The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume 2 (of 2)

by Edward A. Freeman

FOOTNOTES.

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[1] In this chapter we have to make more use than usual of the Scottish, British, and Northumbrian writers. I do not undertake to go very deeply into any purely literary questions about them. I have simply used them for facts, and have dealt with their statements according to the usual rules of criticism. The Scottish and Northumbrian writers will be found in Mr. Skene’s edition of Fordun and in the Surtees Society’s edition of Simeon. This last contains, among other things, Turgot’s Life of Saint Margaret and the passages from Fordun which profess to be extracts from Turgot. The Surtees’ text and Mr. Skene’s text do not always agree, but their differences are not often of much importance for my purposes. It is certainly strange if some of these passages really come from a contemporary writer. For Welsh matters we are, to my mind, better off. Unhappily I do not know enough of the Welsh tongue really to make use of the originals, though I am not utterly at the mercy of the translator as to proper names and technical terms. In the Chronicles and Memorials are two volumes of most valuable matter which need a fresh editor. It is not my business to enter into any questions as to their authorship, how far it is due to Caradoc of Llancarfan or anybody else. In any case the Latin Annales Cambriæ, meagre as they are, form a thoroughly good and trustworthy record, but the Editor seems in many places to have been unable either to read his manuscript or to construe his Latin. Many of the readings too which are most valuable historically are thrust into notes. The Welsh Brut y Tywysogion, published in the same series by the same Editor, is a fuller version of the Annals, and also I believe essentially trustworthy. I have been obliged to quote this in the translation, though often with some doubts as to its accuracy. In the preface a good deal of matter by the late Mr. Aneurin Owen is reprinted without acknowledgement. There is also another Brut y Tywysogion, otherwise “The Gwentian Chronicles of Caradoc of Llancarvan,” translated by Mr. Owen and published by the Cambrian Archæological Association. Here we have the translating and editing of a really eminent Welsh scholar, but the book, as a historical authority, is very inferior to either the Latin Annals or the other Brut. A great deal of legendary matter, some of which must be of quite a late date, has been thrust in. I quote the more trustworthy Brut in the Chronicles and Memorials as the elder, and that published by the Cambrian Archæological Association as the later Brut.

[2] Chron. Petrib. 1093. See [Appendix BB].

[3] See vol. i. p. 304.

[4] Chron. Petrib. 1093. See [Appendix BB].

[5] See vol. i. p. 307.

[6] See vol. i. p. 298.

[7] See vol. i. p. 410.

[8] See vol. i. p. 421.

[9] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 259.

[10] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 355.

[11] See vol. i. p. 417.

[12] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 237.

[13] See N. C. vol. v. p. 629.

[14] So says the Northern interpolator of Florence whom we are used to call Simeon, 1093; “Ecclesia nova Dunelmi est incepta tertio idus Augusti feria quinta, episcopo Willelmo et Malcholmo rege Scottorum et Turgoto priore ponentibus primos in fundamento lapides.” Fordun (v. 20) says the same in a passage which purports to come from Turgot, and of which we shall have to speak again. It is certainly remarkable, as Mr. Hinde remarks in his note on the passage in the Gesta Regum (i. 104), that in the History of the Church of Durham (iv. 8) Simeon makes no mention of Malcolm. “Eo die episcopus, et qui post eum secundus erat in ecclesia prior Turgotus, cum cæteris fratribus primos in fundamento lapides posuerunt. Nam paulo ante, id est, iiii. Kal. Augusti feria vi. idem episcopus et prior, facta cum fratribus oratione, ac data benedictione, fundamenta cœperant fodere.”

[15] Chron. Petrib. 1093. See [Appendix BB].

[16] Ib.

[17] This is from Florence. See [Appendix BB].

[18] See [Appendix BB].

[19] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 58, 119, 576, 579.

[20] Chron. Petrib. 1093. See [Appendix BB].

[21] See [Appendix CC].

[22] See vol. i. p. 297.

[23] See [Appendix CC].

[24] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 315, 648.

[25] See [Appendix CC].

[26] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Hine sloh Moræl of Bæbbaburh se wæs þæs eorles stiward and Melcolmes cinges godsib.” See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 456, 777.

[27] On the history of Tynemouth, see [Appendix FF].

[28] Will. Malms. iii. 250. “Humatus multis annis apud Tinemuthe, nuper ab Alexandro filio Scotiam ad Dunfermlin portatus est.”

[29] Sim. Dun. Gesta Regum, 1093. “In cujus morte justitia judicantis Dei aperte consideratur, ut videlicet in illa provincia cum suis interiret, quam sæpe ipse vastare avaritia stimulante consuevit, quinquies namque illam atroci depopulatione attrivit, et miseros indigenas in servitutem redigendos abduxit captivos.”

[30] Ib. “Exercitus illius vel gladiis confoditur, vel qui gladios fugerunt inundatione fluminum, quæ tunc pluviis hiemalibus plus solito excreverant, absorti sunt.”

[31] Ib. “Corpus regis, cum suorum nullus remaneret qui terra illud cooperiret, duo ex indigenis carro impositum in Tynemuthe sepelierunt.”

[32] Sim. Dun. Gesta Regum, 1093. “Sic factum est ut, ubi multos vita et rebus et libertate privaverat, ibidem ipse Dei judicio vitam simul cum rebus amitteret.”

[33] I am sorry that Mr. Burton (Hist. Scotland, i. 416) should have thought it necessary to tell the story of Margaret and her biographer in somewhat mocking tones. I can see nothing but what is exquisitely beautiful and touching in her life as written by Turgot, for Turgot I suppose it really is.

[34] Turgot, Vit. Marg. vi. (Surtees Simeon, p. 241), enlarges on this head; “Fateor, magnum misericordiæ Dei mirabar miraculum, cum viderem interdum tantam orandi regis intentionem, tantam inter orandum in pectore viri sæcularis compunctionem.” He adds, “Quæ ipsa respuerat eadem et ipse respuere, et quæ amaverat, amore amoris illius amare.” William of Malmesbury (iv. 311) speaks to the same effect; Malcolm and Margaret were “ambo cultu pietatis insignes, illa præcipue.”

[35] So witnesses Turgot in the chapter just quoted; “Libros in quibus ipsa vel orare consueverat vel legere, ille, ignarus licet literarum, sæpe manu versare solebat et inspicere: et dum ab ea quis illorum esset ei carior audisset, hunc et ipse cariorem habere, deosculari, sæpius contrectare.” Then follows about the bindings.

[36] Turgot is of course full on this head throughout, and we have a further witness from our own Florence (1093) and Orderic (701 D). From the last we get her bounty to Iona—​that barbarous name is more intelligible than any other. In his words it is “Huense cœnobium quod servus Christi Columba, tempore Brudei, regis Pictorum, filii Meilocon, construxerat.”

[37] Turgot, in his fourth chapter, enlarges on the strict order which Margaret kept in her household, especially among her own attendant ladies. “Inerat enim reginæ tanta cum jocunditate severitas, tanta cum severitate jocunditas, ut omnes qui erant in ejus obsequio, viri et feminæ, illam et timendo diligerent et diligendo timerent. Quare in præsentia ejus non solum nihil execrandum facere, sed ne turpe quidem verbum quisquam ausus fuerat proferre. Ipsa enim universa in se reprimens vitia, cum magna gravitate lætabatur, cum magna honestate irascebatur.”

[38] Orderic (703 B, C) has his panegyric on the three brothers, and specially on David; but it is William of Malmesbury (v. 400) who is especially emphatic on the unparalleled purity of life of all three. “Neque vero unquam in acta historiarum relatum est tantæ sanctitatis tres fuisse pariter reges et fratres, maternæ pietatis nectar redolentes; namque præter victus parcitatem, eleemosynarum copiam, orationum assiduitatem, ita domesticum regibus vitium evicerunt, ut nunquam feratur in eorum thalamos nisi legitimas uxores isse, nec eorum quenquam pellicatu aliquo pudicitiam contristasse.”

[39] Will. Malms, ib. “Solus fuit Edmundus Margaritæ filius a bono degener.” We shall hear of him and his doings presently.

[40] Turgot, viii. p. 243. “Scottorum quidam, contra totius ecclesiæ consuetudinem, nescio quo ritu barbaro missam celebrare consueverunt.”

[41] Ib. viii. (Surtees Simeon, p. 243). “Qui [Malcolmus] quoniam perfecte Anglorum linguam æque ac propriam noverat, vigilantissimus in hoc concilio utriusque partis interpres extiterat.”

[42] Ib. vii. (p. 242). “Obsequia regis sublimiora constituit, ut eum procedentem sive equitantem multa cum grandi honore agmina constiparent, et hoc cum tanta censura, ut quocumque devenissent, nulli eorum cuiquam aliquid liceret rapere, nec rusticos aut pauperes quoslibet quolibet modo quisquam illorum opprimere auderet vel lædere.” He describes at some length the new-fashioned splendour which she brought into the Scottish court, and adds; “Et hæc quidem illa fecerat, non quia mundi honore delectabatur, sed, quod regia dignitas ab ea exigebat, persolvere cogebatur.”

[43] Take for instance our own Chronicle, 1093; “Da þa seo gode cwen Margarita þis gehyrde, hyre þa leofstan hlaford and sunu þus beswikene, heo wearð oð deað on mode geancsumed, and mid hire prestan to cyrcean eode, and hire gerihtan underfeng, and æt Gode abæd þæt heo hire gast ageaf.” Florence and Orderic are much to the same effect.

[44] These details come from Turgot, chap. xii, xiii. He was not himself present, having seen her for the last time some while before her death, but late enough to bear witness (chap. xii.) to her expectation of death. The story of her last moments was told to Turgot by a priest who was specially in the Queen’s favour, who was present at her death, and who afterwards became a monk at Durham as an offering for her soul. “Post mortem reginæ, pro ipsius anima perpetuo se Christi servitio tradidit; et ad sepulchrum incorrupti corporis sanctissimi patris Cuthberti suscipiens habitum monachi, seipsum pro ea hostiam obtulit.”

[45] Turgot, ib. “Ipsa quoque illam, quam Nigram Crucem nominare, quamque in maxima semper veneratione habere consuevit, sibi afferri præcepit.” Another manuscript has “Crucem Scotiæ nigram.”

[46] “Quinquagesimum psalmum ex ordine decantans;” that is the fifty-first in our reckoning.

[47] “Ille quod verum erat dicere noluit, ne audita morte illorum continuo et ipsa moreretur; nam respondebat, eos benevalere.”

[48] “Sed in omnibus his non peccavit labiis suis, neque stultum quid contra Deum locuta est.” We must always remember the common habit of reviling God and the saints which it was thought rather a special virtue to be free from. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 24, note.

[49] “In laudem et gratiarum actionem prorupit, dicens: ‘Laudes et gratias tibi, omnipotens Deus, refero, qui me tantas in meo exitu angustias tolerare, hasque tolerantem ab aliquibus peccati maculis, ut spero, voluisti mundare.’”

[50] The place is not mentioned by Turgot in the Life. According to Fordun (v. 21), who professes to copy Turgot, Margaret died “in castro puellarum;” see the Surtees Simeon, p. 262.

[51] “Quod mirum est, faciem ejus, quæ more morientium tota in morte palluerat, ita post mortem rubor cum candore permixtus perfuderat, ut non mortua sed dormiens credi potuisset,” Cf. the picture of her uncle Eadward. See N. C. vol. iii. p. 15.

[52] See [Appendix DD.]

[53] See [Appendix AA.]

[54] Three parties are clearly described by Mr. E. W. Robertson, i. 155. There were the remnants of the partisans of the house of Moray, the house of Macbeth, the party of the North, and the partisans of the reigning house, divided into a strictly Scottish and an English party. The success of Donald must have been owing to a momentary union of the first two of these parties. I hardly know what to make of the statement in the Turgot extracts (Simeon, p. 262) that Donald arose “auxilio regis Norwegiæ.”

[55] He appears in Fordun (v. 21) as “Donaldus Rufus vel Bane, frater regis.” One cannot too often remind oneself of the true position of Macbeth. I was perhaps a little hard on him in N. C. vol. ii. p. 55.

[56] Chron. Petrib. 1093. “Þa Scottas þa Dufenal to cynge gecuron, Melcolmes broðer, and ealle þa Englisce út adræfdon, þe ǽr mid þam cynge Melcolme wæron.” So Florence; “Omnes Anglos qui de curia regia extiterunt de Scottia expulerunt.”

[57] See N. C. vol. i. p. 315. And compare the alleged design for a massacre of Normans, N. C. vol. v. p. 281.

[58] In the passages just quoted only English are mentioned. We hear of English and French directly afterwards, when the strangers are driven out in Duncan’s time. This difference may be accidental, or it may be meant to mark a specially Norman element under Duncan which had not shown itself under Malcolm.

[59] Fordun, v. 21. “Filios et filias regis et reginæ sororis suæ congregatos in Angliam secum secretius traduxit, et eos per cognatos et cognitos, non manifeste sed quasi in occulto nutriendos, destinavit. Timuit enim, ne Normanni, qui tunc temporis Angliam invaserant, sibi vel suis malum molirentur, eo quod Angliæ regnum eis hereditario jure debebatur.”

[60] See [Appendix EE].

[61] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 244, 294–309.

[62] See N. C. vol. v. p. 169.

[63] See [Appendix EE].

[64] See [Appendix EE].

[65] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 57. “Quem pannum in ipsius quidem præsentia gemens ac tremebunda ferebam, sed mox ut me conspectui ejus subtrahere poteram, arreptum in humum jacere, pedibus proterere, et ita quo in odio fervebam, quamvis insipienter, consueveram desævire. Isto, non alio modo, teste conscientia mea, velata fui.”

[66] See [Appendix EE].

[67] See vol. i. p. 435.

[68] See vol. i. p. 438.

[69] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 517; vol. v. p. 121. Will. Malms. v. 400; “Ille [Willelmus] Duncanum, filium Malcolmi nothum, militem fecit.” So Fordun, v. 24; “Duncanus, Malcolmi regis filius nothus, cum obses erat in Anglia cum rege Willelmo Rufo, armis militaribus ab eo insignitus.” See N. C. vol. iv. p. 785.

[70] See vol. i. pp. 13, 305.

[71] Chron. Petrib. 1093. “Da þa Dunecan Melcolmes cynges sunu þis eall gehyrde þus gefaren, se on þæs cynges hyrede W. wæs, swa swa his fæder hine ures cynges fæder ær to gisle geseald hæfde, and her swa syððan belaf, he to þam cynge com, and swilce getrywða dyde, swa se cyng æt him habban wolde.” So Florence; “Quibus auditis, filius regis Malcolmi, Dunechan, regem Willelmum, cui tunc militavit, ut ei regnum sui patris concederet petiit, et impetravit, illique fidelitatem juravit.” William of Malmesbury (v. 400) perhaps goes a step too far in saying that William “Duncanum … regem Scottorum mortuo patre constituit.” Fordun (v. 24) takes care to leave out the homage; Duncan is “ejus [Willelmi] auxilio suffultus;” that is all.

