cruelty and enmities, i. [182]–184, ii. 151, 222;
  • drives out the ducal garrisons, i. [193], [201];
  • sent against Rufus by Robert, i. [57];
  • returns to Normandy and is imprisoned, i. [199], [219];
  • exhortation of Odo against him, i. [201];
  • released at his father’s prayer, i. [219], [220];
  • his subsequent action, i. [242];
  • drives away Abbot Ralph of Seez, i. [184], [242];
  • comes to the help of Duke Robert, i. [248];
  • helped by Robert against his neighbours, i. [273], [274];
  • his oppression at Domfront, i. [319];
  • succeeds to the Norman estates of his father, i. [180], [473];
  • to his English estates, i. [180], ii. 148;
  • men of Domfront revolt against, i. [319];
  • his action in Wales, ii. 113;
  • extent of his estates, ii. 148, 163;
  • his position on the continent and in England, ii. 149, 150;
  • compared with the Counts of Mortain, ii. 149, and with Hugh of Chester, ii. 150;
  • his oppression, ii. 151;
  • his skill in castle-building, ib.;
  • his defences in Shropshire, ii. 152;
  • removes from Quatford to Bridgenorth, ii. 155;
  • builds Careghova Castle, ii. 158;
  • his Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire estates, ii. 159;
  • lands of Roger of Bully granted to, ii. 162;
  • strengthens Gisors Castle, ii. 187;
  • attacks Maine, ii. 213;
  • stirs up William Rufus to war, ii. 215;
  • carries it on, ii. 216;
  • his nickname of “Robert the Devil,” ii. 216, 219;
  • his castles in Maine, ii. 216;
  • wrong and sacrilege done by him, ii. 221, 222;
  • defeated by Helias, ii. 222, 223;
  • takes Helias prisoner, ii. 224;
  • contrasted with William Rufus, ib.;
  • occupies and strengthens Ballon Castle, ii. 235, 282;
  • story of him at the siege of Mayet, ii. 291;
  • hastens to acknowledge Henry I. as king, ii. 362;
  • calls himself the “man” of Helias, ii. 373 (note);
  • plots against Henry, ii. 395;
  • Duke Robert’s grants to, ib.;
  • deserts from Henry, ii. 409;
  • said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. 412;
  • charges brought against, ii. 421;
  • does not appear before the assembly, ib.;
  • proclamation against, ii. 442;
  • again summoned, but refuses to come, ib.;
  • greatness of his possessions, ii. 423;
  • his acquisition of Ponthieu, ib.;
  • his Welsh and Irish allies, ii. 423–426;
  • strengthens his castles, ii. 428;
  • harries Staffordshire, ii. 429;
  • Henry’s faith pledged for his life, ii. 430, 438;
  • seizes the land of William Pantulf, ii. 434;
  • feeling in the army on his behalf, ii. 436;
  • his dealings wth Murtagh and with Magnus, ii. 442;
  • holds out at Shrewsbury, ii. 445;
  • his despair, ii. 446;
  • sues for peace, and submits, ii. 448;
  • his banishment, ii. 449;
  • joy at his overthrow, ib.;
  • his later history, i. [184], ii. 450.
• Robert Carrel,
  • holds Saint Cenery against Duke Robert, i. [215];
  • blinded by him, i. [216].
• Robert of Conteville, i. [115].
• Robert the Cornard, his device of pointed shoes, i. [159], ii. 502.
• Robert of Courcy,
  • marries Rohesia of Grantmesnil, i. 273 [(note)];
  • wounded at Saônes, ii. 222.
• Robert of Curzon, Saint Eadmund’s dealings with, ii. 269.
• Robert the Dispenser,
  • signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 [(note)];
  • invents the surname Flambard, i. 309 [(note)], [331].
• Robert Count of Eu, submits to Rufus, i. [229].
• Robert Fitz-hamon,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. [62];
  • Matilda’s lands granted to, by Rufus, i. [198];
  • his foundation at Tewkesbury, i. [479];
  • story of him and Jestin, ii. 80;
  • estimate of the story, ii. 81, 614;
  • his conquest of Glamorgan and settlement at Cardiff, ii. 81, 84;
  • other notices of, ii. 82;
  • marries Earl Roger’s daughter, ii. 83;
  • his works at Gloucester and Tewkesbury, ii. 84;
  • said to have taken part against Rhys, ii. 91;
  • tells the monk’s dream to William Rufus, ii. 328;
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. 338, 676;
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366;
  • his loyalty to him, ii. 399;
  • said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. 412.
• Robert Fitzharding, his probable origin, i. 46 [(note)].
• Robert the Frisian, Count of Flanders,
  • his interview with William Rufus, i. [411];
  • his expedition to the East, [ib.];
  • his help to the Emperor Alexios, [ib.];
  • his death, [ib.]
• Robert of Jerusalem, Count of Flanders,
  • succeeds his father, i. [412];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551], [560];
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. 581.
• Robert, Earl of Gloucester,
  • natural son of Henry I., ii. 379, 414;
  • marries Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. 83.
• Robert, natural son of Henry I. and Nest, ii. 379.
• Robert Malet, his banishment, ii. 417.
• Robert, Count of Meulan,
  • son of Roger of Beaumont, i. [184];
  • his possessions, i. [185];
  • his exploits at Senlac, [ib.];
  • his fame for wisdom, [ib.];
  • claims Ivry, i. [243];
  • his imprisonment and release, [ib.];
  • advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, i. [417];
  • supports William Rufus, i. [472];
  • his description of Anselm, i. [511];
  • marries Isabel of Vermandois, i. 187 [(note)], [551];
  • his marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 551 [(note)];
  • his answer to Anselm’s discourse, i. [591];
  • his policy towards William Rufus, ii. 182, 184;
  • receives his troops, ii. 182;
  • counsels William Rufus to reject Helias’s offer of service, ii. 243, 641;
  • accompanies Henry to London, ii. 350, 680;
  • one of his councillors, i. [186], ii. 350, 362, 420;
  • does not sign Henry’s charter or letter to Anselm, ii. 366;
  • Norman raid against his lands, ii. 367;
  • his advice to Henry I., ii. 400;
  • his bargain with Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. 418;
  • becomes Earl of Leicester, ii. 419;
  • his death, i. [187], [419];
  • his sons, [ib.];
  • his college at Leicester, ii. 420;
  • Anselm’s letters to him, ii. 580.
• Robert, Earl of Leicester,
  • son of Robert of Meulan, i. [187], ii. 419;
  • founds Leicester Abbey, ii. 420.
• Robert of Montfort,
  • repairs and holds Vaux-en-Belin for William Rufus, ii. 289;
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • his treason to Duke Robert, ii. 427.
• Robert, Count of Mortain,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [33], ii. 470;
  • holds Pevensey against him, i. [53], [62];
  • exhorted by Odo to hold out, i. [70];
  • besieged by William Rufus in Pevensey, i. [73], [76];
  • surrenders, i. [76].
• Robert of Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [35];
  • burns Bath, i. [41];
  • besieges Ilchester without success, i. [42], [44];
  • drives back Malcolm, i. [297];
  • his expedition against him, ii. 16, 592;
  • grants Tynemouth to Saint Alban’s, ii. 19, 605;
  • grounds for his conspiracy, ii. 37, 40;
  • marries Matilda of Laigle, ii. 38;
  • his second revolt against William Rufus, ii. 38, 43;
  • plunders Norwegian ships, ii. 40;
  • refuses redress, ii. 41;
  • summoned to the king’s court, ib.;
  • demands a safe-conduct, ii. 42;
  • his open rebellion, ii. 42, 43;
  • defence and sieges of his fortresses, ii. 46;
  • holds Bamburgh against Rufus, ii. 50, 607;
  • his alleged despair, ii. 51;
  • his escape from Bamburgh, ii. 52, 609;
  • said to have been taken at Tynemouth, ii. 53, 610;
  • threatened with blinding, ii. 54, 610;
  • versions of his later history, ii. 54, 611.
• Robert of Neville,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. 433;
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. 440, 443.
• Robert of Pontefract,
  • plots against Henry I., ii. 395;
  • his banishment, ii. 417.
• Robert, Marquess of Rhuddlan,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [34];
  • attack made on his lands by Gruffydd, i. [122], [124];
  • his probable change of party, i. [123];
  • returns to North Wales, [ib.];
  • his death at Dwyganwy, i. [126];
  • buried at Chester, i. [127];
  • his gifts to Chester, i. 127 [(note)];
  • his connexion with Saint Evroul, [ib.];
  • translated thither, i. [128];
  • Orderic’s epitaph on, [ib.];
  • his lands in North Wales, ii. 77;
  • extension of his possessions, ii. 78.
• Robert of Saint Alban’s, his apostasy, ii. 123.
• Robert of Torigny, his Chronicle, i. 9 [(note)].
• Robert of Veci, first lord of Alnwick, ii. 596.
• Robert, son of Corbet,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. 432;
  • notices of his estates in Domesday, ii. 433 (note);
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. 440, 443.
• Robert,
  • son of Godwine, ii. 117 (note), 118;
  • his exploits in Scotland, ii. 118, 617;
  • King Eadgar’s gifts to, ii. 121;
  • attacked and imprisoned by Randolf Flambard, ib.;
  • goes on the crusade, ii. 122, 617;
  • his exploits and martyrdom, ib.;
  • modern parallels and contrasts with, ii. 123;
  • notices of, in Fordun and William of Malmesbury, ii. 616, 617.
• Robert, son of Harding, i. 45 [(note)].
• Robert, son of Hugh of Montfort, sent to occupy the fortresses of Le Mans, ii. 239.
• Robert, son of Nigel and Gundrada, founder of Byland Abbey, ii. 612.
• Robert, son of Geroy, his rebellion and death, i. [214].
• Robert, grandson of Geroy,
  • Saint Cenery granted to, i. [217];
  • loses the castle, i. [469];
  • Henry Ætheling comes to his help against Robert of Bellême, [ib.]
• Robertson, E. W., on Malcolm’s homage to William Rufus, ii. 540.
• Roche Guyon, La, castle of, ii. 180, 181.
• Rochester,
  • its early history and position, i. [53], [54];
  • later sieges of, i. [53];
  • occupied by Odo, i. [55];
  • the garrison refuse to surrender to William Rufus, i. [77];
  • siege of, i. [79]–85;
  • surrenders, i. [85];
  • benefactions of Rufus to the church, ii. 506.
• Rockingham,
  • Council of (1095), i. [487] et seq.;
  • position and history of the place, i. [489], [490];
  • the castle, i. [490];
  • importance of the council, i. [519];
  • its constitution, i. [602].
• Roger, Count of Sicily,
  • legatine power granted to, i. 525 [(note)];
  • marriage of his daughter, i. [526];
  • besieges Amalfi, i. [561], and Capua, i. [614];
  • forbids conversions of the Saracens, i. [161], [617];
  • contrasted with Henry I., ii. 454.
• Roger, Duke of Apulia,
  • welcomes Duke Robert, i. [561];
  • besieges Amalfi, i. [562];
  • besieges Capua, i. [614];
  • receives Urban and Anselm in his camp, i. [615].
• Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, possibly one of Henry’s inner council, ii. 363.
• Roger, Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, i. [284].
• Roger of Beaumont,
  • father of Robert of Meulan, i. [184];
  • Brionne granted to, by Duke Robert, i. [194];
  • obtains the release of his son, i. [243];
  • his death, i. [472].
• Roger Bigod,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [34];
  • his ravages, i. [36];
  • his action at the meeting at Salisbury, i. [98];
  • signs Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • his loyalty to Henry, ii. 399;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Roger of Bully,
  • greatness of his estates, ii. 159, 161;
  • founds the priory of Blyth, ii. 161;
  • his death, ii. 162;
  • his lands granted to Robert of Bellême, ib.
• Roger of Clare, with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. 321.
• Roger of Lacy,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [33];
  • seizes on Hereford, i. [46];
  • his second rebellion, ii. 39;
  • his trial and sentence, ii. 63.
• Roger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [33], ii. 470;
  • his action in the rebellion, i. [47], [57];
  • his alleged presence before Worcester, ii. 481;
  • at Arundel, i. [58];
  • founds the priory of Saint Nicolas at Arundel, i. 59 [(note)];
  • won over by William, i. [61], ii. 462;
  • his action at the siege of Rochester, i. [80];
  • makes war on Duke Robert, i. [199];
  • his fortresses, i. [200];
  • obtains his son’s release, i. [219];
  • his advance in Powys, ii. 97;
  • his death, i. [473];
  • his buildings at Quatford, ii. 154;
  • his foundation at Wenlock, ib.;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Roger of Mowbray, son of Nigel and Gundrada, ii. 612.
• Roger of Poitou, son of Earl Roger,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [57];
  • his agreement with Bishop William, i. [93];
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. [109], [117], [120];
  • holds Argentan for William Rufus, i. [463];
  • surrenders to Robert, i. [464];
  • plots against Henry I., ii. 395;
  • his share in the rebellion of Robert of Bellême, ii. 423;
  • his banishment, ii. 450.
• Roger of Toesny, son of Ralph and Isabel,
  • county of Evreux settled on, i. [268];
  • his character, [ib.];
  • his dream, i. [269];
  • his death, i. [270].
• Roger, son of Corbet, notices of, in Domesday, ii. 433 (note).
• Rohais, wife of Richard of Clare, ii. 572.
• Rohesia, daughter of Hugh of Grantmesnil, marries Robert of Courcy, i. 273 [(note)].
• Romania, use of the word, i. 564 [(note)].
• Rome,
  • Pope Urban on the unhealthiness of, i. 367 [(note)];
  • treatment of Duke Robert at, i. [561].
• Rope, measurement by, i. 68 [(note)], ii. 562, 564.
• Rosella, daughter of Eadwine, ii. 603.
• Rotrou of Montfort,
  • Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 [(note)];
  • truce granted to, by Rufus, ii. 230;
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. 231.
• Rotrou, Count of Perche,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551];
  • imprisoned in the castle of Le Mans, ii. 373;
  • his mother gives the kiss of peace to Bishop Hildebert, ii. 373 (note).
• Rouen,
  • municipal spirit in, i. [246];
  • the citizens favour William Rufus, i. [247];
  • Henry comes to Robert’s help at, i. [248];
  • its position in the eleventh century, i. [250];
  • ducal castles at, [ib.];
  • cathedral and other churches of, i. [252];
  • its gates and suburbs, i. [252], [253];
  • Robert sent away from, i. [255];
  • taken by Henry, i. [256];
  • treatment of the citizens, i. [260];
  • council held by William Rufus at, ii. 226.
• Rouen,
  • synod of, i. [568];
  • small results of, i. [569].
• Rualedus, story of his treatment by Henry, ii. 540.
• Ruislip, Middlesex, said to have been a cell of Bec, i. 376 [(note)].