[72] Chron. Petrib. 1093. “And swa mid his unne to Scotlande fór, mid þam fultume þe he begytan mihte, Engliscra and Frenciscra [see note, vol. i. p. 30], and his mæge Dufenal þes rices benam, and to cynge wærð underfangen.” So Florence; “Ad Scottiam cum multitudine Anglorum ac Normannorum properavit.”

[73] “Ac þa Scottas hi eft sume gegaderoden, and forneah ealle his mænu ofslogan, and he sylf mid feawum ætbærst.” So Florence.

[74] “Syððan hi wurdon sehte on þa gerád, þæt he næfre eft Englisce ne Frencisce into þam lande ne gelogige.” So Florence; “Post hæc illum regnare permiserunt, ea ratione ut amplius in Scottiam nec Anglos nec Normannos introduceret, sibique militare permitteret.” Mr. Robertson (i. 158) fixes the date of this revolution to May, 1094, which is very likely in itself. But it seems to come from the confused statement of Fordun (v. 24) that Donald reigned six months (November 1093-May 1094), and then Duncan a year and six months, which is a year wrong anyhow.

[75] See Robertson, i. 158, without whose help I might not have recognized a Mormaor in the person described by Fordun (u. s.) as “comes de Mesnys, nomine Malpei, Scottice Malpedir.” William of Malmesbury (v. 400) witnesses to the share of Eadmund, “qui Duvenaldi patrui nequitiæ particeps, fraternæ non inscius necis fuerit, pactus scilicet regni dimidium.” See above, [p. 22].

[76] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ðises geares eac þa Scottas heora cyng Dunecan besyredon and ofslogan, and heom syððan eft oðre syðe his fæderan Dufenal to cynge genamon, þurh þes lare and totihtinge he wearð to deaðe beswicen.” So Florence; “Interim Scotti regem suum Dunechan, et cum eo nonnullos, suasu et hortatu Dufenaldi per insidias peremerunt, et illum sibi regem rursus constituerunt.” Fordun adds the place of his death and burial; “Apud Monthechin [Monachedin on the banks of the Bervie, says Mr. Robertson] cæsus interiit et insula Iona sepultus.”

[77] See vol. i. p. 474.

[78] Orderic (703 A, B) brings in his account of the rebellion of Earl Robert with a general remark on the pride and greediness of the Normans who had received large estates in England. He then describes their dissatisfaction with the rule of William Rufus in words which are not altogether discreditable to the King; “Invidebant quippe et dolebant quod Guillelmus Rufus audacia et probitate præcipue vigeret, nullumque timens subjectis omnibus rigide imperaret.” That is to say, such justice and such injustice as he did—​and in the case of Robert of Mowbray we shall find him doing justice—​were both dealt out without respect of persons. Orderic does not specially mention the hunting-laws; but William of Malmesbury (iv. 319) speaks of their harshness, and adds, “Quapropter multa severitate quam nulla condiebat dulcedo, factum est ut sæpe contra ejus salutem a ducibus conjuraretur.” He then goes on to speak of Robert of Mowbray. I hardly see the ground for the word “sæpe.”

[79] Hen. Hunt. vii. 4. “Robertus consul Nordhymbra, in superbiam elatus, quia regem Scottorum straverat.”

[80] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 654.

[81] See vol. i. pp. 249, 256.

[82] See above, [p. 16].

[83] See the extract from the Chronicles in p. 55, note 2.

[84] He is on the list in Florence, 1096.

[85] Ord. Vit. 704 C. See vol. i. p. 33.

[86] So says Florence, 1095. “Northymbrensis comes Rotbertus de Mulbrei et Willelmus de Owe, cum multis aliis, regem Willelmum regno vitaque privare, et filium amitæ illius, Stephanum de Albamarno, conati sunt regem constituere, sed frustra.” On the pedigree, see N. C. vol. ii. p. 632.

[87] See vol. i. p. 279.

[88] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 576.

[89] Ord. Vit. 703 C. “Primus cum complicibus suis futile consilium iniit, et manifestam rebellionem sic inchoavit. Quatuor naves magnæ quas canardos vocant, de Northwegia in Angliam appulsæ sunt. Quibus Rodbertus et Morellus nepos ejus ac satellites eorum occurrerunt, et pacificis mercatoribus quidquid habebant violenter abstulerunt.”

[90] Ib. “Illi autem, amissis rebus suis, ad regem accesserunt, duramque sui querimoniam lacrimabiliter deprompserunt.”

[91] Ord. Vit. 703 C. “Qui mox imperiose mandavit Rodberto ut mercatoribus ablata restitueret continuo. Sed omnino contempta est hujusmodi jussio, magnanimus autem rex quantitatem rerum quas amiserant inquisivit, et omnia de suo eis ærario restituit.”

[92] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “And þa to Eastran heold se cyng his hired on Winceastre, and se eorl Rodbeard of Norðhymbran nolde to hirede cuman, and se cyng forðan wearð wið hine swiðe astyrod, and him to sænde, and heardlice bead, gif he griðes weorðe beon wolde, þæt he to Pentecosten to hired come.”

[93] Ib. “On þisum geare wæron Eastron on viii. kal. Apr̃. and þa uppon Eastron, on Sc̃e Ambrosius mæsse night, þæt is ii. noñ Apr̃. wæs gesewen forneah ofer eall þis land, swilce forneah ealle þa niht, swiðe mænifealdlice steorran of heofenan feollan, naht be anan oððe twam, ac swa þiclice þæt hit nan mann ateallan ne mihte.”

[94] See vol. i. p. 478.

[95] See vol. i. pp. 527 et seqq.

[96] See N. C. vol. pp. 149, 621.

[97] See vol. i. p. 530.

[98] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Hereæfter to Pentecosten wæs se cyng on Windlesoran, and ealle his witan mid him, butan þam eorle of Norðhymbran, forðam se cyng him naðer nolde ne gislas syllan ne uppon trywðan geunnon, þæt he mid griðe cumon moste and faran.”

[99] Ib. “And se cyng forði his fyrde bead, and uppon þone eorl to Norðhymbran fór.” Orderic (703 D) seems also to mark the presence both of the national force and of mercenaries; “Tunc rex, nequitiam viri ferocis intelligens, exercitum aggregavit et super eum validam militiæ virtutem conduxit.”

[100] See vol. i. p. 32.

[101] See the extract in [note 1], p. 38. The same seems to be the idea of the Hyde writer, p. 301; “Malcolmum … bellando cum toto pene exercitu interfecit, dum bellare contra regem Willelmum temptat fortuito, ab eo est captus et carceri mancipatus.”

[102] See vol. i. p. 537. This fact comes out only in the two letters from Anselm to Walter of Albano; Epp. Ans. iii. 35, 36. In the first he says “quotidie expectamus ut hostes de ultra mare in Angliam per illos portus, qui Cantuarberiæ vicini sunt, irruant.” He speaks to the same effect in the next letter. They were “in periculo vastandi vel perdendi terram.”

[103] The presence of the Archbishop of York and the Cardinal comes from the second letter. There the Cardinal and Anselm part from the King and Thomas. From the former letter we see that the place was Nottingham.

[104] Ep. iii. 35. “Dominus meus rex ore suo mihi præcepit, antequam ab illo apud Notingeham discederem, et postquam Cantuarberiam redii, mihi mandavit per litteras proprio sigillo signatas, ut Cantuarberiam custodiam, et semper paratus sim ut quacunque hora nuntium eorum qui littora maris ob hoc ipsum custodiunt audiero, undique convocari jubeam equites et pedites, qui accurrentes violentiæ hostium obsistant.” So in Ep. 36; “Rex mihi præcepit ut illam partem regni sui in qua maxime irruptionem hostium quotidie timemus, diligenter custodirem, et quotidie paratus essem hostibus resistere si irruerent.”

[105] Ord. Vit. 703 D. “Ut rex finibus Rodberti appropinquavit.”

[106] See vol. i. p. 68.

[107] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Gislebertus de Tonnebrugia, miles potens et dives, regem seorsum vocavit, et pronus ad pedes ejus corruit, eique nimis obstupescenti ait,” &c.

[108] See N. C. vol. i. p. 327.

[109] Ord. Vit. 703 D. “Præfato barone indicante, quot et qui fuerant proditores, agnovit.”

[110] Ib. 704 A. “Delusis itaque sicariis, qui regem occidere moliti sunt, armatæ phalanges prospere loca insidiarum pertransierunt.”

[111] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 672.

[112] Ib. p. 667.

[113] Wallsend is often mentioned in the Durham charters, beginning with the grants of Bishop William to his own monks; Scriptores Tres, iv. Wallcar—that is, in local language, the meadow by the wall—​has got sadly degraded into Walker. See [Appendix CC].

[114] On Bamburgh, see [Appendix FF].

[115] The Farn Islands, close off Bamburgh, must not be confounded with Lindisfarn, some way to the north. Bæda (Vit. Cuthb. 17) carefully distinguishes them; “Farne dicitur insula medio in mari posita, quæ non, sicut Lindisfarnensium incolarum regio, bis quotidie accedente æstu oceani, quem rheuma vocant Græci, fit insula, bis renudatis abeunte rheumate littoribus contigua terræ redditur, sed aliquot millibus passuum ab hac semi-insula ad eurum secreta, et hinc altissimo et inde infinito clauditur oceano.” See Hist. Eccl. iii. 16, iv. 27, 29, v. 1. It is spoken of as “insula Farne, quæ duobus ferme millibus passuum ab urbe [Bamburgh] procul abest.”

[116] See vol. i. p. 291.

[117] Will. Gem. viii. 8. See vol. i. p. 552.

[118] Florence says only, “Moreal vero factæ traditionis causam regi detexit.” The Chronicler is fuller; “Moreal wearð þa on þes cynges hirede, and þurh hine wurdon manege, ægðer ge gehadode and eac læwede, geypte þe mid heora ræde on þes cynges unheldan wæron.”

[119] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Þa se cyng sume ær þære tíde hét on hæftneðe gebringan.”

[120] Ib. “Syððan swiðe gemahlice ofer eall þis land beodan, þæt ealle þa þe of þam cynge land heoldan, eallswa hi friðes weorðe beon woldan, þæt hi on hirede to tide wæron.”

[121] The change of place seems clear from the Chronicle. The entry for 1096 begins; “On þison geare heold se cyng Willelm his hired to Xp̃es mæssan on Windlesoran, and Willelm biscop of Dunholme þær forðferde to geares dæge. And on Octab’ Epyphañ wæs se cyng and ealle his witan on Searbyrig.” Florence is to the same effect. See vol. i. p. 542.

[122] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 394, 406.

[123] Ib. vol. i. p. 102; vol. v. p. 415.

[124] Ib. vol. v. p. 420.

[125] See N. C. vol. v. p. 408.

[126] The vision of Boso fills the ninth chapter of the fourth book of Simeon’s Durham history. He sees first, “Per campum latissimum totius hujus provinciæ indigenas congregatos, qui equis admodum pinguibus sedentes, et longas, sicut soliti sunt, hastas portantes, earumque collisione magnum facientes strepitum, multa ferebantur superbia.” One might have taken these mounted spearmen for Normans; but we read, “Multo majori quam priores superbia secuti sunt Francigenæ, qui et ipsi frementibus equis subvecti et universo armorum genere induti, equorum frementium sonitu et armorum collisione immanem late faciebant tumultum.” Lastly came the worst class of all; “Deinde per extensum aliquot miliariis campum innumeram feminarum multitudinem intueor, quarum tantam turbam dum admirarer, eas presbyterorum uxores esse a ductore meo didici. Has, inquit, miserabiles et illos qui ad sacrificandum Deo consecrati sunt, nec tamen illecebris carnalibus involvi metuerunt, væ sempiternum et gehennalium flammarum atrocissimus expectat cruciatus.” But how vast must have been the number of priests in the bishopric, if their wives, seemingly not on horseback, filled up so much room. The monks of Durham, on the other hand, were seen in a beautiful flowery plain, all except two sinners, whose names are not given, but who were to be reported to the Prior in order that they might repent.

[127] The nature of the omen does not seem very clear; “In loco vastæ ac tetræ solitudinis, magna altitudine domum totam ex ferro fabrifactam aspexi, cujus janua dum sæpius aperiretur sæpiusque clauderetur, ecce subito episcopus Willelmus efferens caput, ubinam Gosfridus monachus esset a me quæsivit.” This monk Geoffrey must surely be the same as the one we heard of before as concerned in Bishop William’s former troubles (see vol. i. p. 116). This gives the confirmation of an undesigned coincidence to that story.

[128] See N. C. vol. iv. p 674.

[129] Ib. vol. v. p. 631.

[130] It is curious that, while the Durham writer implies the summons by the use of the word “placitum” in the account of Boso’s vision, he gives no account of the summons in his own narrative. The gap is filled up by William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 273; “Non multo post orto inter ipsum et regem discidio, ægritudine procubuit apud Gloecestram. Ibi tunc erat curia, et jussus est episcopus exhiberi, ut causam suam defensaret.” The place of King William’s sickness in 1093 is here confounded with the place of Bishop William’s sickness in 1096. But Gloucester was the right place for holding the Gemót, though it was held at Windsor.

[131] Will. Malms. u. s. “Cui cum responsum esset infirmitate detineri quo minus veniret: ‘Per vultum de Luca fingit se,’ inquit. Enimvero ille vera valitudine correptus morti propinquabat.”

[132] Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Dun. iv. 10. We have already had the date of his death in the Chronicle. He died “instante hora gallicantus.”

[133] See Simeon, u. s., and Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 273. The names of the bishops come from Simeon.

[134] Simeon, u. s. “Placuit ergo illis, ut in capitulo tumulari deberet, quatenus in loco quo fratres cotidie congregarentur, viso ejus sepulchro, carissimi patris memoria in eorum cordibus cotidie renovaretur.” William of Malmesbury speaks to the same effect. But no amount of good works could save him from being crushed by Wyatt and the Durham Chapter.

[135] Simeon is eloquent on the grief at his death; “Nullus enim, ut reor, tunc inter illos erat, qui non illius vitam, si fieri posset, sua morte redimere vellet.” The puzzling contradictions as to the character of this bishop follow him to the grave.

[136] Orderic (704 D) speaks of the “consules et consulares viri,” who were known to have had a share in the conspiracy, and were now ashamed of themselves; “Porro hæc subtiliter rex comperiit, et consultu sapientum hujusmodi viris pepercit. Nec eos ad judicium palam provocavit, ne furor in pejus augmentaretur,” &c.

[137] See vol. i. p. 61.

[138] Ord. Vit. 704 C. “Hugonem, Scrobesburensium comitem, privatim affatus corripuit, et acceptis ab eo tribus millibus libris, in amicitiam callide recepit.”