S.

• Saer, holds Pembroke Castle, ii. 451.
• Saint Alban’s,
  • Jews at, i. 160 [(note)];
  • the abbey granted to the see of Canterbury, i. [423];
  • four years’ vacancy of, i. [424];
  • grant of Tynemouth to, ii. 18, 605;
  • Flambard’s dealings with, ii. 359 (note).
• Saint Augustine’s, Canterbury,
  • disturbances at, on Guy’s appointment, i. [139];
  • vengeance of William Rufus on, i. [140].
• Saint Cenery, his relics, i. 213 [(note)].
• Saint Cenery-le-Gerey,
  • castle besieged by Duke Robert, i. [211], [215];
  • the former monastery, i. [212];
  • foundation of the castle, i. [214];
  • seized by Mabel, i. [215];
  • surrenders to Robert, [ib.];
  • mutilation of its defenders, i. [216];
  • granted to Robert, grandson of Geroy, i. [217];
  • taken by Robert of Bellême, i. [469].
• Saint David’s,
  • robbed by pirates, ii. 78;
  • tale of William Rufus’s visit to, ii. 93.
• Saint Eadmundsbury,
  • Jews at, i. 160 [(note)];
  • church of, rebuilt by Abbot Baldwin, ii. 268;
  • William Rufus forbids the dedication, ii. 269.
• Saint Evroul,
  • connexion of Robert of Rhuddlan with, i. [127];
  • his translation to, i. [128];
  • burial of Hugh of Grantmesnil at, i. [473].
• Saint Gervase, Rouen, priory of, i. [252].
• Saint James,
  • castle of, occupied by Henry, i. [321];
  • position and remains of, i. [321], [322];
  • granted to Earl Hugh, i. [323], ii. 540.
• Saint Julian, translation of his body, ii. 204.
• Saint Mary-le-bow, roof of the church blown down, i. [308], ii. 589.
• Saint Michael’s Mount,
  • bought of Robert by Henry, i. [196];
  • cession of, demanded by William Rufus, i. [277], ii. 524;
  • buildings on, i. [284];
  • Henry besieged at, i. [284]–292, ii. 528–535;
  • its position, i. [285];
  • later sieges of, i. [286];
  • surrenders to William, i. [292].
• Saint Oswald’s, Worcester, granted to the see of York, i. [447].
• Saint Ouen, Rouen, abbey of, i. [252].
• Saint Remy-du-plain, castle of, ii. 216, 218.
• Saint Saens, its position, i. [235].
• Saint Stephen’s, Caen, gifts of Rufus to, i. [168], ii. 504–506.
• Saint Tyfrydog, desecration of the church, ii. 131.
• Saint Valery,
  • submits to Rufus, i. [227];
  • historical importance of the fact, i. [228].
• Salisbury, assembly at (1096),
  • case of William of Saint-Calais heard at, i. [94] et seq.;
  • constitutional importance of, ii. 56, 57;
  • compared with that of 1086, ii. 58;
  • sentences passed at, ii. 62.
• Salisbury Cathedral,
  • consecration of, i. [308];
  • fall of the tower roof, i. [309];
  • signatures to the foundation charter, i. 309 [(note)]
• Samson, canon of Bayeux,
  • his appointment and consecration to the see of Worcester, i. [542]–544;
  • his great appetite, i. 543 [(note)];
  • consecrates Gloucester Abbey, ii. 317.
• Samson, chaplain to the Conqueror, story of his refusing the bishopric of Le Mans, i. [206].
• Samuel, Bishop of Dublin, consecrated by Anselm, i. [544].
• Sanctuary, right of, decree of the council of Clermont as to, i. 548 [(note)].
• Sanford (Devonshire), held by Roger of Bully, ii. 160 (note).
• Saônes,
  • castle of, ii. 216, 218;
  • Helias defeats Robert of Bellême at, ii. 222.
• Saracens in Sicily,
  • compared with the Jews, i. [161];
  • Anselm’s dealings with, i. [616];
  • conversion of, forbidden by Duke Roger, i. [617];
  • in Spain, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. 306.
• Scandinavians,
  • in Cumberland, i. [315];
  • destroy Carlisle, [ib.]
• Schiavia, Anselm retires to, i. [615].
• Scotland, kingdom of,
  • becomes English, ii. 5;
  • compared with Wales, ii. 6;
  • effects of the Cumbrian conquest on, ii. 8;
  • Margaret’s reforms in, ii. 23;
  • growth of English influence in, ii. 24–26;
  • party feeling in, on Malcolm’s death, ii. 28;
  • dealings of Magnus with, ii. 147;
  • English influence in, under David, ii. 125;
  • results of Eadgar’s succession, ii. 304.
• Scotland, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s,
  • his death, i. [136];
  • disturbances consequent on, i. [139].
• Seez, enmity of Robert of Bellême to its bishops and abbots, i. [183].
• Seit, and others, letter of Anselm to, ii. 577.
• Selby Abbey, granted to the see of York, i. [447].
• Serlo,
  • Bishop of Seez, ii. 521;
  • excommunicates Robert of Bellême, i. [184].
• Serlo, Abbot of Gloucester,
  • visits Wulfstan, i. [479];
  • his warning to William Rufus, ii. 318, 329.
• Shoes, pointed, i. [158], ii. 502.
• Shrewsbury,
  • burial of Earl Hugh at, ii. 145;
  • Robert of Bellême holds out in, ii. 445;
  • castle of, ii. 446;
  • Henry I. marches against, ii. 446, 447;
  • surrender of, ii. 448, 457;
  • Gemóts held at, ii. 452;
  • earldom of, ib.
• Shropshire, defences of,
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. 152;
  • early history of its fortresses, ib.
• Sibyl of Conversana,
  • marries Duke Robert of Normandy, ii. 312;
  • her character, ib.;
  • tales of her death, ii. 312 (note);
  • called Edith, ii. 687.
• Sibyl, daughter of Henry I., marries Alexander of Scotland, ii. 124.
• Sibyl, daughter of Earl Roger, marries Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. 83.
• Sicilian monarchy, the, i. [525].
• Sicily,
  • its relations with England, i. [526];
  • under the Normans, ii. 306.
• Siegfried, Bishop of Seez, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. 539.
• Signs and wonders, i. [176], ii. 246, 258, 302, 316.
• Sigston, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. 535.
• Sigurd,
  • son of Magnus and Thora, ii. 133;
  • earldom of Orkney granted to, ii. 140;
  • his kingdom, ii. 146;
  • his Irish marriage, ii. 136, 146, 443, 622;
  • goes on the crusade, ii. 206.
• Sillé, siege of, compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. 480.
• Simeon, Abbot of Ely, ii. 359.
• Simon, son of Robert Bloet, Dean of Lincoln, i. [448], ii. 586.
• Simon of Montfort, the elder and the younger, ii. 190, 253, 254.
• Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester,
  • his siege of Rochester, i. 53 [(note)];
  • his ancestry, ii. 253.
• Simon of Senlis, Earl of Northampton,
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. 190 (note);
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358.
• Simony, not systematic before Rufus, i. [348].
• Siward Barn, signs the Durham charters, i. [305], ii. 536.
• Siward the priest, ii. 270 (note).
• Slave trade, denounced by Remigius, i. [310].
• Solêmes, priory of, ii. 202.
• Somerset,
  • ravaged by Robert of Mowbray, i. [41], [42];
  • bishopric of, removed to Bath, i. [136], ii. 483 et seq.;
  • use of the name, ii. 488.
• Spain, Saracens in, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. 306.
• Sparsholt, manor of,
  • seized by William Rufus, ii. 380;
  • recovered by Abbot Faricius, ii. 380 (note);
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. 381 (note).
• Stafford, commanded by William Pantulf, ii. 434.
• Stars, shooting, notices of, i. 478 [(note)], ii. 41, 118.
• Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, appeals to the charter of Henry I., ii. 358.
• Stephen, Abbot of Saint Mary’s, York, signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• Stephen, Archdeacon of Romsey, Anselm’s letter to, ii. 578.
• Stephen of Aumale,
  • submits to Rufus, i. [228];
  • one of his Norman supporters, i. [472];
  • conspiracy in his favour, ii. 39, 63;
  • no ground for his claim, ii. 39.
• Stephen of Chartres and Blois,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551], [560];
  • decamps for awhile, i. 566 [(note)].
• Stephen, the Jewish convert, story of, i. [163]–165.
• Stigand, Bishop of Chichester, his death, i. [135].
• Stoke, priory of Clare moved to, i. [376].
• Stone, manor of, ii. 507.
• Stoppele, church of, granted to Twinham, ii. 555.
• Stow, monks of, moved by Robert Bloet to Eynesham, ii. 585, 587.
• Streatham, lands of Bec at, i. [376].
• Stubbs, William, on the alleged Domesday of Flambard, ii. 562.
• Sudereys, disturbances in,
  • on the death of Godred Crouan, ii. 137, 138;
  • invaded by Magnus, ii. 140.
• Sulien, Bishop of Saint David’s, his death, ii. 78.
• Summons, effect of the practice of, ii. 58.
• Sussex, Earls of, i. 60 [(note)].
• Sutton, church at, granted to Abingdon Abbey, ii. 506.
• Swansea Castle, ii. 103.
• Swegen, son of Æthelric, ii. 551.
• Swegen, King, his overthrow at Gainsburgh compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. 480.
• Swinecombe, held by Bec, i. [375].

T.