[139] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Þær beteah Gosfrei Bainard Willelm of Ou þes cynges mæg, þæt he heafde gebeon on þes cynges swicdome.” So Florence. Stephen’s name is not here mentioned; but we have already seen (see [p. 39]) what the exact charge was, and Odo, Stephen’s father, is significantly mentioned just after.

[140] The Chronicle seems to make the accuser the challenger; “And hit him ongefeaht, and hine on orreste ofercom, and syððan he ofercumen wæs, him het se cyng þa eagan ut adón, and syþðan belisnian.” But perhaps the meaning is really the same as in the account of William of Malmesbury (iv. 319); “Willelmus de Ou, proditionis apud regem accusatus delatoremque ad duellum provocans, dum se segniter expurgat, cæcatus et extesticulatus est.” Orderic says merely, “palam de nequitia convictus fuit,” without saying how.

[141] Unless anything special was done, or meant to be done, to Grimbald after the siege of Brionne. See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 270–273.

[142] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 490, 491, 496.

[143] Ord. Vit. 704 C. “Hoc nimirum Hugone Cestrensium comite pertulit instigante, cujus sororem habebat, sed congruam fidem ei non servaverat.”

[144] See his character in N. C. vol. iv. p. 490.

[145] See N. C. vol. v. p. 159.

[146] All the accounts agree as to the punishment. Florence says specially, “oculos eruere et testiculos abscidere;” so it was the worst form of blinding. The Hyde writer (301) employs an euphemism; “Rex oculis privavit et per omnia inutilem reddidit.”

[147] Chron. Petrib. 1093. “And sume man to Lundene lædde, and þær spilde.” This last word seems to imply mutilation of any kind, whether blinding or any other.

[148] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 30.

[149] Their names come over and over again in the Gloucester Cartulary. See the [Index].

[150] Liber de Hyda, 301. “Ernulfus de Hednith [sic], statura procerus, industria summus, possessionibus suffultus, apud regem tam injuste quam invidiose est accusatus.”

[151] Ib. “Denique cum se bello legitimo per unum ex suis contra unum ex hominibus regis facto defendisset atque vicisset.”

[152] Liber de Hyda, 301. “Tanto dolore et ira est commotus ut, abdicatis omnibus quæ regis erant in Anglia, ipso rege invito et contradicente, discederet.”

[153] Ib. 302. “Vincit Dominus, quare medicus me non continget, nisi ille pro cujus amore hanc peregrinationem suscepi.”

[154] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðær wearð eac Eoda eorl of Campaine, þæs cynges aðum, and manege oðre, belende.” Florence says; “Comitem Odonem de Campania, prædicti scilicet Stephani patrem, Philippum Rogeri Scrobbesbyriensis comitis filium, et quosdam alios traditionis participes, in custodiam posuit.”

[155] Ib. “And his stiward Willelm hætte se wæs his modrian sunu, het se cyng on rode ahón.”

[156] Flor. Wig. 1097. “Dapiferum illius Willelmum de Alderi, filium amitæ illius, traditionis conscium, jussit rex suspendi.”

[157] Will. Malms. four iv. 319. “Plures illa delatio involvit, innocentes plane et probos viros. Ex his fuit Willelmus de Alderia, speciosæ personæ homo et compater regis.” So the Hyde writer (301); “Willelmum etiam de Aldriato, ejusdem Willelmi dapiferum, de eadem conjuratione injuste, ut aiunt, accusatum patibulo suspendi præcepit.”

[158] Liber de Hyda, 302. “Erat enim idem corpore et animo et genere præclarus.”

[159] Ib. “Cum principes dolore permoti … de ejus vita regem rogassent, volentes eum ter auro et argento ponderare, rex nullis precibus, nullis muneribus, ab ejus morte potuit averti.”

[160] Will. Malms. iv. 319. “Is patibulo affigi jussus, Osmundo episcopo Salesbiriæ confessus, et per omnes ecclesias oppidi flagellatus est.” The account in the Hyde Writer is to the same effect as that of William, but shorter, and without any verbal agreement.

[161] Ib. “Dispersis ad inopes vestibus, ad suspendium nudus ibat, delicatam carnem frequentibus super lapides genuflectionibus cruentans.”

[162] Ib. “Tunc dicta commendatione animæ, et aspersa aqua benedicta, episcopus discessit.”

[163] Ib. “Ille appensus est admirando fortitudinis spectaculo, ut nec moriturus gemitum, nec moriens produceret suspirium.”

[164] Will. Gem. viii. 34; Ord. Vit. 814 A.

[165] Ord. Vit. 704 C. “Morellus, domino suo vinculis indissolubiter injecto, de Anglia mœstus aufugit, multasque regiones pervagatus pauper et exosus in exsilio consenuit.”

[166] See very emphatically in the Chronicle, 1097.

[167] Will. Malms. iv. 311. “Contra Walenses … expeditionem movens, nihil magnificentia sua dignum exhibuit, militibus multis desideratis, jumentis interceptis. Nec tum solum, sed multotiens, parva illi in Walenses fortuna fuit, quod cuivis mirum videatur, cum ei alias semper alea bellorum felicissime arriserit.” This last is hardly true of his French and Cenomannian campaigns. The writer goes on to attribute the failure of Rufus in Wales mainly to the nature of the country, and to say that Henry the First found out the right way of dealing with the Welsh, by planting the Flemings in their country.

[168] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ac þa ða se cyng geseah þæt he nan þingc his wiiles þær geforðian ne mihte, he ongean into þison lande fór, and hraðe æfter þam, he be þam gemæron castelas let gemakian.”

[169] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 478.

[170] Ib. p. 481.

[171] Ib. p. 479.

[172] Ib. p. 396.

[173] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 483, 707.

[174] Ib. p. 483.

[175] See vol. i. p. 164.

[176] “That stubborn British tongue which has survived two conquests,” is, I think, a phrase of Hallam’s.

[177] See vol. i. p. 122, and N. C. vol. iv. p. 489.

[178] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[179] Ib. p. 676.

[180] Ib. vol. iv. p. 489; v. p. 109.

[181] Ib. vol. ii. p. 708; v. p. 777.

[182] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[183] See vol. iv. pp. 676, 777.

[184] See vol. i. p. 121.

[185] Ann. Camb. 1088, 1089 [1089–1091]. “Menevia fracta est a gentilibus insulanis.” The Brut is to the same effect, and has a warm panegyric on the bishop. The dates in the Welsh Chronicles are here wrong, but only by the fault of the editor. The entries are made quite regularly year by year, and they agree with those in the English writers.

[186] Brut y Tywysogion, 1089; it should be 1092.

[187] Will. Malms. four iv. 310. “Quod eum Scottorum et Walensium tumultus vocabant, in regnum se cum ambobus fratribus recepit.” See vol. i. p. 295.

[188] See [Appendix GG].

[189] See [Appendix GG].

[190] The descendants of Jestin appear very clearly in Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 6 (vol. vi. p. 69); “Quatuor Caradoci filii Jestini filiis, et Resi principis ex sorore nepotibus, his in finibus herili portione, sicut Gualensibus mos est, pro patre dominantibus, Morgano videlicet, et Mereducio, Oeneo, Cadwallano.” Morgan appears soon after (p. 69) as guiding Archbishop Baldwin and his companion Giraldus over the dangerous quicksands of his Avon.

[191] See [Appendix GG].

[192] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 186.

[193] See vol. i. p. 62.

[194] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 250.

[195] He has an entry to himself in Essex (Domesday, ii. 54 b). He appears again in 100 b, and in the town of Colchester (106) he holds “i. domum, et i. curiam, et i. hidam terræ, et xv. burgenses.” A building with some trace of Romanesque work used to be shown as “Hamo’s Saxon hall or curia.” Why more “Saxon” than everything else in that Saxon land it was not easy to guess. In Ellis he is made to be the same as “Haimo vicecomes” who appears in Kent and Surrey (Domesday, 14, 36). This last witnesses a letter of Anselm’s (Epp. iii. 71) to the monks of Canterbury, along with another Haimo, “filius Vitalis,” “Wimundus homo vicecomitis,” and a mysterious “Robertus filius Watsonis”—​what name is meant? In Epp. iv. 57 a letter is addressed to him by Anselm, complaining of damage done by his men to the Archbishop’s property at Canterbury and Sandwich. Or is this “vicecomes” in Kent the same as Haimer or Haimo—​he is written both ways—​the “vicecomes” (in another sense) of Thouars, who plays an important part before and after the great battle? See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 315, 457, 551.

[196] See vol. i. p. 197.

[197] In this way we may put a meaning on the account in the Tewkesbury History quoted in N. C. vol. iv. p. 762. Brihtric had not any honour of Gloucester.

[198] See Ord. Vit. 578 D; William of Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. i. 3. She was “spectabilis et excellens fœmina, domina tunc viro morigera, tunc etiam fœcunditate numerosæ et pulcherrimæ prolis beata.” She was the mother-in-law of his patron.

[199] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, vol. xxxv. p. 3 (March, 1878).

[200] Will. Malms. v. 398. “Monasterium Theochesbiriæ suo favore non facile memoratu quantum exaltavit, ubi et ædificiorum decor, et monachorum charitas, adventantium rapit oculos et allicit animos.”

[201] See the Gloucester History, i. 93, 122, 223, 226, 334, 349; ii. 125. The gift of the church of Saint Cadoc at Llancarfan is mentioned over and over again. At i. 334 there is an alleged confirmation of this gift by William the Conqueror in 1086. Can this be trusted so far as to make us carry back the conquest of Glamorgan into his day, or are we to suppose that a wrong date has crept in? In the Monasticon, ii. 67, is a charter of Nicolas Bishop of Llandaff (1148–1153) confirming the grants of a crowd of churches in Glamorgan to the abbey of Tewkesbury. Among them is “ecclesia de Landiltwit,” that is Llaniltyd or Llantwit Major.

[202] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxiv. 17.

[203] See Mr. Clark. Archæological Journal, xxxiv. 25.

[204] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 676.

[205] In the second Brut he appears as Wiliam de Lwndwn in 1088 (p. 72), Wiliam de Lwndrys in 1094 (p. 78).

[206] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 782.

[207] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxiv. pp. 22, 30.

[208] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 854, xxxix.

[209] See the Margam Annals, 1130 (Ann. Mon. i. 13), and Mon. Angl. v. 258.

[210] Margam Annals, 1147; Ann. Mon. i. 14.

[211] See vol. i. p. 34.

[212] See the wonderful story in Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 2 (vol. vi. p. 32).

[213] Ib. p. 36. The wonders of the lake, now known as Llangorse pool, fill up more than two pages.

[214] Chron. de Bello, 34. He is described as “vir magnificus Bernardus cognomento de Novo Mercato.” His gift is “ecclesia … sancti Johannis Evangelistæ extra munitionem castri sui de Brecchennio sita.” But the gift was made only “ejusdem prædictæ ecclesiæ Belli monachi, nomine Rogerii, apud eum aliquamdiu forte commanentis, importuna suggestione.”

[215] We have seen (see vol. i. p. 34) Bernard spoken of as son-in law of the old enemy Osbern of Herefordshire. Could Osbern have married the elder Nest, perhaps as a second wife? Or was the younger Nest a second wife of Bernard?

[216] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 679; vol. iii. pp. 710, 777.

[217] See the story in Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 2 (vol. vi. p. 29). The son was disinherited, and the honour of Brecknock passed to the husband of the daughter, whom her mother allowed to be Bernard’s child. He speaks of her as “Nesta nomine, quam Angli vertendo Anneis vocavere.” In the Battle Chronicle (35) she appears as a benefactress by the name of Agnes. She gave to Battle “de propria hereditate quamdam villulam extra Walliam in Anglia sitam [in Herefordshire], quæ Berinton vocatur.” She gave it “forte invalitudine tacta.”

[218] See above, [p. 78].

[219] Brut y Tywysogion, 1091 (1093). “And then fell the kingdom of the Britons.” (Teyrnas y Brytanyeit.) Florence, recording the same event, adds; “Ab illo die regnare in Walonia reges desiere;” but he himself in 1116 says, “Owinus rex Walanorum occiditur.” Cf. Ann. Camb. in anno, where the royal title is not given to Owen. Indeed in the present entry the Annals call Rhys only “rector dextralis partis;” that is, of South Wales.

[220] See vol. i. p. 121.

[221] Ann. Camb. 1091 (1093). “Post cujus obitum Cadugaun filius Bledint prædatus est Demetiam pridie kalendarum Maii.”

[222] Brut y Tywysogion. So Ann. Camb. “Circiter Kalendas Julii Franci primitus Demetiam et Keredigean tenuerunt, et castella in eis locaverunt, et abinde totam terram Britonum occupaverunt.”

[223] On the beavers in the Teif, see a long account in Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 3. Cp. Top. Hib. i. 26. He discusses the lawfulness of eating the beaver’s tail on fast-days, without coming to so decided a conclusion as when he rules (Top. Hib. i. 15) that the barnacle might not be eaten.

[224] It is very hard to put Irish kings in their right places; but there is no doubt that this Murtagh—​I take the shortest way of spelling his name—​is the same as the Murtagh of Connaught, head King of Ireland, though Giraldus calls him King of Leinster, of whom we shall hear a good deal before long.

[225] It. Camb. ii. 1 (vi. 109). “Rex Rufus … Kambriam suo in tempore animose penetrans et circumdans, cum a rupibus istis Hiberniam forte prospiceret, dixisse memoratur: Ad terram istam expugnandam, ex navibus regni mei huc convocatis, pontem adhuc faciam.” The Irish king, when he hears, “cum aliquamdiu propensius inde cogitasset, fertur respondisse: Numquid tantæ comminationis verbo rex ille ‘Si Deo placuerit’ adjecit?”

[226] See vol. i. p. 166.

[227] It. Camb. u. s. “Tanquam prognostico gaudens certissimo, Quoniam, inquit, homo iste de humana tantum confidit potentia, non divina, ejus adventum non formido.”

[228] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 676.

[229] Ib. p. 526.

[230] On Bishop Wilfrith, see N. C. vol. v. p. 209, and vol. i. p. 534. We shall hear of him again.

[231] I refer to such names as Hasgard and Freystrop. The fords in this district are of course fiords. The names of Hereford and Haverfordwest have sometimes been confounded, but the ford comes from a different quarter in the two names.

[232] See N. C. vol. v. p. 75.

[233] He does justice to his birthplace in It. Camb. i. 12 (vol. vi. p. 92), and proves by a sorites “ut Kambriæ totius locus sit hic amœnissimus.” “Pembrochia” here appears as part of Demetia.

[234] Sir Rhys ap Thomas, the hero of Carew (Caerau) in Henry the Seventh’s time, is chiefly of local fame. But his name has made its way into general history. See Hall’s Chronicle, p. 410, and several other places.