• Tancard, Abbot of Jumièges, his appointment, i. [570].
• Tenby Castle, ii. 95.
• Tewkesbury Abbey,
  • founded by Robert Fitz-hamon, i. [479], ii. 84;
  • grant of Welsh churches to, ib.
• Thames, great tide in the, ii. 302.
• Theningmannagemót, the, i. [604].
• Theobald of Gisors. See [Pagan].
• Theobald, the White Knight, helps to defend Courcy, ii. 519.
• Thetford, hospital at,
  • founded by William Rufus, ii. 506;
  • the see moved to Norwich, i. [449], ii. 569.
• Thierry, Augustin, on the punishment of the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. 140 [(note)].
• Thomas of London, Archbishop of Canterbury, case of,
  • at Northampton, i. [95];
  • general surprise at his appointment, i. [359];
  • his case compared with those of Anselm and of William of Saint-Calais, i. [597] et seq.
• Thomas of Bayeux, Archbishop of York,
  • at the meeting at Salisbury, i. [95], [102];
  • claims jurisdiction over Lindesey, i. [311], [433];
  • present at Anselm’s consecration, i. [429];
  • asserts his metropolitan rights, i. [431];
  • compromise agreed to, i. [447];
  • at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. 61;
  • not present at the coronation of Henry I., ii. 350 (note), 681;
  • his death, ii. 391;
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536;
  • his alleged coronation of Henry, ii. 682.
• Thomas,
  • son of Flambard, ii. 552;
  • his appointment to the see of Lisieux, ii. 416.
• Thora, mother of Sigurd, ii. 133.
• Thurstan, Abbot of Glastonbury, restored by William Rufus, i. [135].
• Tiberius, Emperor, William Rufus compared to, i. [148].
• Tiberius, Legate, ii. 488.
• Tickhill (Dadesley) Castle, ii. 160;
  • name used indiscriminately with Blyth, ii. 162;
  • surrenders to Henry I., ii. 431;
  • its later history, ii. 432.
• Tinchebrai, English feeling about the battle, ii. 402.
• Toledo, taking of, ii. 306.
• Tooting, lands of Bec at, i. [376].
• Tostig, his works at Tynemouth, ii. 18, 604.
• Touques,
  • William Rufus sets sail from, i. [13];
  • his voyage to, ii. 284;
  • its present appearance, ib.
• Toustain, manor of Sparsholt granted to, ii. 380.
• Tower of London,
  • surrounded by a wall, i. [261];
  • first recorded case of its use as a state prison, ii. 361.
• Tréport, Robert’s fleet at, ii. 402.
• Trondhjem, Saint Olaf’s body translated to, ii. 139.
• Truce of God,
  • confirmed by the synod of Rouen, i. [568];
  • observed by William Rufus, ii. 290.
• Trye, castle of, ii. 188.
• Tunbridge Castle,
  • holds out against William Rufus, i. [53];
  • its position, i. [68];
  • not in Domesday, i. 68 [(note)];
  • granted to Richard of Clare in exchange for Brionne, [ib.];
  • taken by William Rufus, i. [69].
• Turgot, Prior of Durham and Bishop of Saint Andrews,
  • favourably received by William Rufus, i. [298];
  • joins in laying the foundation stone of Durham Abbey, ii. 11;
  • appointed to the see of Saint Andrews, ii. 124;
  • as to the writings attributed to him, ii. 596.
• Turold, Bishop of Bayeux, his appointment, i. [571].
• Turold, Abbot of Peterborough, his death, ii. 267.
• Twinham,
  • connexion of Randolf Flambard with, ii. 553;
  • church of, ii. 554;
  • Earl Godwine a benefactor of, ii. 555.
• Tynemouth,
  • Malcolm’s burial at, ii. 17;
  • history of, ii. 17–19, 602 et seq.;
  • besieged by William Rufus, ii. 47, 606;
  • description of, ii. 48, 606;
  • taking of, ii. 48, 607;
  • alleged escape of Robert of Mowbray to, ii. 53, 609.

U.

• Uhtred, brother of Morkere, ii. 605.
• Uhtred, son of Edwin, besieges Pembroke, ii. 108.
• Uhtred, son of Fergus, ii. 551.
• Ulf, son of Harold and Eadgyth, ii. 134, 135.
• Urban II., Pope,
  • advises Anselm against going to Rome, i. 367 [(note)];
  • English feeling as to his claim to the papacy, i. [415];
  • Anselm claims to acknowledge him, i. [416];
  • the question left unsettled, i. [424];
  • his correspondence with Wulfstan, i. [479];
  • his acknowledgement insisted on by Anselm, i. [486];
  • position of the rival Popes, i. [488];
  • no real objection on William’s part to acknowledge him, i. [489];
  • holds a Council at Piacenza, i. [522], [545];
  • mission of William Rufus to him, i. [524];
  • received at Cremona by Conrad, i. [525];
  • acknowledged by Rufus, i. [528];
  • holds the Council of Clermont, i. [545]–547;
  • preaches the crusades, i. [549];
  • sends Abbot Jeronto on a mission to William Rufus, i. [553], ii. 588;
  • bribed by William, i. [554];
  • sends his nephew, [ib.];
  • blesses Duke Robert and his companions, i. [561];
  • his reception and treatment of Anselm, i. [607], [608], [621];
  • in Roger’s camp at Capua, i. [615];
  • Eadmer’s way of speaking of him, i. 616 [(note)];
  • forbids Anselm to resign, i. [617];
  • holds the Council of Bari, i. [608], [618];
  • his dealings with William of Warelwast, i. [619], [620];
  • threatens William Rufus with excommunication, i. [619];
  • is bribed to give him a respite, i. [620];
  • his treatment of Anselm, i. [621];
  • holds the Lateran Council, i. [607], [621];
  • his death, i. [622], ii. 300, 311;
  • Anselm’s letters to him, i. [612], ii. 582.
• Urse of Abetot, Sheriff of Gloucester and Worcester, at the trial of William of Saint-Calais, i. [94].

V.

• Vacancies, ecclesiastical,
  • policy of William Rufus with regard to, i. [135], [336], [337], [347], [348], ii. 564;
  • older practice as to, i. [350];
  • later instances, i. 351 [(note)];
  • provision of Henry’s charter with regard to, ii. 353.
• Vaux-en-Belin,
  • castle of, ii. 277 (note);
  • burnt by Helias, ii. 288;
  • repaired and held by Robert of Montfort, ii. 289.
• Vescy, house of, ii. 15.
• Vestments, Lanfranc’s view of, i. [95].
• Vetheuil, fortress of, ii. 181.
• Vexin, the French,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. 175;
  • its cession demanded by William Rufus, ib.;
  • national feeling in, ii. 189.
• Victor III., Pope, i. [415].
• Vignats,
  • siege of, ii. 426;
  • foundation of the abbey, ii. 427.
• Vulgrin, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. 634.

W.

• Wace, his use of the words “Normans and English,” ii. 649.
• Walchelm, priest, his vision, ii. 521.
• Waleran, Count of Meulan, i. [186], ii. 419.
• Wales,
  • civil wars in, i. [121];
  • alleged campaign of William Rufus in (1094–1095), i. [476];
  • type of conquest in, ii. 6;
  • disunion in, ii. 6, 99;
  • nature of Rufus’s wars in, ii. 69 et seq.;
  • effect of castle-building in, ii. 70, 76, 77, 108;
  • campaigns of Harold compared with those of Rufus, ii. 71;
  • its conquest compared with the English and Norman Conquests, ii. 72;
  • various elements in, ii. 74;
  • local nomenclature of, ii. 75;
  • earlier wars in, ii. 77–79;
  • beginning of the conquest, ii. 79;
  • revolt in, ii. 99, 100;
  • general deliverance of, ii. 101;
  • first campaign of William Rufus in, ii. 105;
  • English feeling as to the war, ii. 106;
  • his second and third campaigns, i. [572], [583], ii. 110, 111.
• Wales, North, subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. 146.
• Wales, South, Saxon settlements in, ii. 88.
• Walkelin, Bishop of Winchester,
  • sent with a summons to William of Saint-Calais, i. [117];
  • sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. [139];
  • assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, i. [309];
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • his speech to Anselm at the Winchester assembly, i. [586];
  • at the death-bed of William of Saint-Calais, ii. 61;
  • his character and acts, ii. 266;
  • joint regent with Flambard, ib.;
  • William Rufus demands money of, ii. 267;
  • his death, i. [351], ii. 265, 267;
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. 338.
• Wall, Roman, traces of the name, ii. 47.
• Walker (Wallcar), ii. 47 (note).
• Wallknoll, ii. 47, 613.
• Wallsend, i. [47].
• Walter of Corbeuil, Archbishop of Canterbury, his works at Rochester, i. [53], [54] (note).
• Walter, Bishop of Albano,
  • received by William Rufus as Papal Legate, i. [527], ii. 391;
  • brings the pallium, i. [527];
  • refuses to depose Anselm, i. [528];
  • gives the pallium to Anselm, i. [534];
  • stays in England, i. [535];
  • objects of his mission, i. [536];
  • his letters to Anselm, i. [536], [538], ii. 41, 571;
  • accompanies William Rufus to Nottingham, ii. 44.
• Walter of Eyncourt, i. [113].
• Walter Giffard, Earl of Buckingham,
  • submits to Rufus, i. [231];
  • supports Rufus against Robert, i. [472];
  • signs Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • plots against him, ii. 395;
  • his death, i. [473].
• Walter Tirel,
  • entertains Anselm, i. 380 [(note)], ii. 322;
  • his friendship with William Rufus, ii. 321, 322;
  • his parentage, ii. 322, 672;
  • his lordships and marriage, ii. 321, 322, 673;
  • his alleged share in the making of the New Forest, ii. 322, 674;
  • his discourse with the King, ii. 322–325, 661;
  • mentioned in most versions as his slayer, ii. 325;
  • his solemn denial of the charge, ii. 326, 674;
  • no ground for the charge, ii. 657;
  • whether the Walter Tirel of Domesday, ii. 673;
  • legend about the shoeing of his horse, ii. 676.
• Walter of Saint Valery, i. 228 [(note)];
  • goes on the first crusade, i. [551].
• Walter, son of Ansgar,
  • in command at Le Mans, ii. 241, 370;
  • sets fire to Le Mans, ii. 280;
  • confers with Helias, ii. 371.
• Waltham, church of, plundered by Rufus, i. [168], ii. 505, 506.
• Waltheof, Earl of Northampton and Huntingdonshire, grants Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. 18, 604.
• War, private, unlawful in England, ii. 417.
• Wardship, the lord’s right of,
  • established by Flambard, i. [336], [339];
  • oppressive working of, i. [338];
  • peculiar to England and Normandy, i. [340];
  • provision for, in Henry’s charter, ii. 353.
• Weedon Beck, Northamptonshire, said to have been a cell of Bec, i. 376 [(note)].
• Wells (Norfolk), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. 504.
• Wells (Somerset), see of,
  • moved to Bath, i. [136], ii. 483;
  • dislike of the canons to Bishop John’s changes, i. [138], ii. 486;
  • they recover their property under Bishop Robert, ii. 486;
  • charter of William Rufus preserved at, ii. 483.
• Welsh language, endurance of, ii. 75.
• Wenlock, Earl Roger’s foundation at, ii. 154.
• Westminster Hall,
  • its foundation by William Rufus, ii. 259, 262;
  • he holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. 257, 264, 271;
  • recast by Richard II., ii. 262.
• Westmoreland,
  • why not entered in Domesday, i. [313], ii. 547 et seq.;
  • entries of, in the Pipe Rolls, ii. 551.
• Whithern, see of, ii. 551.
• Wido. See [Guy].
• Wilfrith, Bishop of Saint David’s,
  • suspended and restored, i. [534];
  • sides with William Rufus, ii. 94;
  • Gerald of Windsor’s dealings with, ii. 109.
• William the Conqueror,
  • his informal nomination of William Rufus, i. [9], [11];
  • his advice to him, ii. 461;
  • distribution of his treasures, i. [17], [18];
  • compared with Rufus by Odo, i. [26];
  • his ecclesiastical supremacy, i. [105];
  • compared with Rufus, i. [158], [456];
  • foretells the character of Robert’s reign, i. [189];
  • garrisons the castles of the nobles, i. [192];
  • his ecclesiastical position, i. [328];
  • his relations with Lanfranc, [ib.];
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. [380];
  • use of his “days” as a note of time, i. [569];
  • his visit to Saint David’s and his designs on Ireland, ii. 94.
• William Rufus,
  • character of his reign, i. [3];
  • feudal developement under him, i. [4];
  • character of his accession, i. [9]–11, [19]–21, ii. 459–465;
  • his informal nomination by his father, i. [9], [11], ii. 461;
  • not formally elected, i. [9], ii. 459;
  • sets sail from Touques, i. [13];
  • re-imprisons Morkere and Wulfnoth, i. [14];
  • his meeting with Lanfranc, i. [15];
  • his coronation, [ib.];
  • his special oath, i. [16], ii. 460;
  • his coronation rites said to have been imperfect, ii. 461;
  • his distribution of gifts, i. [17];
  • restores Odo to his earldom, i. [19];
  • revolt of the Norman nobles against, i. [22] et seq., ii. 465 et seq.;
  • compared with his father by Odo, i. [26];
  • seizes the temporalities of William of Saint-Calais, i. [30];
  • summons him to his court, i. [31];
  • lays waste his land, i. [32];
  • wins over Earl Roger, i. [61], ii. 462;
  • loyalty of the bishops towards him, i. [63];
  • his appeal and promises to the English, i. [63], [64];
  • their loyalty to him, i. [64], [65], [66];
  • their motives for supporting him, i. [65];
  • accepted as their king, i. [66], [131];
  • marches against the rebels, i. [67];
  • takes Tunbridge Castle, i. [69];
  • marches on Pevensey, i. [72], and takes it, i. [76];
  • his Niðing Proclamation, i. [78];
  • besieges Rochester, i. [79];
  • Odo surrenders to him, i. [80];
  • at first refuses terms to the besieged, i. [81];
  • his answer to the pleadings for them, i. [83];
  • grants terms, i. [85];
  • his confiscations and grants, i. [88];
  • his amnesty to the chief rebels, [ib.];
  • again summons William of Saint-Calais, i. [89];
  • grants him a safe-conduct, i. [91];
  • refuses him the privileges of his order, i. [92];
  • holds a meeting at Salisbury, i. [94];
  • his speeches thereat, i. [98], [107], [110];
  • his offers to Bishop William, i. [111], [114];
  • his answer to Ralph Paganel, i. [112];
  • Durham castle surrendered to, i. [114];
  • summons Bishop William again, i. [116];
  • grants him leave to depart, i. [117];
  • estimate of his behaviour in the case, i. [119], [605];
  • his breach of his promises, i. [132];
  • position of the English under, i. [133];
  • mocks at omens, i. 133 [(note)];
  • his employment of mercenaries, i. [134], [153], [226], ii. 496, 498;
  • early charge of simony against, i. [135];
  • his charter to John of Tours, i. [138];