[235] It. Camb. i. 12 (vol. vi. p. 89). “Provincia Pembrochiensis principale municipium, totiusque provinciæ Demeticæ caput, in saxosa quadam et oblonga rupis eminentia situm, lingua marina de Milverdico portu prosiliens in capite bifurco complectitur. Unde et Pembrochia caput maritimæ sonat. Primus hoc castrum Arnulfus de Mungumeri, sub Anglorum rege Henrico primo, ex virgis et cespite, tenue satis et exile construxit.” The date is of course wrong, as the castle of Pembroke appears both in the Annales Cambriæ and in the Brut in 1094, and as Giraldus himself describes the castle as in being soon after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr. He perhaps confounds Arnulf’s first rude work with the stronger castle built by Gerald on the same site in 1105. This, according to the Brut, was fortified with a ditch and wall and a gateway with a lock on it.

[236] Giraldus describes his namesake, the husband of his grandmother, as “vir probus prudensque, Giraldus de Windesora, constabularius suus [Arnulfi] et primipilus.”

[237] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 482.

[238] I have discussed this matter at length in [Appendix BB]. (p. 851) of the fifth volume of the Norman Conquest. Miss Williams (History of Wales, p. 209), like Sir Francis Palgrave, knows more about Nest than I can find in any book. But the tale in the Brut of her being carried off by Owen in 1106 (see N. C. vol. v. p. 210) is very graphic.

[239] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[240] So says the Brut, 1094 (1096). Is this William the son of that Baldwin from whom Montgomery took its Welsh name?

[241] See vol. i. p. 464.

[242] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Eac on þisum ylcan geare þa Wylisce men hi gegaderodon, and wið þa Frencisce þe on Walon oððe on þære neawiste wæron and hi ǽr belandedon, gewinn úp ahofon, and manige festena and castelas abræcon, and men ofslogon, and syððan heora gefylce weox, hí hí on ma todældon. Wið sum þæra dæle gefeaht Hugo eorl of Scrobscire, and hi aflymde. Ac þeah hweðer þa oðre ealles þæs geares nanes yfeles ne geswicon þe hi dón mihton.”

[243] Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). The translation runs; “Whilst William remained in Normandy, the Britons resisted the domination of the French, not being able to bear their cruelty, and demolished their castles in Gwynedd, and iterated their depredations and slaughters among them.” The Latin annalist says only; “Britanni jugum Francorum respuerunt. Wenedociam, Cereticam et Demetiam ab iis et eorum castellis emundaverunt.” Both these writers have oddly mistaken the state of things in Normandy. One manuscript of the Annales says that William went into Normandy, and that the revolt happened, “ibi morante et fratrem suum expugnante,” while the Brut says more wildly that “King William Rufus [Gwilim Goch], who first by a most glorious war prevailed over the Saxons, went to Normandy to keep and defend the kingdom [teyrnas] of Robert his brother, who had gone to Jerusalem [Kærcesalem] to fight against the Saracens and other barbarous nations and to protect the Christians, and to acquire greater fame.”

[244] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Ad hæc etiam primitus North-Walani, deinceps West-Walani et Suth-Walani, servitutis jugo, quo diu premebantur, excusso, et cervice erecta, libertatem sibi vindicare laborabant. Unde collecta multitudine, castella quæ in West-Walonia firmata erant frangebant et in Cestrensi, Scrobbesbyriensi, et Herefordensi provincia frequenter villas cremabant, prædas agebant, et multos ex Anglis et Normannis interficiebant.” The names of Gruffydd and Cadwgan come from the later Brut, which copies Florence or comes from the same source.

[245] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Fregerunt et castellum in Mevania insula, eamque suæ ditioni subjiciebant.” This confirms the statement of the later Brut about the building of the castle of Aberlleiniog (see [p. 97]); but he says nothing about Anglesey here.

[246] “In the wood of Yspwys,” says the Brut.

[247] So both the Annales and the Brut. The name of William son of Baldwin comes from the Brut two years later.

[248] Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). “And the people and all the cattle of Dyved they brought away with them, leaving Dyved and Ceredigion a desert.”

[249] See vol. i. p. 476.

[250] Ann. Camb. 1095. “Franci devastaverunt Gober et Kedweli et Stratewi. Demetia, Ceretica, et Stratewi deserta manent.”

[251] I have no better direct authority for this than the later Brut, which says under 1094--the chronology is very confused—​that “the Frenchmen led their forces into Gower, Cydweli, and the Vale of Tywi, and devastated those countries, and William de Londres [William de Lwndrys] built a strong castle in Cydweli.”

[252] This comes under the year 1099, and is attributed to “Harry Beaumont [Harri Bwmwnt].” Is this the Earl of Warwick? I know no other “Henricus de Bello Monte.”

[253] This is from the same entry in the later Brut. After mentioning the castles, it is added that Harry Beaumont “established himself there and brought Saxons from Somersetshire [Saeson o wlad yr Haf] there, where they obtained lands; and the greatest usurpation of all the Frenchmen was his in Gower.” Nothing can be made of this writer’s dates, even when we accept his facts with a little trembling.

[254] This account comes only from the younger Brut (79). It is in fact part of the legend of the conquest of Glamorgan. But that legend, as we have seen, has elements of truth in it, and this particular story seems to fit in well with the general course of events. The men of Morganwg and Gwaenllwg—​that is the modern Wentloog, the land between Rhymny and Usk—​rose and destroyed the castle, Pagan of Turberville leading them.

[255] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[256] It is strange that the mention of this great British success comes only from the English accounts. Just after the King had left Bamburgh, he heard (Chron. Petrib. 1095) “þæt þa Wylisce men on Wealon sumne castel heafdon tobroken Muntgumni hatte, and Hugon eorles men ofslagene, þe hine healdon sceoldan.”

[257] Chron. Petrib. ib. “He forði oðre fyrde hét fearlice abannan.”

[258] Ib. “And æfter Sc̃e Michaeles mæsse into Wealan ferde, and his fyrde toscyfte, and þæt land eall þurhfor, swa þæt seo fyrde eall togædere com to Ealra Halgena to Snawdune. Ac þa Wylisce a toforan into muntan and moran ferdan, þæt heom man to cuman ne mihte.” On the use of the word muntas see N. C. vol. v. p. 517.

[259] Ib. “And se cyng þa hamweard gewende, forþam he geseah þæt he þær þes wintres mare don ne mihte.”

[260] Ann. Camb. 1095. “Mediante autumno rex Anglorum Willielmus contra Britones movit exercitum, quibus Deo tutatis, vacuus ad sua rediit.”

[261] Ann. Camb. 1096. “Willielmus filius Baldewini in domino (?) Ricors obiit, quo mortuo castellum vacuum relinquitur.”

[262] Brut y Tywysogion, 1094 (1096). The words are most emphatic in the manuscript of the Annales quoted as C; “Britones Brecheniauc et Guent et Guenliauc jugum Francorum respuunt.”

[263] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Eac on þison geare þa heafod men þe þis land heoldan oftrædlice fyrde into Wealon sendon, and mænig man mid þam swiðe gedrehtan, ac man þær ne gespædde, butan man myrringe and feoh spillinge.”

[264] Ann. Camb. C. “Franci exercitum movent in Guent, et nihil impetrantes vacui domum redeunt, et in Kellitravant versi sunt in fugam.” The name of the place is given in the text of the Annals as “Celli Darnauc;” the Brut as “Celli Carnant.” I do not know its site.

[265] Ib. “Iterum venerunt in Brechinauc et castella fecerunt in ea, sed in reditu apud Aberlech versi sunt in fugam a filiis Iduerth filii Kadugaun.” The Brut gives their names as Gruffydd and Ivor.

[266] So says the Brut, 1094 (1096).

[267] These details of the siege of Pembroke come from Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 12. As he has mistaken the date of the whole matter by putting it in the reign of Henry, so he has mistaken the special date of the siege, which he places soon after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr, that is in 1093. His stories may belong to the movement of 1094; but they seem to come more naturally here. When the knights have deserted, “ex desperatione scapham intrantes navigio fugam attemptassent, in crastino mane Giraldus eorum armigeris arma dominorum cum feodis dedit, ipsosque statim militari cingulo decoravit.”

[268] They are brought “ad ultimam fere inediam.” Then Gerald, “ex summa prudentia spem simulans et solatia spondens, quatuor qui adhuc supererant bacones a propugnaculis frustatim ad hostes projici fecit.”

[269] Ib. “Die vero sequente ad figmenta recurrens exquisitiora, literas sigillo suo signatas coram hospitio Menevensis episcopi, cui nomen Wilfredus, qui forte tunc aderat, tanquam casu a portitore dilapsas inveniri procuravit.” I suppose this means that the Bishop was in a house outside the besieged castle; otherwise it is not clear how the Welsh could have got hold of the letter. It seems also to imply that the Bishop was on friendly terms with the besieged. But the whole story is a little dark.

[270] Ib. “Quo per exercitum literis lectis audito, statim obsidione dispersa ad propria singuli sunt reversi.” Directly after—“nec mora”—Gerald marries Nest. If we could at all trust her grandson’s chronology, this would throw some light on her relation to Henry.

[271] Ann. Camb. 1096. “Penbrochiam devastaverunt et incolumes domum redierunt.” The cattle come from the Brut.

[272] Ann. Camb. 1097. “Geraldus præfectus de Penbroc Meneviæ fines devastavit.” In the other manuscript he is dapifer, and in the Brut ystiwart.

[273] See vol. i. p. 572.

[274] Ib.

[275] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … mid mycclum here into Wealon ferde, and þæt land swiðe mid his fyrde þurhfór, þurh sume þa Wyliscean þe him to wæron cumen, and his lædteowas wæron.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37), to whom the details of a Welsh war did not greatly matter, makes overmuch of these seeming successes; “Rex … super Walenses qui contra eum surrexerant excercitum ducit, eosque post modicum in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.”

[276] See vol. i. p. 582.

[277] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ða Wylisce men syððon hi fram þam cynge gebugon.”

[278] Ib. “Heom manege ealdras of heom sylfan gecuron. Sum þæra wæs Caduugaun gehaten, þe heora weorðast wæs: se wæs Griffines broðer sunu cynges.” On the use of “sum,” see Earle, Parallel Chronicles, p. 357. It is surely a little hard when Giraldus (It. Camb. i. 2. p. 28) speaks of his grandmother’s grandfather as one “cujus tyrannis totam aliquamdiu Gualliam oppresserat.”

[279] See N. C. vol. i. p. 506.

[280] Ib. vol. ii. p. 396.

[281] Ib. p. 399.

[282] Flor. Wig. 1097. “Post pascha”—​he seems to have mixed up the two expeditions of the year—“cum equestri et pedestri exercitu secundo profectus est in Waloniam, ut omnes masculini sexus internecioni daret; at de eis vix aliquem capere aut interimere potuit.” Cf. N. C. vol. ii. p. 481.

[283] The Brut here waxes so spirited that one is sorry not to have a better knowledge of the original. “The French dared not penetrate the rocks and the woods, but hovered about the level plains. At length they returned home empty, without having gained anything; and the Britons, happy and unintimidated, defended their country.” The Annals say, “Willelmus rex Angliæ secundo in Britones excitatur, eorum omnium minans excidium; Britones vero divino protecti munimine in sua remanent illæsi, rege vacuo redeunte.” The other MS. has, “nihil impetrans vacuus domum rediit.”

[284] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Þærinne wunode fram middesumeran forneah oð August.”

[285] Ib. “And mycel þærinne forleas on mannan and on horsan and eac on manegan oðran þingan.” Florence softens a little; “De suis nonnullos, et equos perdidit multos.”

[286] See vol. i. pp. 572, 575.

[287] See above, [p. 71].

[288] See vol. i. p. 583.

[289] See above, [p. 9].

[290] See above, [p. 30].

[291] On the story of Godwine and Ordgar, see [Appendix HH].

[292] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 620.

[293] Fordun, v. 22 (vol. i. p. 221, Skene). “Fit mox hinc inde magnus armorum apparatus, pugnaturi conveniunt; Orgarus favore regis elatus, regiis satellitibus hinc inde vallatus, insignibus etiam armorum ornamentis splendidus procedit.”

[294] Ib. “Silentio per præconem omnibus imposito, et vadiis utrorumque a judice in certaminis locum projectis, ut Deus, secretorum cognitor, hujus causæ veritatem ostenderet, proclamante, postremo res armis, et causa superno judici committitur.”

[295] There is no need to go through all the details. The strangest is when the hilt of Godwine’s sword breaks off; the blade drops; he picks it up, but naturally cannot use it without cutting his fingers. It is an odd coincidence that his son drops his whole sword in his exploit at Rama.

[296] Fordun, v. 22. “Abstracto namque cultro qui caliga latebat, ipsum perfodere conatur; cum ante initum congressum juraverit se nihil nisi arma decentia militem in hoc duello gestaturum.”

[297] “Mox perjurii pœnas persolvit. Cultro siquidem erepto, cum spes reum desereret, crimen protinus confitetur. Attamen hæc confessio nihil ad vitam illi profuit elongandam, undique vero, vulnere succedente vulneri, perfodebatur, donec animam impiam vis doloris et magnitudo vulnerum expelleret.”

[298] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 561, 893.

[299] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ða uppon Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan iiii. noñ Octobre, ætywde án selcuð steorra, on æfen scynende, and sona to setle gangende. He wæs gesewen suðweast, and se leoma þe him ofstód wæs swiðe lang geþuht, suðeast scinende, and forneah ealle þa wucan on þas wisan ætywde, manige men leton þæt hit cometa wære.” Here the comet shines very brightly, but it shines alone. William of Malmesbury (iv. 328) adds; “apparuerunt et aliæ stellæ quasi jacula inter se emittentes.” (We had shooting stars two years before; see [p. 41].) Florence adds yet another portent; “Nonnulli signum mirabile et quasi ardens, in modum crucis, eo tempore se vidisse in cælo affirmabant.”

[300] Both the Chronicler and Florence mark that the departure of Anselm soon followed the appearance in the heavens; but it is William of Malmesbury who is most emphatic; “Ille fuit annus quo Anselmus lux Angliæ, ultro tenebras erroneorum effugiens, Romam ivit.”

[301] So I should understand the words of the Chronicle, “ferde Eadgar æþeling mid fyrdes þurh þæs cynge fultum into Scotlande.” But Florence says that the King “clitonem Eadgarum ad Scottiam cum exercitu misit.” Fordun (v. 5) makes him go, “collectis undique ingentibus amicorum copiis, auxilioque Willelmi regis vallatus.”

[302] See above, [p. 111].

[303] Fordun tells this tale (v. 25); the younger Eadgar tells the vision to the elder, who acts accordingly.

[304] We have surely passed the bounds of history when Robert, accompanied by two other knights, charges the enemy, slays the foremost (“fortissimi qui ante aciem quasi defensores stabant”), puts Donald and the rest to flight, “et sic incruentam victoriam, Deo propitio, meritis sancti Cuthberti feliciter obtinuit.” The Chronicler says that Eadgar “þet land mid stranglicum feohte gewann.”