  • suppresses the disturbances at Saint Augustine’s, i. [139];
  • effects of Lanfranc’s death on him, i. [142], [148], [343];
  • description and character of, i. [5], [143] et seq., ii. 244, 256, 337, 490 et seq.;
  • his surname of Rufus, i. [144];
  • his filial zeal, i. [145];
  • general charges against him, i. [147];
  • his lack of steadfastness, i. [149];
  • his unfinished campaigns, [ib.];
  • his “magnanimity,” i. [149], ii. 497;
  • trick played on, by his chamberlain, i. [150];
  • his “liberality,” i. [151], ii. 492;
  • his extortions, i. [153], ii. 498;
  • his strict government, i. [153], ii. 496;
  • his stricter forest laws, i. [155];
  • dress and manners at his court, i. [158], ii. 500–502;
  • his special vices, i. [157], [159], ii. 497, 502;
  • contrasted with his father, i. [158], [456];
  • his irreligion, i. [159];
  • favours the Jews, i. [161];
  • question as to his scepticism, [ib.];
  • makes the Jewish converts apostatize, i. [162], [614], ii. 504;
  • his dispute with Stephen the convert, i. [163]–165, ii. 504;
  • his blasphemies, i. [165]–167, ii. 503;
  • his favourite oath, i. [108], [112], [164], [289], [391], [511] (note), ii. 61 (note), 503, 650;
  • redeeming features in his character, i. [168];
  • his respect for his father’s memory, i. [168], ii. 505;
  • his ecclesiastical benefactions, ib.;
  • his chivalry, i. [169]–171;
  • law of honour as practised by, i. [85], [92], [169], [408], ii. 14, 237, 244;
  • his schemes against Duke Robert, i. [221];
  • obtains the consent of the Witan to an invasion of Normandy, i. [222]–224;
  • his constitutional language, i. [223];
  • his policy against Normandy, i. [224];
  • his position compared with that of Robert, i. [226];
  • his employment of money, i. [226], [227];
  • joined by the Norman nobles, i. [228] et seq.;
  • bribes Philip of France, i. [237], [239];
  • his position compared with that of his father, i. [240];
  • result of his dealings with Philip, i. [241];
  • his treaty with Conan of Rouen, i. [247];
  • crosses to Normandy, i. [273];
  • his treaty with Robert, i. [275]–279, ii. 522–528;
  • his probable object in the spoliation of Henry, i. [279];
  • his policy towards Henry and Eadgar, i. [281];
  • joins Robert against Henry, i. [283];
  • besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, i. [285]–292, ii. 528–535;
  • personal anecdotes of, i. [287]–292, ii. 497, 532;
  • compared to Alexander the Great, i. [287];
  • contrasted with Robert, i. [290];
  • returns to England, i. [293], [295];
  • sets forth against Malcolm, i. [298];
  • his favourable treatment of the monks of Durham, i. [298], ii. 508;
  • Bishop William reconciled to, i. [299];
  • meets Malcolm at the Scots’ Water, i. [301];
  • his treaty with Malcolm, i. [304];
  • receives the homage of Malcolm, i. [304], ii. 541;
  • signs the Durham charter, i. [305], ii. 536;
  • his fresh dispute with Robert, i. [306];
  • orders the consecration of Lincoln minster, i. [312];
  • his conquest and colonization of Carlisle, i. [313]–318;
  • character of the early years of his reign, i. [325];
  • his relations with Anselm, i. [328];
  • his policy in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, i. [328], [359], [360];
  • influence of Randolf Flambard on him, i. [329], [332] et seq.;
  • his dealings with vacant bishoprics and abbeys, i. [336], [347], [350], ii. 565;
  • his dealings with church lands, i. [345] et seq.;
  • charges of simony brought against, i. [348];
  • story of his appointment to a vacant abbey, i. [352];
  • his first interview with Anselm, i. [385];
  • rebuked by him, i. [386];
  • refuses him leave to return to Normandy, i. [388];
  • petitioned by the Witan to appoint an archbishop, i. [389];
  • his mocking speech about Anselm, i. [390];
  • his sickness, i. [391];
  • repents and sends for Anselm, i. [392], [393];
  • his proclamation of reforms, i. [393];
  • names Anselm archbishop, i. [396];
  • prays him to accept the see, i. [398];
  • invests him by force, i. [400];
  • orders the restitution of the temporalities, i. [403];
  • his recovery and relapse, i. [407];
  • keeps his engagement to Anselm, i. [408];
  • his interview with Robert of Flanders, i. [411];
  • with Anselm at Rochester, i. [412] et seq.;
  • his answer to Anselm’s conditions, i. [417];
  • asks Anselm to confirm his grants of church lands, i. [418];
  • renews his promises and receives Anselm’s homage as archbishop, i. [422];
  • his writ, [ib.];
  • receives Anselm at Gloucester, i. [434];
  • challenged by Robert, i. [435];
  • his dealings with the contributions offered for the war, i. [437];
  • refuses Anselm’s gift, i. [438];
  • gathers his forces at Hastings, i. [441];
  • present at the consecration of Battle Abbey, i. [443], [444];
  • upholds Anselm against Robert Bloet, i. [446];
  • deprives Herbert Bishop of Thetford, i. [448], ii. 569;
  • his interview with Anselm at Hastings, i. [450] et seq.;
  • no synod held under him, i. [452];
  • his answer to Anselm’s prayer to fill the vacant abbeys, i. [455];
  • attempts to get more money out of Anselm, i. [458]–460;
  • sets sail for Normandy, i. [460];
  • vain attempts to settle the dispute between him and Robert, i. [461];
  • castles held by him, i. [462];
  • his levy of English soldiers, i. [465];
  • trick played on them, i. [466];
  • buys off Philip, [ib.];
  • summons Henry and Earl Hugh to Eu, i. [469];
  • returns to England and is reconciled to Henry, i. [470];
  • his Norman supporters, i. [471]–474;
  • causes for his return, i. [474];
  • his alleged Welsh campaign in 1094–1095, i. [476];
  • refuses Anselm leave to go for the pallium, i. [483], [484];
  • will acknowledge no Pope, i. [484];
  • frequency of assemblies under him, i. [487];
  • summons an assembly at Rockingham, i. [487]–519;
  • estimate of his conduct in this dispute, i. [488];
  • his Imperial claims, i. [503];
  • bids the bishops renounce Anselm, i. [512];
  • withdraws his protection from him, [ib.];
  • his appeal to the lay lords, i. [513];
  • his examination and treatment of the bishops, i. [515], [516];
  • summons Anselm before him, i. [517];
  • adjourns the assembly, i. [518];
  • oppresses Anselm’s friends, i. [520];
  • his fresh schemes against him, i. [523];
  • his mission to Urban, i. [524]–526;
  • Walter of Albano’s mission to, i. [527];
  • acknowledges Urban, i. [528];
  • forced to be reconciled to Anselm, i. [529], [531];
  • Anselm refuses the pallium at his hands, i. [532];
  • his position as regards the crusade, i. [553];
  • Abbot Jeronto’s mission to him, [ib.];
  • Normandy pledged to him, by Robert, i. [555];
  • his taxation for the pledge-money, i. [556]–559, ii. 506;
  • his conference with Robert, i. [559], ii. 207;
  • takes possession of Normandy, i. [566], ii. 207;
  • his grants to Henry, i. [567];
  • his rule in Normandy, i. [567]–570;
  • his appointments to Norman prelacies, i. [570];
  • returns to England, i. [571];
  • his expeditions against Wales, i. [572], [583], ii. 69 et seq.;
  • complains of Anselm’s contingent, i. [572];
  • summons him to his court, i. [574];
  • refuses him leave to go to Rome, i. [582], [583], [584];
  • holds an assembly at Winchester, i. [584] et seq.;
  • his conditional leave to Anselm, i. [592];
  • his last interview with Anselm, i. [593];
  • blessed by him, i. [594];
  • seizes on the estates of his see, i. [595];
  • estimate of his behaviour towards William of Saint-Calais and towards Anselm, i. [605];
  • Anselm pleads against his excommunication, i. [611], [618];
  • probable effect of an excommunication, i. [611], [612];
  • Anselm’s and Urban’s letters to, i. [613];
  • his mission to Urban, i. [613], [619];
  • threatened with excommunication, i. [619];
  • bribes Urban, i. [620];
  • his words on Urban’s death and Paschal’s election, i. [623], ii. 311;