[305] Fordun, v. 26. “Ab ipso quidem ipse Donaldus captus est et cæcatus, ac carceri perpetuo damnatur.” “Ipso” is the younger Eadgar; this treatment of Donald would have been more pardonable in the elder. See more in Robertson, i. 159.

[306] See Robertson, i. 159, and N. C. vol. i. p. 529; vol. ii. p. 449; vol. iii. p. 431; vol. iv. p. 170.

[307] See Mon. Angl. v. 163, 165.

[308] Will. Malms. v. 400. “Captus vel perpetuis compedibus detentus, ingenue pœnituit; et ad mortem veniens, cum ipsis vinculis se tumulari mandavit, professus se plexum merito pro fratricidii delicto.” Cf. the burial of Grimbald in N. C. vol. ii. p. 273.

[309] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Eadgar æþeling … þone cyng Dufenal út adræfde, and his mæg Eadgar, se wæs Melcolmes sunu cynges and Margarite þære cwenan, he þær on þæs cynges Willelmes heldan to cynge sette.” I do not find the words in Italics represented either by Fordun or by Mr. Robertson. They are not forgotten by Sir F. Palgrave, English Commonwealth, ii. cccxxxiv.

[310] The Chronicler tells us that Eadgar “syþþan ongean into Engleland fór.” And he had just before drawn a vivid picture of the state of England; “Ðis wæs on eallon þingan swiðe hefigtyme geár, and ofer geswincfull on ungewederan, þa man oððe tilian sceolde oððe eft tilða gegaderian, and on ungyldan þa næfre ne ablunnon.”

[311] Fordun, v. 26.

[312] Ib. This grant is made “episcopo et suis successoribus Dunelmensibus,” in distinction to the grant of Coldingham, which was “monachis Dunelmensibus.”

[313] Ib. “De licentia regis ad terram a rege sibi datam in Laudonia moratus est, et dum castellum ibidem ædificare niteretur, a provincialibus subito et baronibus tandem Dunelmensibus circumventus, eodem Ranulfo episcopo agente, captus est; in qua tamen captione magnam suæ virtutis memoriam apud totius regionis incolas dereliquit.”

[314] Ib. “Quod rex Edgarus rediens ut audivit, illum ex præcepto regis Angliæ liberatum, secum in Scociam reduxit cum honore, et quicquid ante episcopo donaverat, omnino sano consilio sibimet reservabat.”

[315] See vol. i. p. 564.

[316] See vol. i. p. 269.

[317] This siege and sally is described by William of Tyre, x. 17, 18, Gesta Dei per Francos, 786.

[318] Will. Malms. iii. 251. “Qui [Baldwinus] cum obsidionis injuriam ferre nequiret, per medias hostium acies effugit, solius Roberti opera liberatus præuntis, et evaginato gladio dextra lævaque Turchos cædentis; sed cum, successu ipso truculentior, alacritate nimia procurreret, ensis manu excidit; ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset, omnium incursu oppressus, vinculis palmas dedit.” Cf. iv. 384.

[319] Ib. “Inde Babylonem (ut aiunt) ductus, cum Christum abnegare nollet, in medio foro ad signum positus, et sagittis terebratus, martyrium sacravit.”

[320] See vol. i. p. 565.

[321] The story of Robert of Saint Alban’s is told in Benedict, i. 341, R. Howden, ii. 307.

[322] Fordun, v. 26. “Erat autem iste rex Edgarus homo dulcis et amabilis, cognato suo regi sancto Edwardo per omnia similis, nihil durum, nihil tyrannicum aut amarum in suos exercens subditos, sed eos cum maxima caritate, bonitate, et benevolentia rexit et correxit.”

[323] See Robertson, i. 163. The passage in Æthelred of Rievaux to which he refers comes in the speech of Robert of Bruce to David (X Scriptt. 344; see N. C. vol. v. p. 269). It seems to imply that David needed English help to keep his principality. “Tu ipse rex cum portionem regni quam idem tibi frater moriens delegavit, a fratre Alexandro reposceres, nostro certe terrore quidquid volueras sine sanguine impetrasti.”

[324] Mr. Robertson gives her the name of Sibyl. William of Malmesbury, v. 400, gives an odd account of her; “Alexandrum successorem Henricus affinitate detinuit, data ei in conjugium filia notha; de qua ille viva nec sobolem, quod sciam, tulit nec ante se mortuam multum suspiravit; defuerat enim fœminæ, ut fertur, quod desideraretur, vel in morum modestia, vel in corporis elegantia.” I cannot find her in the list of Henry’s daughters in Will. Gem. viii. 29.

[325] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 602; vol. v. p. 209.

[326] See Robertson, i. 172.

[327] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 237, 238.

[328] See Robertson, i. 123 et seqq.

[329] See N. C. vol. v. p. 305.

[330] Ib. pp. 260–263.

[331] Ib. p. 267.

[332] See above, [p. 109].

[333] Eadwine, as Bæda witnesses (ii. 5), held the two Mevaniæ. But Mona appears as Welsh whenever the island is spoken of in either British or English Chronicles. Nennius (or the writer who goes by that name) has a heading (Mon. Hist. Brit. 52 D) of “Monia insula quæ Anglice Englesei vocatur, id est, insula Anglorum.” In our Chronicles it is Mon-ige in the year 1000. Our present story (1098) happens “innan Anglesege.”

[334] I get this phrase from the elder Brut, but I follow the order of events in the Annales Cambriæ, 1098. “Omnes Venedoti in Mon insula se receperunt, et ad eos tuendos de Hibernia piratas invitaverunt, ad quos expugnandos missi sunt duo consules, Hugo comes urbis Legionum, et alter Hugo, qui contra insulam castrametati sunt.”

[335] One manuscript of the Annals has “Gentiles de Ybernia.” See vol. i. pp. 121, 122.

[336] They are “Hugi Prúdi oc Hugi Digri” in the Saga (Johnstone, p. 234). In the younger Brut, p. 84, the earls are called “Huw iarll Caerllion a Huw goch [red] o’r Mwythig.” By Caerleon is of course meant Chester. The elder Brut confounds the two earls. The bulk of Earl Hugh of Chester we have long known. In Orderic’s account (768 B) he is “Hugo Dirgane, id est, Grossus.”

[337] See above, [p. 97].

[338] See vol. i. p. 124.

[339] The priory of Penmon was described in 1849 by Mr. Longueville Jones in three articles in the Archæologia Cambrensis, vol. iv. pp. 44, 128, 198, and in an earlier article in the Archæological Journal, i. 118. The date of the original building cannot be very far off either way from the times with which we are dealing. The tower-windows are a kind of transition from Primitive Romanesque to Norman. A doorway of later Norman character seems to be an insertion.

[340] There is a minute description of the castle, by Mr. Longueville Jones, in Archæologia Cambrensis iii. 143. The building of a castle at this time is distinctly asserted in one manuscript of the elder Brut. But the other Brut under 1096 speaks of Earl Hugh of Chester as already lord of Aberlleiniog (Arglwydd Aberlleiniawc).

[341] One manuscript of the Annals (1098 C) seems to make them builders of the castle; “Gentiles pretio corrupti consules in insulam introduxerunt et castra ibi fecerunt.”

[342] Ann. Camb. u. s. “Relicta insula, Hiberniam aufugerunt.” The elder Brut adds that it was “for fear of the treachery of their own men.”

[343] Here Florence (1098) comes to our help. “Interea comites Hugo de Legeceastra et Hugo de Scrobbesbyria Mevaniam insulam, quæ consuete vocatur Anglesege, cum exercitu adierunt, et multos Walanorum quos in ea ceperunt occiderunt, quosdam vero, manibus vel pedibus truncatis testiculisque abscisis, excæcaverunt.”

[344] Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 7 (vi. 129 ed. Dimock). “Est in hac insula ecclesia sancti Tevredauci confessoris, in qua comes Hugo Cestrensis, quoniam et ipse fines hos Kambriæ suo in tempore subjugaverat, cum canes nocte posuisset, insanos omnes mane recepit, et ipsemet infra mensem miserabiliter exstinctus occubuit.” The two Hughs are here confounded, as Hugh of Chester was certainly not killed. But the story of the hounds sounds specially like him, as he seems to have been even more given to the chase than other men of his day. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 491.

A little earlier in the same chapter Giraldus has a tale about Hugh of Shrewsbury and a wonderful stone, which must belong to this same expedition, though Giraldus places it in the time of Henry the First.

[345] Flor. Wig. 1098. “Quendam etiam provectæ ætatis presbyterum, nomine Cenredum, a quo Walani in iis quæ agebant consilium accipiebant, de ecclesia extraxerunt, et ejus testiculis abscisis et uno oculo eruto, linguam illius absciderunt.”

[346] Ib. “Die tertia, miseratione divina illi reddita est loquela.” See Milman, Latin Christianity, i. 332, 478.

[347] Florence, directly after, notes that Hugh of Shrewsbury “die vii. quo crudelitatem in præfatum exercuerat presbyterum, interiit.”

[348] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 122, 663, 684.

[349] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “De legali connubio Eustanum et Olavum genuit, quibus regnum magnamque potentiam dimisit. Tertium vero, nomine Segurd, Anglica captiva sed nobilis ei peperit, quem Turer, Inghevriæ filius, regis Magni nutritius, nutrivit.” The Saga however (Laing, 339) calla Eystein “the son of a mean mother,” and gives the name of Sigurd’s mother as Thora.

[350] See Ord. Vit. 812.

[351] Compare the story of Turgot in N. C. vol. iv. p. 662.

[352] Ib. 143, 317, 754.

[353] See vol. i. p. 14.

[354] The only mention of Harold the son of Harold which I have come across occurs in William of Malmesbury’s account (iv. 329) of the invasion of Magnus, where “rex Noricorum Magnus cum Haroldo filio Haroldi regis quondam Angliæ, Orcadas insulas et Mevanias, et si quæ aliæ in oceano jacent, armis subegit.”

[355] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 326.

[356] Ib. vol. ii. p. 481.

[357] Ib. vol. iii. pp. 476, 487. Roger of Montgomery was in command of the French contingent, though it is the personal exploits of Robert of Meulan which are specially spoken of.

[358] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Hic filiam regis Irlandæ uxorem duxerat. Sed quia rex Irensis pactiones quas fecerant non tenuerat, Magnus rex stomachatus filiam ejus ei remiserat. Bellum igitur inter eos ortum est.”

[359] Laing, iii. 133. This is placed after the death of Earl Hugh.

[360] See [Appendix II].

[361] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 347, 373.

[362] Chron. Manniæ, 4. “Scotos vero ita perdomuit, ut nullus qui fabricaret navem vel scapham ausus esset plus quam tres clavos inserere.” Mr. E. W. Robertson (i. 165) adds; “Such are the words of the Chronicle; their exact meaning I do not pretend to understand.” Neither do I, but Mr. Robertson was more concerned in the matter than I am.

[363] Chron. Man. p. 4. His repentance is thus described; “Post hæc Lagmannus, pœnitens quod fratris sui oculos eruisset, sponte regnum suum dimisit, et signo crucis dominicæ insignitus, iter Jerosolimitanum arripuit, quo et mortuus est.” This is singularly like the story of Swegen the son of Godwine.

[364] Chron. Man. 5. “Omnes proceres insularum, audientes mortem Lagmanni, miserunt legatos ad Murecardum Obrien, regem Yberniæ, postulantes ut aliquem virum industrium de regali stirpe in regem eis mitteret, donec Olavus filius Godredi cresceret.” Murtagh sends Donald with a great deal of good advice; but we read that. “postquam ad regnum pervenit, parvi pendens præcepta domini sui, cum magna tyrannide abusus est regno, et multis sceleribus perpetratis, tribus annis enormiter regnavit.” Then the leaders conspire, and drive him out.

[365] See [Appendix II].

[366] Chron. Manniæ, 1098 (p. 5). “Eodem anno commissum est prœlium inter Mannenses apud Santwat, et aquilonares victoriam obtinuerunt. In quo bello occisi sunt Other comes et Macmarus, principes ambarum partium.” From the names, this sounds like a war between Scandinavians and Celts. May we translate “aquilonares” by “Northmen,” or does it mean merely the northern part of the island?

[367] See [Appendix II].

[368] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 344.

[369] Ib. vol. iv. p. 520.

[370] See the story in Laing, ii. 347, 352. Ælfgifu of Northampton, who was then in Norway with her son Swegen (see N. C. vol. i. p. 480), was naturally inclined to unbelief.

[371] This story is told by the Manx Chronicler, 6. “Episcopo et clero resistente, ipse rex audacter accessit, et vi regia aperiri sibi scrinium fecit. Cumque et oculis vidisset, et manibus attrectasset incorruptum corpus, subito timor magnus irruit in eum et cum magna festinatione discessit.” This is singularly like the story of William and Saint Cuthberht, which I have just referred to.

[372] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 341.

[373] Ib. p. 345.

[374] Laing, iii. 129, 133.

[375] Ib.; Johnstone, 231. “En hann setti eptir Sigurd son sinn til höfdingia ysir eyonom, oc seck hönom rádoneyti.” It is as well to have the exact Norsk titles of the governor and his council.

[376] Johnstone, 232. “Magnus konongr kom Eidi sino vid eyna Helgo, oc gaf þar grid oc frid öllum mönnum oc allra manna varnadi.” A not very intelligible story follows, how he opened the door of the little church, but did not go in, but at once locked the door and ordered that no one should ever go in again, which was faithfully obeyed. Here, as ever in Celtic holy places, we find the group of several churches.

[377] Johnstone, ib.; Laing, iii. 130.

[378] Chron. Man. p. 6. “Galwedienses ita constrinxit, ut cogeret eos materias lignorum cædere et ad litus portare ad munitiones construendas.”

[379] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Hiberniam ingredi voluit; sed, Irensibus in maritimis littoribus ad bellum paratis, alias divertit.”

[380] Ib. “Insulam Man, quæ deserta erat, inhabitavit, populis replevit, domibus et aliis necessariis ad usus hominum graviter instruxit.”

[381] Chron. Man. 6. “Cum applicuisset ad insulam sancti Patricii, venit videre locum pugnæ, quam Mannenses paulo ante inter se commiserant, quia adhuc multa corpora occisorum inhumata erant. Videns autem insulam pulcherrimam, placuit in oculis ejus, eamque sibi in habitationem elegit, munitiones in ea construxit, quæ usque hodie ex ejus nomine nuncupantur.”

[382] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Alias quoque Cycladas, in magno mari velut extra orbem positas, perlustravit, et a pluribus populis inhabitari regio jussu coegit.”

[383] Ib. “Maritimæ vero plebes, quæ in Anglia littus infiniti Amphitritis incolebant in boreali climate, ut barbaricas gentes et incognitas naves viderunt ad se festinare, præ timore nimio vociferatæ sunt, et armati quique de regione Merciorum convenerunt.”