  • growth of the English power and nation under, ii. 4;
  • effects of his reign on the union of Britain, ii. 6;
  • complaints made against, by Malcolm, ii. 8;
  • sends Eadgar to invite him to Gloucester, ii. 9, 590;
  • refuses to see him, ii. 13, 590;
  • dispute between them, ib.;
  • his probable pretensions, ib.;
  • observes his safe-conduct, ii. 14, 591;
  • story of him and Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 31, 600;
  • grants the Scottish crown to Duncan, ii. 34;
  • revolt of Robert of Mowbray against him, ii. 37 et seq.;
  • orders Robert to make good his plunder of the merchants, ii. 41;
  • summons him to his court, ib.;
  • refuses him a safe-conduct, i. [42];
  • marches against him, i. [537], ii. 43;
  • takes Newcastle, ii. 47,
    • and Tynemouth, ii. 48, 606;
  • besieges Bamburgh, ii. 50, 607;
  • makes the Malvoisin tower, ii. 51, 608;
  • leaves Bamburgh, ii. 52, 609;
  • holds an assembly at Salisbury, ii. 56;
  • refuses to spare William of Alderi, ii. 67;
  • nature of his Welsh wars, ii. 69 et seq.;
  • builds castles in Wales, ii. 70, 112;
  • his campaign compared with that of Harold, ii. 71, 105;
  • his alleged designs on Ireland, ii. 93;
  • his first Welsh campaign, ii. 105;
  • his second and third campaigns, i. [572], [583], ii. 110, 111;
  • his relations with Eadgar Ætheling, ii. 114;
  • doubtful policy of his grant to Robert of Bellême, ii. 148, 162;
  • character of his last years, ii. 163;
  • his designs on France, ii. 167;
  • demands the cession of the Vexin, ii. 175;
  • crosses to Normandy, ii. 167, 176;
  • excesses of his followers in England, ii. 176;
  • chief men on his side, ii. 178;
  • his treatment of his prisoners, ii. 179, 190;
  • his prospects, ii. 184;
  • failure of his plans, ii. 185;
  • befriends Bishop Howel of Le Mans, ii. 201;
  • his interview with Helias, ii. 208–210;
  • delays his attack on him, ii. 210;
  • his anger at the election of Hildebert, ii. 213, 625;
  • his designs on Maine, ii. 613;
  • stirred up to war by Robert of Bellême, ii. 215;
  • contrasted with him, ii. 224;
  • his treatment of Helias, ii. 225;
  • his speech at the council of Rouen, ii. 226;
  • levies an army, ii. 227;
  • invades Maine, ii. 229;
  • grants a truce to Ralph of Fresnay, ii. 230;
  • his march onwards, ii. 232;
  • arrives at Le Mans, ii. 233;
  • ravages Coulaine, ii. 234, 625, 627;
  • raises the siege of Le Mans, ii. 234;
  • his treatment of the knight at Ballon, ii. 237;
  • Le Mans submits to, ii. 239;
  • his entry, ii. 240;
  • receives the general submission of Maine, ib.;
  • his interview with Helias, ii. 242–245, 640–645;
  • his seeming quotation from Lucan, ii. 642;
  • sets Helias free, ii. 244, 628, 642, 643;
  • extent of his conquests in Maine, ii. 245;
  • invades the Vexin, ii. 246;
  • besieges Chaumont, ii. 248;
  • agrees to a truce, ii. 255;
  • ill-success of his French war, ib.;
  • his gemóts in 1099, ii. 257;
  • his architectural works a national grievance, ii. 257–260;
  • legal position of his reign, ii. 263;
  • his object in building Westminster Hall, ib.;
  • holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. 257, 264;
  • demands money of Bishop Walkelin, ii. 267;
  • forbids the dedication of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. 269;
  • hears of the recovery of Le Mans by Helias, ii. 283, 645;
  • his ride to the coast, ii. 283;
  • his voyage to Touques, ii. 284, 645–652;
  • his speech to the sailors compared with that of Julius Cæsar, ii. 497, 647;
  • his ride to Bonneville, ii. 285, 646;
  • marches against Le Mans, ii. 287;
  • passes through it and harries southern Maine, ii. 288;
  • besieges Mayet, ii. 289–294, 653;
  • observes the Truce of God, ii. 290;
  • his narrow escape at Mayet, ii. 293;
  • raises the siege, ii. 294, 653;
  • failure of the campaign, ib.;
  • his treatment of Le Mans, ii. 295;
  • leaves garrisons and returns to England, ii. 296;
  • Hildebert reconciled to, ii. 297, 626;
  • bids Hildebert pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. 297, 654;
  • compared with Æthelred, ii. 307;
  • his schemes of conquest, ii. 307, 311;
  • contradiction in his character, ii. 308;
  • his chivalrous feelings, ii. 237;
  • illustrations of his character, ii. 244, 256;
  • his dealings with William of Aquitaine, ii. 313;
  • prepares to occupy Aquitaine, ii. 314;
  • his alleged designs on the Empire, i. [7], ii. 314;
  • Abbot Serlo’s warning to, ii. 318, 329;
  • his alleged dream, ii. 319–321;
  • his discourse with Walter Tirel, ii. 322–325;
  • his death, ii. 325;
  • whether accidental, ii. 325, 657;
  • various versions thereof, ii. 327, 657–676;
  • its immediate impression and abiding memory, ii. 335, 336, 663;
  • his death looked on as a judgement, ii. 665;
  • contrasted with that of Charles I., ii. 337;
  • his end and character, ib.;
  • his alleged penitence, ii. 331, 332, 337;
  • accounts of his burial, ii. 338–340, 676–680;
  • his popular excommunication, ii. 340;
  • portents at his death, ii. 341;
  • advantage given to the Popes by his reign, ii. 377;
  • effect of his reign on the fusion of races, ii. 456.
• William III., his fearlessness in danger compared with that of William Rufus, ii. 652.
• William Ætheling, son of Henry I. and Matilda, ii. 389.
• William Clito, son of Robert and Sibyl, ii. 312 (note).
• William, natural son of Robert, ii. 316.
• William Bona Anima, Archbishop of Rouen,
  • consecrates Bishop Howel, i. [208];
  • consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, i. [406];
  • said to have married Philip and Bertrada, ii. 172 (note).
• William of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Durham,
  • his influence with William Rufus, i. [23];
  • his treason against him, i. [28], [30];
  • different statements of his conduct, i. [28], ii. 469–474;
  • his alleged services to William, i. [29], [111], ii. 473;
  • his temporalities seized, i. [30], ii. 470;
  • his letter to the King, i. [30];
  • summoned before him, i. [31];
  • treatment of, by Ralph Paganel, [ib.];
  • evidence against him, i. [35], ii. 470;
  • again summoned by William, i. [89];
  • complains of Ralph Paganel, i. [90];
  • comes with a safe-conduct, i. [91];
  • asserts his ecclesiastical claims, [ib.];
  • goes back to Durham, i. [92];
  • further ravaging of his lands, [ib.];
  • his agreement with the Counts Alan and Odo, i. [93];
  • his conduct at the meeting at Salisbury, i. [95];
  • denies the authority of the court, i. [96], [97];
  • formal charge against him, i. [98], ii. 473;
  • his answer, i. [99];
  • debates on the charge, i. [101]–103;
  • appeals to Rome, i. [103], [109];
  • sentence pronounced against him, i. [106];
  • renews his appeal, [ib.];
  • William demands the surrender of Durham castle, i. [107];
  • appeals to Alan and Odo, i. [108];
  • final sentence against, i. [110];
  • asks for an allowance, [ib.];
  • surety for the ships demanded of him, i. [111];
  • new charges against, i. [113], [116];
  • Lanfranc interferes on his behalf, i. [113];
  • conditions and difficulties about his sailing, i. [114]–116;
  • surrender of Durham castle, i. [114], ii. 472;
  • Odo and Alan interfere on his behalf, i. [117];
  • allowed to depart to Normandy, [ib.];
  • importance of the story, i. [117]–120;
  • scarcely noticed by modern historians, ii. 474;
  • restored to his bishopric, i. [299];
  • his renewed influence with William, i. [300];
  • his grant to the church of Durham, i. [305], ii. 535;
  • advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, i. [417];
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. [444];
  • assists in the consecration of Robert Bloet, i. [445];
  • plots against Anselm, i. [497], [500];
  • aspires to the primacy, i. [501];
  • his promises to William and speech to Anselm, i. [502];