[384] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Quondam princeps militiæ Magni regis cum sex navibus in Angliam cursum direxit, sed rubeum scutum, quod signum pacis erat, super malum navis erexit.”

[385] Ib. 768 A. “Maxima multitudo de comitatu Cestræ et Scrobesburiæ congregata est, et in regione Dagannoth secus mare ad prœlium præparata est.”

[386] See [Appendix II].

[387] See [Appendix II].

[388] See [Appendix II].

[389] See [Appendix II].

[390] See [Appendix II].

[391] Ord. Vit. 768 B. “Cujus mortem Magnus rex ut comperiit, vehementer cum suis planxit, et Hugoni Dirgane, id est Grosso, pacem et securitatem mandavit. Exercitum, inquit, non propter Anglos sed Hibernos ago, nec alienam regionem invado, sed insulas ad potestatem meam pertinentes incolo.”

[392] Ib. “Normanni tandem et Angli cadaver Hugonis diu quæsierunt, pontique fluctu retracto, vix invenerunt.”

[393] Ib. “Hic solus de filiis Mabiliæ mansuetus et amabilis fuit, et iv. annis post mortem Rogerii patris sui paternum honorem moderatissime rexit.”

[394] Ib.

[395] Johnstone, 236. “Aunguls-ey er þridiongr Brettlandz,” This is strange measurement even if Wales alone is meant, much more if by “Brettlandz” we are to understand the whole isle of Britain.

[396] See [Appendix II].

[397] Brut y Tywysogion, 1096. “So the French [y Freinc] reduced all, as well great as small, to be Saxons [Sæson].” But in the Latin Annals, 1098, the words are, “Franci vero majores et minores secum ad Angliam perduxerunt.”

[398] Johnstone, 236; Laing, iii. 132.

[399] The treaty is noticed by the Irish writers. Chronicon Scotorum, 1098. “A year’s peace was made by Muircertach Ua Briain with Magnus, King of Lochlann.” On the marriage, see above, [p. 136].

[400] Johnstone, 237. “Oc gaf hönom konongs nafn, oc setti hann yfir Orkneyar oc oni Sudreyar, oc seck hann i hendur Hák Pálssyni frænda sinom.”

[401] “Mælkolf Skota konong” he appears in the Norsk text (236). The ceremony of crossing the isthmus is minutely described, and it is said that ships were often drawn across it.

[402] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Quo [Hugone] defuncto, Robertus Belesmensis, frater ejus, Guillelmum Rufum requisivit, eique pro comitatu fratris iii. millia librarum sterilensium exhibuit. Et comes factus, per quatuor annos immania super Gualos exercuit.”

[403] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Angli et Guali, qui jamdudum ferales ejus ludos quasi fabulam ridentes audierunt, nunc ferreis ejus ungulis excoriati, plorantes gemuerunt, et vera esse quæ compererant sentientes experti sunt.”

[404] Ib. “Ipse quanto magis opibus et vernulis ampliatus intumuit, tanto magis collimitaneis, cujuscunque ordinis fuerint, auferre fundos suos exarsit, et terras quas prisci antecessores sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit.”

[405] Orderic bears him this witness, 766 B, C, in recording the fortification of Gisors, of which we shall have to speak presently, “ingeniosus artifex Rodbertus Belesmensis disposuit.”

[406] See above, [p. 100].

[407] See N. C. vol. i. p. 506.

[408] See the Chronicles, 895. In Winchester, Canterbury, and Abingdon the name is Quatbridge. “Þæt hic gedydan æt Cwatbrycge be Sæfryn and þæt geweorc worhtan.” Worcester has “æt Brygce.”

[409] This is distinctly marked by Florence, 1101. “Arcem quam in occidentali Sabrinæ fluminis plaga, in loco qui Brycge dicitur lingua Saxonica, Ægelfleda Merciorum domina quondam construxerat, fratre suo Eadwardo Seniore regnante, Scrobbesbyriensis comes Rotbertus de Beleasmo, Rogeri comitis filius, contra regem Heinricum, ut exitus rei probavit, muro lato et alto summoque restaurare cœpit.” The work of the Lady is recorded in the Canterbury and Abingdon Chronicles, 912. “Her cóm Æþelflæd Myrcna hlæfdige on þone halgan æfen muentione Sc̃e Crucis to Scergeat, and þar ða burh getimbrede, and þæs ilcan géares þa æt Bricge.” It was therefore not a mere earthwork to be wrought, but a wall of some kind, whether of wood or of stone, to be timbered. This marks the position of Bridgenorth itself as distinguished from the earthwork at Oldbury.

[410] Domesday, 254. “Ipse comes tenet Ardintone; Sancta Milburga tenuit T. R. E. Ibi … nova domus, et burgum Quatford dictum. Nil reddit.”

[411] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 499.

[412] A singular story is preserved in Bromton (X Scriptt. 988). When Earl Roger’s second and better-behaved wife Adeliza was coming for the first time to England, she was in danger of shipwreck. Her chaplain, who was on board, had a vision, in which a certain matron told him that, in order to lull the storm, his lady must vow to build a church to Saint Mary Magdalene on the spot where she should first meet her husband, a spot which was to be marked in a manner not unknown either at Glastonbury or at Alba Longa; “Præcipue ubi concava quercus cum tugurio porcorum crescit.” The vow is made; the Countess meets the Earl hunting; “apud Quatford, quæ tunc deserta fuit, in loco ubi dicta quercus crescebat venanti domino suo primo occurrit.” The church was founded and endowed; but it afterwards became annexed to the collegiate chapel in the castle at Bridgenorth. Some further details about this college are given. See also Mon. Angl. viii. 1463. The foundation at Bridgenorth is attributed to Robert of Bellême.

[413] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Oppidum de Quatfort transtulit, et Brugiam, munitissimum castellum, super Sabrinam fluvium condidit.”

[414] It appears in Domesday, 255, in the form of “Aldeberie.”

[415] These windows are a distinct case of traces of the primitive Romanesque even in a military building, just as in Oxford Castle. See N. C. vol. v. p. 636.

[416] Just as in the case of Conan at Rouen, we must get rid of the notion of anybody standing on the top of a flat tower. An English traveller on the continent is struck by seeing military towers with high roofs; but it is simply because in England the roofs have been destroyed.

[417] I have not myself seen this site. Mr. Clark writes to me; “The township of that name is within the Shropshire parish of Llan y-mynech but a part of an island of Denbigh. The site, coveted on account of some silver mines, was conquered soon after the Great Survey, and annexed to the palatine earldom of Salop, though after the conquest of Wales it was transferred to Denbigh. The castle stood upon Offa’s Dyke, and was protected on the immediate south by the Vyrnwy, and a mile or two to the west by its tributary the Tarrat. Three British camps to the north and west show how at least as early as the Mercian days the position had been watched.”

[418] His lands in Nottinghamshire (Domesday, 284) cover more than five pages. At one place, Ættune, we read, “habuerunt x. taini quisque aulam suam.” In other places, 285, 286, we have entries of the same kind of five thegns, six thegns, and seven thegns. Land in Nottinghamshire would seem to have been greatly divided T. R. E. The first entry in Yorkshire, 319, in “Lastone and Trapum,” we read, “ibi habuit comes Edwinus aulam; nunc habet Rogerius de Busli ibi in dominio.” In 320, in Hallun, for which we may read Sheffield, it is said, “ibi habuit Wallef comes aulam.”

The Norman lordship of Roger is written in many ways; he appears as “Rogerus de Buthleio,” “de Busli,” and other forms. In the French Ordnance map the name of the place is given as Bully.

[419] See Domesday, 319, and N. C. vol. iv. p. 290.

[420] Domesday, 320. “Hanc terram habet Rogerius de Judita comitissa.”

[421] Domesday, 113. This is Sanford in Devonshire, which had been held by a Brihtric, whether the son of Ælfgar or any other. “Regina dedit Rogerio cum uxore sua.” Very unlike lands in Yorkshire, it had doubled its value since Brihtric’s time.

[422] Domesday, 319. It is “Tyckyll” in Florence, 1102. The history of the place may be studied in Mr. John Raine’s History of Blyth.

[423] Bæda, ii. 12. “In finibus gentis Merciorum, ad orientalem plagam amnis qui vocatur Idlæ.” There Eadwine smote Æthelfrith. Bæda’s description marks Nottinghamshire as Mercian.

[424] I have had to mention Blyth in my paper on the Arundel case in the Archæological Journal, xxxvii. 244 (1880). The monastic part at the east end is gone, and the effect of the parochial part strangely changed by later additions. No one would think from the first glance at the outside that the nave of a Norman minster lurked there.

There are two notices of Blyth in the Normanniæ Nova Chronica under 1088 and 1090. The first merely records a grant of the church to the Trinity monastery (also called Saint Katharine) at Rouen; “a viro venerabili Rogerio de Bully et ab Munold [sic] uxore sua.” The second records the gift a second time, and adds, “ibi constituit xiii. monachos.” He had had dealings with the house before. In the cartulary of the monastery, No. xliii. p. 444, he sells the tithe of Bully [Buslei], “quemadmodum sibi jure hæreditario competebat,” for threescore and twelve pounds and a horse (“pro libris denariorum lx. et xii. et i. equo”). The signatures, besides those of Duke William and Count Robert of Eu, are mainly local, as “Hernaldi cujus pars decimæ,” “Huelini de Brincourt,”—Neufchâtel that was to be. Mr. A. S. Ellis suggests that this sale was to supply the lord of Bully with the means of crossing in 1066. It is odd that there is no mention of Blyth in the cartulary.

[425] Compare Florence, 1102, with Orderic, 806 C. No one without local knowledge would guess that “Blida” and “Tyckyll” meant the same place.

[426] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Blidam totamque terrain Rogerii de Buthleio cognati sui jure repetiit, et a rege grandi pondere argenti comparavit.” Mr. A. S. Ellis, in a paper reprinted from the Yorkshire Archæological Journal, headed “Biographical Notices on the Yorkshire Tenants named in Doomsday Book,” suggests that what Robert really bought was the wardship of Roger’s son. The history of the family will be found in Mr. Raine’s book and in Mr. Ellis’s paper.

[427] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 537.

[428] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Sicut idem vir multis possessionibus in terris est locupletatus, sic majori fastu superbiæ sequax Belial inflatus, flagitiosos et crudeles ambiebat insatiabiliter actus.” There is no need to take “flagitiosus” in the special sense.

[429] The authorities for this chapter take in such French and Cenomannian records as we have. Suger’s Life of Lewis the Sixth, in the fourth volume of the French Duchèsne, gives us but few facts as to the French war, but he draws a vivid general picture. For Maine we have the Lives of Bishops Howel and Hildebert in the History of the Bishops of Le Mans in Mabillon’s Vetera Analecta. The accounts there given have to be compared throughout with the narrative of the French and Cenomannian wars in Orderic. The strictly English writers tell us nothing about France, next to nothing about Maine. Something may be gleaned from the writers in French rime, as Wace and Geoffrey Gaimar; but Wace has by no means the same value now which he had during the actual time of the Conquest.

[430] See N. C. vol. v. p. 99.

[431] See N. C. vol. i. p. 249.

[432] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 130.

[433] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 263.

[434] Lewis is in Suger constantly spoken of as “Dominus Ludovicus;” special titles for kings’ sons had not yet been invented.

[435] William of Malmesbury tells the story (iii. 257); “Pacem cum Philippo rege comparavit [Robertus Friso], data sibi in uxorem privigna, de qua ille Lodovicum tulit qui modo regnat in Francia; nec multo post pertæsus connubii (quod illa præpinguis corpulentiæ esset), a lecto removit, uxoremque Andegavensis comitis contra fas et jus sibi conjunxit.” The reason here given for separation seems a strange one, especially on the part of Philip. Henry the Eighth, according to some accounts, is said at one stage to have sought for a wife of his own size. The Queen appears in Orderic (699 B) as “generosa et religiosa conjux.” It appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 8) that Philip next wished to marry Emma, the daughter of Count Robert of Sicily; but the trick was found out. It was not easy to entrap a Sicilian Norman.

[436] This is Orderic’s story. The three wives of Fulk are carefully reckoned up in the Gesta Consulum (Chroniques d’Anjou, i. 140) and in the Gesta Ambasiensium Dominorum (i. 191). Bertrada therefore had some reason when we read, “Bertrada Andegavorum comitissa, metuens ne vir suus quod jam duabus aliis fecerat sibi faceret, et relicta contemptui ceu vile scortum fieret, conscia nobilitatis et pulcritudinis suæ fidissimum legatum Philippo regi Francorum destinavit, eique quod in corde tractabat, evidenter notificavit. Malebat enim ultro virum relinquere aliumque appetere quam a viro relinqui, omniumque patere despectui.” Some details of the elopement of Bertrada from Tours are given in the Gesta Consulum, i. 142, and in the acts of the Lords of Amboise, i. 192. She appears there as “pessima uxor Fulconis comitis.”

[437] William of Malmesbury (v. 404) lays the blame in a quarter which we should not have looked for; “Adeo erat [Philippus] omnibus episcopis provinciæ suæ derisui, ut nullus eos desponsaret præter Willelmum archiepiscopum Rotomagensem, cujus facti temeritatem luit multis annis interdictus, et vix tandem aliquando per Anselmum archiepiscopum apostolicæ communioni redditus.” (See De Rémusat, Anselme, 355.) It is hard to have to believe this of the Good Soul, and one rather takes to Orderic’s version (699 C); “Odo Baiocensis episcopus hanc exsecrandam desponsationem fecit, ideoque dono mœchi regis pro recompensatione infausti famulatus ecclesias Madanti oppidi aliquamdiu habuit.” Orderic waxes very eloquent on Philip’s crime.

[438] See his letters in Duchèsne, iv. 2, 3, 4, 7. Ivo distinctly refuses to have anything to do with the marriage; but it seems that Philip pretended to have been divorced by a council under Reginald Archbishop of Rheims.

[439] Betholi Constantiensis Chron., Bouquet, xi. 27, 28. “1094. In Galliarum civitate quam vulgariter Ostionem (Augustodunum) dicunt, congregatum est generale concilium a venerando Hugone Lugdunensi archiepiscopo et sedis apostolicæ legato cum archiepiscopis, episcopis et abbatibus diversarum provinciarum xvii. cal. Nov. in quo concilio renovata est excommunicatio in Heinricum regem et in Guibertum sedis apostolicæ invasorem et in omnes eorum complices. Item rex Galliarum Philippus excommunicatus est, eo quod, vivente uxore sua, alteram superinduxerit.”

[440] Ord. Vit. 669 C. “Permissu tamen præsulum, quorum dominus erat, pro regali dignitate capellanum suum habebat, a quo cum privata familia privatim missam audiebat.”