  • recommends force, i. [510];
  • his case compared with those of Anselm and Thomas, i. [597] et seq.;
  • his rebuilding of his church, ii. 11, 60;
  • invites Malcolm to the foundation ceremony, ib.;
  • probably concerned in Robert of Mowbray’s rebellion, ii. 38;
  • portents foretelling his death, ii. 59;
  • summoned to take his trial, ii. 60;
  • his death, i. 478 [(note)], [542], ii. 61;
  • debate as to his burying-place, ii. 61;
  • substitutes monks for canons, ii. 60.
• William of Warelwast, Bishop of Exeter,
  • his first mission to Urban, i. [524], [525];
  • returns with the Legate Walter, i. [526];
  • searches Anselm’s luggage at Dover, i. [595];
  • his second mission to Urban, i. [613], [619];
  • his secret dealings with him, i. [620];
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366.
• William of Passavant, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. 636, 640, 656.
• William, Bishop of Thetford, his death, i. [354].
• William Giffard, Bishop of Winchester,
  • his appointment to the see, ii. 349;
  • later notices of, ii. 349, 578;
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. 358;
  • probably one of Henry’s inner council, ii. 362;
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. 366.
• William, Archdeacon of Canterbury, sent to inquire into the matter of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 384.
• William of Alderi, his sentence and death, ii. 66–68.
• William of Albini, defends Rochester, i. 53 [(note)].
• William, Duke of Aquitaine,
  • helps William Rufus against Lewis, ii. 250, 251;
  • seat of war affected by his coming, ii. 250, 252;
  • his crusade, ii. 313;
  • proposes to pledge his duchy to Rufus, ib.
• William of Arques, monk of Molesme, i. 220 [(note)], [256].
• William of Bellême, founds Lonlay Abbey, ii. 539.
• William of Breteuil,
  • son of Earl William Fitz-Osbern, drives out the ducal forces, i. [193];
  • Ivry granted to, by Duke Robert, i. [194];
  • joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, i. [209];
  • his war with Ascelin Goel, i. [243];
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. [249];
  • imprisons William son of Ansgar, i. [261];
  • marches against Conches, i. [261], [266];
  • his imprisonment and ransom, i. [267];
  • settles his estates on Roger of Toesny, i. [268];
  • his natural children, i. 268 [(note)];
  • maintains Robert’s claim to the throne, ii. 346, 680.
• William Capra, ii. 508.
• William, son of Robert Count of Eu,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. [33];
  • his ravages in Gloucestershire, i. [41], [44];
  • submits to William, i. [229];
  • suggests an invasion of Normandy, i. [411];
  • supports William Rufus, i. [472];
  • conspires against him, ii. 39, 44;
  • his combat with Geoffrey of Baynard and defeat, ii. 63;
  • sentenced to mutilation, ii. 64, 65, 68;
  • his faithlessness to his wife, ii. 64.
• William, Count of Evreux,
  • drives out the ducal forces, i. [193];
  • his feud with Ralph of Toesny, i. [231], [233], [245];
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. [249];
  • marches against Conches, i. [261], [266];
  • makes Roger of Toesny his heir, i. [268];
  • his later treaty with Ralph of Toesny, i. [270];
  • wars against Robert of Meulan, [ib.];
  • his bargain about Bertrada’s marriage, ii. 193;
  • charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. 241;
  • granted to Henry by Robert, ii. 514;
  • his banishment and death, i. [270].
• William Fitz-Osbern, story of him and Eudo of Rye, ii. 463.
• William of London or Londres, his settlement at Kidwelly, ii. 86, 102.
• William of Malmesbury, his Gesta Regum and Gesta Pontificum, ii. 492.
• William of Mandeville, ii. 397.
• William of Moion, his grant of Dunster church, ii. 489.
• William of Montfichet, legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. 338, 676.
• William of Montfort, recommended by Anselm as his successor at Bec, ii. 575.
• William, Count of Mortain,
  • founds Montacute priory, ii. 120;
  • his vision of William Rufus, ii. 342;
  • doubts as to his loyalty to Henry I., ii. 404;
  • his banishment, ii. 453;
  • his imprisonment and alleged blinding, ib.
• William Pantulf,
  • Robert of Bellême’s dealings with, ii. 434;
  • joins Henry, ib.;
  • commands at Stafford, ib.;
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. 434 (note);
  • negotiates with Jorwerth, ii. 439;
  • mediates at Bridgenorth, ii. 441.
• William Peverel,
  • holds La Houlme for William Rufus, i. [463];
  • surrenders to Robert, i. [465];
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. 536.
• William of Pont de l’Arche, ii. 464.
• William Talvas, his capture of Geoffrey of Mayenne, i. [214].
• William Tisonne, ii. 596.
• William of Wacey, taken prisoner by Helias, ii. 222.
• William of Warren, Earl of Surrey,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. [59];
  • receives the earldom of Surrey, i. [60], 62 [(note)];
  • his death and burial at Lewes, i. 62 [(note)], [76].
• William of Warren the younger, Earl of Surrey,
  • helps to defend Courcy, ii. 519;
  • deserts from Henry I., ii. 409;
  • his enmity towards him, ib.;
  • his banishment, ii. 416,
    • and restoration, ii. 417.
• William, son of Ansgar, i. [247];
  • his imprisonment and ransom, i. [261].
• William, son of Anskill,
  • his estates seized by William Rufus, ii. 380;
  • his marriage, ii. 381 (note).
• William, son of Baldwin,
  • builds Rhyd-y-gors castle, ii. 97;
  • defends it, ii. 101;
  • his death, ii. 106.
• William, son of Geroy, rescues Geoffrey of Mayenne from William Talvas, i. [214].
• William, grandson of Geroy, poisoned, i. 469 [(note)].
• William, son of Holdegar, ii. 551.
• Williams, John, on Jestin ap Gwrgan, ii. 614.
• Wills. See [Bequest].
• Winchcombe, fall of the tower, i. [307].
• Winchester,
  • wealth of the treasury at, i. [17];
  • Jews at, i. 160 [(note)];
  • special gemót at (1093), i. [422];
  • its position under the Norman kings, ii. 261;
  • burial of Rufus at, ii. 340;
  • fall of the minster tower, ii. 341;
  • Duke Robert declines to besiege it, ii. 406.
• Witenagemót,
  • held three times a year, i. 222 [(note)];
  • gradually becomes less popular, i. [602];
  • lessened freedom of speech in, i. [603];
  • inner and outer council of, [ib.]
• Witsand, William Rufus said to have set sail from, i. 13 [(note)].
• Wlurintun, grant of the manor, ii. 507.
• Worcester,
  • rebel nobles march against, i. [47];
  • its position, i. [48];
  • its deliverance by Wulfstan, i. [48]–51, ii. 475–481.
• Worm’s Head, name of, ii. 615.
• Wulf, son of Harold, set free by Robert, i. [14].
• Wulfgar the huntsman,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. 433;
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. 440, 443.
• Wulfgeat the huntsman, ii. 433 (note).
• Wulfnoth, son of Godwine,
  • reimprisoned by William Rufus, i. [13], [14];
  • signs a charter of William of Saint-Calais, i. 14 [(note)];
  • signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 [(note)].
• Wulfric the huntsman, ii. 433 (note).
• Wulfstan, Saint, Bishop of Worcester,
  • attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, i. [18], [19] (note);
  • defends Worcester against the rebels, i. [48]–51, ii. 475–481;
  • excommunicates them, i. [51];
  • legendary growth of the story, ii. 477;
  • decides between Anselm and Bishop Maurice, i. [440];
  • his sickness, i. [478];
  • his dinner with “good men,” [ib.];
  • his correspondence, i. [479];
  • confesses to Robert of Hereford, [ib.];
  • his death, i. [477], [480];
  • entry as to his death, i. 478 [(note)];
  • appears to Bishop Robert of Hereford, i. [480], 533 [(note)];
  • his burial, i. [480];
  • honour paid to him by King John, i. [481];
  • his action against the fashion of wearing long hair, ii. 501.