[441] Ib. “In quodcunque oppidum vel urbem Galliarum rex advenisset, mox ut a clero auditum fuisset, cessabat omnis clangor campanarum, et generalis cantus clericorum.” William of Malmesbury, v. 404; “Quocirca ab apostolico excommunicatus, cum in villa qua mansitabat nihil divini servitii fieret, sed discedente eo, tinnitus signorum undique concreparent, insulsam fatuitatem cachinnis exprimebat, ‘Audis,’ inquiens, ‘bella, quomodo nos effugant.’”

[442] Ord. Vit. u.s. “Quo tempore nunquam diadema portavit, nec purpuram induit, neque sollennitatem aliquam regio more celebrabat.”

[443] Her death is recorded in the year 1094 in the Chronicle of Clarius or of Saint Peter at Sens (D’Achery, ii. 477), which gives some curious details of the council of that year, and how the Archbishop of Sens was allowed to sit on a level with the Archbishop of Rheims.

[444] Ord. Vit. 700 A. “Ludovico filio suo consensu Francorum Pontisariam et Madantum totumque comitatum Vilcassinum donavit, totiusque regni curam, dum primo flore juventutis pubesceret, commisit.”

[445] Ord. Vit. 766 A. “Guillelmus Rufus, ut patris sui casus et bellorum causas comperit, Philippo Francorum regi totum Vilcassinum pagum calumniari cœpit, et præclara oppida, Pontesiam et Calvimontem atque Medantum, poposcit,”

[446] Ib. “Francis autem poscenti non acquiescentibus, imo prœlianti atrociter resistere ardentibus, ingens guerra inter feroces populos exoritur, et multis luctuosa mors ingeritur.”

[447] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “And se cyng þeræfter uppon Sc̃e Martines mæssan ofer sǽ intó Normandig fór.”

[448] See N. C. vol. v. p. 159.

[449] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ac þa hwile þe he wederes abád, his hired innon þam sciran þær hi lágon þone mæston hearm dydon þe æfre hired oððe here innon friðlande don sceolde.”

[450] See vol. i. p. 154.

[451] It is hardly an exception when William of Malmesbury (iv. 320) tells the story of William Rufus’ dialogue with Helias, which belongs to this time, altogether out of place, and as a mere illustrative anecdote.

[452] Suger, 283 A. “Similiter et dissimiliter inter eos certabatur, similiter cum neuter cederet, dissimiliter cum ille maturus, iste juvenculus, ille opulentus et Anglorum thesaurorum profusor, mirabilisque militum mercator et solidator; iste peculii expers, patri qui beneficiis regni utebatur parcendo, sola bonæ indolis industria militiam cogebat, audacter resistebat.” Orderic (766 A) says, in a somewhat different strain, “Philippus rex piger et corpulentus belloque incongruus erat; Ludovicus vero filius ejus puerili temeritudine detentus, adhuc militare nequibat.” This strange statement comes before that quoted in p. 175.

[453] Orderic (766 A) waxes very eloquent on William, his host, and its captains, how they could have met Cæsar, and what not. He gives the list in the text, with the notice, “Robertus Belesmensis princeps militiæ hujus erat, cujus favor erga regem et calliditas præ cæteris vigebat.”

[454] Suger, 283 A. “Videres juvenum celerrimum, modo Bituricensium, modo Arvernorum, modo Burgundionum, militari manu transvolare fines; nec idcirco tardius si ei ignotescat Vilcassinum regredi, et cum trecentis aut quingentis militibus præfato regi Guillelmo cum x. millibus fortissime refragari.”

[455] Suger, 283 A. “Ut dubius se habet belli eventus, modo cedere, fugare modo.”

[456] Ib. B. “Angliæ captos ad redemptionem celerem militaris stipendii acceleravit anxietas, Francorum vero longa diuturni carceris maceravit prolixitas, nec ullo modo evinculari potuerunt, donec, suscepta ejusdem regis Angliæ militia, hominio obligati regnum et regem impugnare et turbare jurejurando firmaverunt.” So Pyrrhos proposed to his Roman prisoners to enter his service.

[457] Suger (287, 291) has much to say about “Guido de Rupe-forti, vir peritus et miles emeritus.” In p. 297 he describes the castle; “Supersistitur promontorio ardui litoris magni fluminis Sequanæ horridum et ignobile castrum, quod dicitur Rupes Guidonis, in superficie sui invisibile, rupe sublimi incaveatum, cui manus æmula artificis in devexo montis, raro et misero ostio, maximæ domus amplitudinem rupe cæsa extendit, antrum ut putatur, fatidicum.” He goes on to quote Lucan. Orderic (766 B) witnesses to Guys treason; “Guido de Rupe, Anglorum argenti cupidus, eis favit, et munitiones suas de Rupe et Vetolio dimisit. Sic alii nonnulli fecerunt, qui suis infidi exteris avide obtemperaverunt.”

[458] Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 200, for the same state of things at Nottingham. The like may be seen along the banks of the Loire.

[459] Ord. Vit. 766 B. “Rodbertus comes de Mellento in suis munitionibus Anglos suscepit, et patentem eis in Galliam discursum aperuit, quorum bellica vis plurima Francis damna intulit.” “Angli” here must take in all the subjects of Rufus. “Gallia,” I need hardly say, is high-polite for France, and does not take in Normandy.

[460] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 486.

[461] Ord. Vit. 766 B. “Plerique Francorum qui binis cogebantur dominis obsecundare, pro fiscis quibus abunde locupletati sub utriusque regia turgebant ditione, anxii quia nemo potest duobus dominis servire, animis acriorem opibusque ditiorem elegerunt, et cum suis hominibus municipiisque favorabiliter paruerunt.”

[462] Among the Norman prisoners Suger (283 A) counts “Paganum de Gisortio, qui castrum idem primo munivit.” Orderic (766 C) gives him, like several other people, a double name; he appears as “Tedbaldus-Paganus de Gisortis.” This first fortification of Gisors must be that which is referred to by Robert of Torigny under the year 1096; “Rex Willermus fecit quoddam castellum, Gisorth videlicet, in confinio Normanniæ et Franciæ.” See below, [p. 190].

[463] Orderic, 766 B. “Guillelmus rex firmissimum castrum Gisortis construi præcepit, quod usque hodie contra Calvimontem et Triam atque Burriz oppositum, Normanniam concludit, cujus positionem et fabricam ingeniosus artifex Rodbertus Belesmensis disposuit.” See above, [p. 151].

[464] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 494.

[465] Ord. Vit. 766 C. “Illi nimirum insignem Francorum laudem deperire noluerunt, seseque pro defensione patriæ et gloria gentis suæ, ad mortem usque inimicis objecerunt.” This is said specially of the knights of the Vexin; “In illa quippe provincia egregiorum copia militum est quibus ingenuitas et ingens probitas inest.”

[466] Suger gives the list, 283 A. Orderic (766 C) also speaks of the captivity of “Tetbaldus-Paganus de Gisortis,” and some others. Suger calls Gilbert of Laigle “nobilis et Angliæ et Normanniæ seque illustris baro.” But his English estates (Domesday 36, ii. 263) in Surrey and Norfolk were not very large. Another prisoner was “Comes Simon, nobilis vir;” that is, I suppose, Simon of Senlis, Earl of Northampton. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 602.

[467] See vol. i. p. 211.

[468] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Audientes Cenomanni dissidium Normannorum cogitaverunt fastuosum excutere a se jugum eorum, quod olim facere multoties conati sunt sub Guillelmo Magno rege Anglorum. Hoc Robertus dux ut comperiit, legatos et exenia Fulconi Andegavensium satrapæ destinavit, obnixe rogans ut Cenonannos a temerario ausu compesceret, ac in Normanniam ad se graviter ægrotantem veniret.”

[469] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 562. We shall meet him again in this character.

[470] See above, p. 172. Orderic’s words (681 D) are, “viventibus adhuc duabus uxoribus tertiam desponsavit.” But the accounts of the Angevin writers do not bear this out.

[471] Fulk is made to say (Ord. Vit. 681 C), “Amo Bertradam sobolem Simonis de Monteforti, neptem scilicet Ebroicensis comitis Guillermi, quam Heluissa comitissa nutrit et sua sub tutela custodit.” Presently Count William himself speaks of her as “neptis mea, quæ adhuc tenera virago est, quam sororius meus mihi commendavit nutriendam.” Here the word “virago,” the use of which is a little doubtful, seems equivalent to “virgo,” unless it is meant that Bertrada had graduated in the school of her aunt. But see Ducange in Virago.

[472] See [Appendix C].

[473] Ord. Vit. 681 C. “Si mihi quam valde cupio rem feceris unam, Cenomannos tibi subjiciam, et omni tempore tibi ut amicus fideliter serviam.”

[474] Ib. “Radulfus patruus meus, qui pro magnitudine capitis et congerie capillorum jocose cognominatus est Caput asini.” We have heard of him as the murderer of Gilbert of Eu and the guardian of William the Great. See N. C. vol. i. pp. 196, 202.

[475] See vol. i. p. 220. Orderic gives the list of counsellors.

[476] See vol. i. pp. 220, 256.

[477] Ord. Vit. 681 D. “Ex consultu sapientum”—Duke Robert had his Witan—“decrevit dare minora ne perderet majora.”

[478] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 545.

[479] Orderic tells the tale, 683 B, C. “Qui vivente Guillelmo rege contra eum rebellare multoties conati sunt, ipso mortuo statim de rebellione machinari cœperunt, legationem igitur filiis Azsonis marchisi Liguriæ direxerunt.” Then they set forth their story, “non pro amore eorum, sed ut aliqua rationabili occasione jugum excuterent a se Normannorum, quod fere xxx. annis fortiter detriverat turgidas cervices eorum.”

[480] Orderic (683 C, D) makes “Gaufridus Madeniensis et Helias aliique cives et oppidani” join in the reception of Hugh, therefore seemingly in the mission to him. The biographer of the Bishops (Vet. An. 292) makes the embassy the work of Geoffrey only.

[481] Orderic draws his outward likeness, 769 D. “Erat probus et honorabilis, et multis pro virtutibus amabilis. Corpore præcellebat, fortis et magnus, statura gracilis et procerus, niger et hirsutus, et instar presbyteri bene tonsus.”

[482] Ib. “Eloquio erat suavis et facundus, lenis quietis et asper rebellibus, justitiæ cultor rigidus, et in timore Dei ad opus bonum fervidus.” He goes on with details of his devotions. There is another shorter panegyric in 768 D.

[483] Ib. 684 C. Helias there sets forth his own pedigree; “Filia Herberti comitis Lancelino de Balgenceio nupsit, eique Lancelinum Radulfi patrem et Johannem meum genitorem peperit.”

[484] Ib. 769 A. “Generosam conjugem Mathildam filiam Gervasii accepit, qui Rodberti cognomento Brochardi fratris Gervasii Remensis archiepiscopi filius fuit.” On Bishop Gervase see N. C. vol. iii. pp. 193–196.

[485] Ord. Vit. 769 A. “Helias de paterna hereditate Flechiam castrum possedit, quatuor vero castella de patrimonio uxoris suæ obtinuit, id est, Ligerim et Maiatum, Luceium et Ustilliacum.” We shall hear of these places again.

[486] Not that the department is called from the town, but from the river.

[487] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 545.

[488] Ord. Vit. 683 C. “Gaufridus Madeniensis et Helias, aliique cives et oppidani, venientem Hugonem susceperunt, eique ad obtinendum jus ex materna hereditate competens aliquamdiu suffragati sunt.”

[489] Ib. B. “Anno ab Incarnatione Domini m.xc. Indictione xiii. Cenomanni contra Normannos rebellaverunt, ejectisque custodibus de munitionibus, novum principem sibi constituerunt.”

[490] See vol. i. p. 205. Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 546.

[491] Ord. Vit. 683 D. “In quantum potuit truculentam recalcitrationem dissuasit, pertinaces verum interdixit, pontificali jure anathematizavit, et a liminibus sanctæ matris ecclesiæ sequestravit. Quapropter rebellionis incentores contra eum nimis irati sunt, et injuriis eum afficere terribiliter comminati sunt.”

[492] I am here following Orderic, whose account (683 D) runs thus; “Interea dum per diocesim suam cum clericis suis equitaret, et episcopali more officium suum sollerter exerceret, Helias de Flechia eum comprehendit, et in carcere, donec Hugo in urbe Cenomannica susceptus fuisset, vinctum præsulem tenuit.” The biographer of the Bishop (Vet. An. 291) is of course much more angry with Helias, and seems quite to misconceive the state of things. Very soon after the death of the Conqueror, Helias seizes Ballon and makes war on Le Mans; “Surrexit quidam nobilis adolescens, qui erat de genere Cenomannensium consulum, Helias nomine, et cœpit calumniari ipsum comitatum, ingressusque castrum quod Baledonem nominant, regionem undique devastabat, maximeque adversus civitatis habitatores, qui ei viriliter resistebant, multis insidiis assiduisque deprædationibus grassabatur.” The Bishop opposes him in the interest of Duke Robert, and then, “Quorumdam perversorum consilio, in tantam prorupit audaciam ut in christum Domini manum mittere, eumque apud castrum patrimonii sui, quod Fissa dicitur, in custodia ponere non timeret.” “Fissa” is La Flèche. This writer says nothing of the message to Hugh till after the imprisonment of Howel. It is then set on foot by Geoffrey of Mayenne, who is described as “Ratus se opportunum tempus invenisse, quo regionem denuo perturbaret.” We must remember that Orderic is here writing the history of Maine, while the biographer is merely writing the history of Howel; but for that very reason we may trust him as to the details of the Bishop’s imprisonment.

[493] Vet. An. 291. “Clericos suos ita ab ipsius fecit præsentia removeri, ut cum nullo eorum nec familiare nec publicum posset habere colloquium, rusticumque presbyterum ejus obsequio deputavit, ne custodum calliditas Latina posset confabulatione deludi.”

[494] This comes from Orderic (683 D), who has some curious details; “Domini sanctas imagines cum crucibus, et sanctarum scrinia reliquiarum, ad terram deposuit, et portas basilicarum spinis obturavit.” The biographer of the Bishops mentions only the thorns, and he seems to imply that only Le Mans and its suburbs were thus treated; “Matris ecclesiæ omniumque ejusdem civitatis vel suburbii ecclesiarum januas.”

[495] All this is told at some length, Vet. An. 291. “Helias, pœnitentia ductus, pontificisque genibus provolutus, veniam precabatur.”

[496] Vit. An. 292. “Cum esset apud castrum quod Carcer dicitur, occurrerunt ei proceres civitatis, sacramenta fidelitatis quæ Roberto comiti promiserant pro nihilo reputantes.”

[497] Ib. “Rotbertus ultra modum inertiæ et voluptati deditus, nihil dignum ratione respondens, quæ Cenomannenses fecerant, pro eo quod inepto homini nimis onerosi viderentur, non multum sibi displicuisse monstravit.” This is important, now that an attempt is made to saddle Orderic with the invention of the received character of Robert.