Y.

• Yeovil, i. 43 [(note)].
• Yeovilton, i. 43 [(note)].
• York, Priory of Holy Trinity at,
  • founded by Ralph Paganel, i. [31];
  • massacre of Jews at, i. 160 [(note)];
  • Saint Peter’s Hospital at, gifts of Rufus to, i. [168], ii. 506;
  • its deliverance in 1069 compared with that of Le Mans, ii. 279.

Transcriber’s Note

Footnotes were renumbered sequentially and were moved to the end of the book. There are two anchors to Footnote 1476.

Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside down, or partially printed letters and punctuation, were corrected. Final stops missing at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added. Duplicate letters at line endings or page breaks were removed. Letters with diacriticals not available in UTF-8 are displayed within brackets, like this: [~s]. Elipses were standardized. Descriptive text contained within maps was added as a caption to illustrations.

The Table of Contents and Chronology were formated so that they display satisfactorily in ebook readers.

Duplicate sidenotes, repeated over page breaks, were removed. In ebook readers, sidenotes may appear in-line, highlighted in light grey.

Transliteration of words in Greek can be seen by hovering the cursor over the word.

Obsolete words, spelling variations, inconsistent hyphenation, and misspelled words were not changed.

Appendices referenced in this volume are found in Volume 2. The Index appears at the end of Volume 2. It was replicated with links in this volume, for the convenience of readers. Use of punctuation in the index was made consistent.

The following additional items were changed:

• Replaced hyphen with space: lay folk.
• Changed December 35 to December 25 in the Contents.
• Added space in ‘u. s.’ to several footnote references for consistency.