[498] Ib. “Non curare videbatur, nisi ut episcopatus tantum in ejus dominio remaneret. Unde præcepit episcopo ut ad ecclesiam quidem reverteretur, de episcopatu vero nullatenus Hugoni marchisio responderet.” On the advowson of the see of Le Mans, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 194; vol. iv. p. 544.

[499] Vet. Ann. 292. “Comes malo ingenio episcopum circumvenire cupiens, postulabat ut ab ipso donum episcopatus acciperet.” That is, Howel is to do homage to the new prince, much as Henry the First, as we shall see in a later chapter, demanded the homage of Anselm. Howel’s objection seems simply to be that Robert was the lawful lord, not that it was unlawful to accept the benefice from any temporal lord.

[500] The troubles of the Bishop are set forth at length by his biographer (Vet. An. 292 et seqq.). This device of his enemies in the Chapter was the cruellest of all. Finding no fault in him, but wishing that some fault should be found, “sub specie veræ amicitiæ persuaserunt ei ut fraterculum duodennem qui necdum perfecte litterarum elementa didicerat, in ejus [decani] loco constitueret, et contra ecclesiastica instituta inductum prudentibus puerulum senioribus anteferret.” Geoffrey was a Breton, brother of Judicail—​the name familiar in so many spellings—​Bishop of Saint Malo. See Ord. Vit. 770 C. There was much disputing between him and the other candidate for the deanery. This was Gervase, nephew of the former Bishop Gervase (see N. C. vol. iii. p. 193), who had on his side the memory of his uncle, and the special favour of his brothers with Count Hugh (“quia fratres ejus eo tempore nimia familiaritate principis uterentur”).

[501] Vet. An. 294. “Ad regem Anglorum se contulit, ejusque liberalitate levamen maximum suæ persecutionis accepit.”

[502] The story is told in Vet. An. 294. Howel stayed four months in England; ib. 295.

[503] Ib. 297.

[504] A great number of grants and privileges are reckoned up in Vet. An. 298. Among them several exemptions were granted to the episcopal lordship of Coulaines, a place of which we shall hear again.

[505] According to Orderic (684 A) the people of Maine found him “divitiis et sensu et virtute inopem.” The Biographer (299) calls him “propter inconstantiam suam bonis omnibus infestus,” and says that he went away, “omnibus quæ habere poterat in pecuniam redactis.”

[506] Ord. Vit. 684 A.

[507] Orderic (u. s.) graphically sets forth the fears of one who was “inscius inter gnaros et timidus inter animosos milites consul constitutus.” He and his countrymen are “Allobroges,” which seems odd; the men of Maine are “Cisalpini.”

[508] Ord. Vit. 684 A. See vol. i. p. 277. According to Helias or Orderic, the reconciled princes could muster a hundred thousand men. It was, so Helias is made to think, chiefly for the conquest of Maine that Rufus had crossed the sea.

[509] Ord. Vit. u. s.

[510] Ib. “Me quoque libertatis amor nihilominus stimulat, et hereditatis avitæ rectitudo dimicandi pro illa fiduciam in Deo mihi suppeditat.”

[511] Both Orderic and the Biographer record the sale; the Biographer throws some doubt on its validity; “Heliæ cognato suo ipsam civitatem totumque comitatum, quantum in ipso erat, vendidit.” Orderic names the price.

[512] Ord. Vit. 684 D. “Hic in accepta potestate viam suam multum emendavit, et multiplici virtute floruit. Clerum et ecclesiam Dei laudabiliter honoravit, et missis servitioque Dei quotidie ferventer interfuit. Subjectis æquitatem servavit pacemque pauperibus pro posse suo tenuit.” He comes in again for the like praise in 768 D, and more fully in 769 D.

[513] His works are described by the Biographer, Vet. An. 299, 300.

[514] Vet. An. 299.

[515] See above, [p. 15], and vol. i. p. 227.

[516] Vet. An. 301. “Ei [papæ] cum omni comitatu suo per triduum cuncta necessaria hilariter et abundantissime ministravit, quamvis eodem anno non solum annonæ, sed et omnium quæ ad cibum pertinent, maximum constet exstitisse defectum.” The Biographer is naturally eloquent on the Pope’s visit.

[517] He appeared (Vet. An. ib.) “facie hilaris, colore vividus, ingenio perspicax, cibo et potu sobrius, membrisque omnibus incolumis.”

[518] Orderic (769 A) makes Helias say, “Consilio papæ crucem Domini pro servitio ejus accepi.” He does not mention the visit of Urban to Le Mans, nor does the Biographer mention the crusading vow of Helias; but the two accounts fit in together.

[519] See their dialogue in Laing, iii. 178.

[520] Orderic (769 A) describes the agreement between William and Robert, and the payment of the pledge-money (see vol. i. p. 559). Then he adds; “Helias comes ad curiam regis Rothomagum venit. Qui postquam diu cum duce consiliatus fuit, ad regem accessit.”

[521] See vol. i. pp. 175, 302.

[522] Ord. Vit. 769 A. “Domine mi rex … amicitiam, ut vester fidelis, vestram deposco, et hoc iter cum pace vestra inire cupio.”

[523] Ib. “Quo vis vade; sed Cenomannicam urbem cum toto comitatu mihi dimitte, quia quidquid pater meus habuit volo habere.”

[524] Ib. 769 B. “Si placitare vis, judicium gratanter subibo, et patrium jus, secundum examen regum, comitumque et episcoporum, perdam aut tenebo.” I cannot see with Sir Francis Palgrave (iv. 633) that this proposal “indicates that Helias assumed the existence of a High Court of Peers, possessing jurisdiction over the whole Capetian monarchy—​that realm to which the name of France can scarcely yet be given.” Surely Helias simply means to refer the matter to arbitration.

[525] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Ensibus et lanceis innumerisque missilibus tecum placitabo.”

[526] Ord. Vit. 769 C. “Ipse mihi Cænomannorum præposituram dignatus est commendare.” The strictly feudal language is worth noticing; but “præpositura” is an odd word to express the countship of Maine.

[527] I give the substance of the speech in Orderic, 769 B, C.

[528] Ib. “Ego contra cruciferos prœliari nolo, sed urbem quam pater meus in die transitus sui nactus erat mihi vendicabo.”

[529] Ib. “Tu igitur dilapsos aggeres munitionum tuarum summopere repara, et cœmentarios lapidumque cæsores lucri cupidos velociter aggrega, vetustasque neglectorum ruinas murorum utcumque resarciendo restaura.”

[530] Ib. “Cinomannicos enim cives quantocius visitabo, et centum milia lanceas cum vexillis ante portas eis demonstrabo; nec tibi sine calumnia hæreditatem meam indulgebo.”

[531] Ord. Vit. 769 C. “Currus etiam pilis atque sagittis onustos illuc bobus pertrahi faciam. Sed ego ipse cum multis legionibus armatorum bubulcos alacriter boantes ad portas tuas præcedam. Hæc verissime credito et complicibus tuis edicito.” All this talk is at least very characteristic of William Rufus.

[532] Ord. Vit. 770 C. “Helias comes Goiffredum Britonem, decanum ejusdem ecclesiæ, ad episcopatum elegit.” See above, [p. 201].

[533] Vet. An. 303. “A domno Hoello venerabilis memoriæ episcopo Cenomannensis ecclesiæ scholarum magister et archidiaconus factus.” He was “ex Lavarzinensi castro, mediocribus quidem sed honestis exortus parentibus.” On his relations to Helias see [Appendix KK].

[534] Ord. Vit. 770 C. “Præveniens clerus Hildebertum de Lavarceio archidiaconum in cathedra pontificali residere compulit, et altæ vocis cum jubilatione tripudians cantavit Te Deum laudamus, et cetera quæ usus in electione præsulis exposcit ecclesiasticus.” An. Vet. 303. “Post discessum ipsius [Hoelli] proper scientiæ et honestatis suæ meritum, communi cleri plebisque assensu in ejus loco substitutus est.”

[535] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Quod Helias ut comperiit, valde iratus resistere voluit. Sed clericis dicentibus illi, Electionem tuam ecclesiasticæ præferre non debes electioni, reveritus, quia Deum timebat, siluit et, ne letale in membris ecclesiæ schisma fieret, canonicis consensit.” For Saint Eadward’s opposite conduct in the like case, see N. C. vol. ii. p. 120.

[536] Ib. “Goiffredus quippe de præsulatu securus erat, jamque copiosas dapes pro sublimatione sui præparaverat. Paratæ quidem dapes ab avidis comessoribus absumptæ sunt. Sed ipsum Cenomanni episcopum habere penitus recusaverunt.” He then mentions his promotion to Rouen.

[537] The story of Hildebert’s dealings with the heretic Henry are told at large by the Biographer, 312 et seqq. See also Milman, Latin Christianity, iv. 176.

[538] Vet. An. 326. He became Archbishop, “concedente Ludovico rege Francorum, Cenomannensibus et Turonensibus clericis et populis devotum præbentibus assensum.” The King therefore kept at Tours the right of advowson which he had lost at Le Mans. But had Hildebert, like Anselm (see vol. i. pp. 397, 404), to get leave from his church to go away, or had Cenomannian electors any share in choosing the Metropolitan? Orderic (770 D) says that he was chosen “a clero et populo,” seemingly of Tours, and “nutu Dei.” He does not mention any action on the part of Le Mans.

[539] See above, [p. 200].

[540] Vet. An. 305. “Eo tempore inter regem Anglorum et Heliam comitem bellum gravissimum exortum est, pro eo scilicet quod idem rex Cenomannensem episcopatum calumniabatur [cf. N. C. vol. iii. p. 194], ideoque ordinationi episcopi moliebatur obsistere.”

[541] Ib. “Cum eum ordinatum audisset, inimicitiarum quas dudum mente conceperat manifestis bellorum incursibus patefecit.” He gives no details of the war till the capture of Helias.

[542] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Helias castrum apud Dangeolum contra Rodbertum Talavacium firmavit, ibique satellites suos ad defensandos incolas terræ suæ collocavit.”

[543] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 552, 652.

[544] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Inde præfatus tyrannus, quod vicina passim depopulari arva non posset, contristatus est. Intempestivus igitur mense Januario regem inquietavit.” Then comes his speech; and then, “invitus rex pluribus ex causis expeditionem inchoavit, sed Rodberto instigante et prospera pollicente, differre, ne ignavus putaretur, erubuit.”

[545] Ib. “Principalis ordinatio provinciales competentibus armaturis munitos adscivit, et ad transitus aquarum sepiumque difficilesque aditus silvarum in hostes coaptavit. Tunc rex inimicis nihil nocere potuit.” He now gives his orders to Robert of Bellême, and we hear no more of him personally in Maine till after the capture of Helias.

[546] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Rex … rancore stomachatus ferocior in illos exarsit, et Rodberto ingentem familiam bellatorum suis in municipiis adunare præcepit, et copiosos pecuniæ sumptus erogavit, unde municipia ejus vallis et muris et multiplicibus zetis undique clauderentur et bellicosis larga stipendiariis donativa largirentur.”

[547] Ib. B. “Oppida nova condidit, et antiqua præcipitibus fossis cingens admodum firmavit.”

[548] Ib. “Novem in illo comitatu habuit castra, id est Blevam et Perretum, Montem de Nube et Soonam, Sanctum Remigium de Planis, et Orticosam, Allerias et Motam Galterii de Clincampo, Mamerz, et alias domos firmas quamplurimas.” On “domus firmæ,” see N. C. vol. ii. p. 625.

[549] Ord. Vit. 770 B. “Hæc siquidem regio censu argutus artifex sibi callide præparavit, et in his bestialis sævitiæ colonos vicinisque suis malefidos collocavit, per quos arrogantiæ suæ satisfaceret, et atrocem guerram in Cænomannos exercuit.” Our own chronicler in Stephen’s day goes even beyond Orderic’s rhetoric. The “devils and evil men” outdo even the “bestialis sævitiæ coloni.”

[550] Orderic tells all this out of place, 768 C, D. “Terras quas prisci antecessores sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit. Is jamdudum in Cænomannico consulatu castra violenter in alieno rure construxit, in possessionibus scilicet sancti Petri de Cultura et sancti Vincentii martyris, quibus colonos graviter oppressit.”

[551] Ib. They fought “in nomine Domini, invocato sancto Juliano pontifice.”

[552] See vol. i. p. 273, and [Appendix M].

[553] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Pro quibus Cænomannenses maximas redemptiones habuerunt, et sic injurias sanctorum et damna suorum ulti sunt.”

[554] Ord. Vit. 770 B. “In quadragesima, dum peccatores cælitus compuncti prava relinquunt, et ad medicamentum pœnitentiæ pro transactis sceleribus trepidi confugiunt, in carcere Rodberti plusquam trecenti vinculati perierunt. Qui multam ei pecuniam pro salute sua obtulerunt, sed crudeliter ab eo contempti, fame et algore aliisque miseriis interierunt.”

[555] I infer as much from the somewhat vague words of Orderic, 771 A; “Helias comes hebdomada præcedente rogationes expeditionem super Robertum fecit, et facto discursu post nonam suos remeare præcepit.”

[556] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Illis autem redeuntibus, comes cum septem militibus a turma sua segregatus, prope Dangeolum divertit, ibique in condensis arboribus et frutectis latitantes quosdam advertit, in quos statim cum paucis sodalibus irruit.” So the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); “Dum comes Helias … hostes qui adversus eum venerant incautius sequeretur, ab ipsis, proh dolor! comprehensus est.” Wace, who tells the whole story in the wildest order, and makes the capture of Helias follow the siege of Mayet, preserves (15100) the memory of the ambush;

“Mais Normanz par une envaïe

Unt retenu li conte Helie

Li conte unt pris è retenu

Et el rei l’uat tot sain rendu.”

[557] Ord. Vit. 771 A. “Rodbertus in insidiis ibi latitabat. Qui ut paucos incaute discurrentes vidit, vafer militiæque gnarus ex improviso cum plurimis prosiluit, comitemque mox et Herveum de Monteforti signiferum ejus et pene omnes alios comprehendit.”

The Angevin version (Chron. S. Alb. Andeg. 1098) is somewhat different; “Helias comes Cenomannorum captus est a Rotberto de Belesma, defectione suorum, iv. kal. Maii, feria iv. et redditus Willelmo secundo regi Anglorum.” There is nothing in the fuller story of Orderic to bear out the charge in Italics; but it might be an easy inference from the Count’s small attendance.

[558] Ord. Vit. 776 A. “Prævii exercitus, postquam Balaonem alacres pervenerunt, per eos qui evaserunt captum esse audierunt, subitoque post inanem lætitiam ingenti mœrore pariter inebriati sunt.”

[559] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Rodbertus deinde regi Heliam Rothomagum præsentavit, quem rex honorifice custodiri præcepit.” I do not think that this is set aside by the words of the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); “Rotomagum usque productus, in arce ipsius civitatis in vincula conjectus est.” For “vincula,” like Orderic’s own “carcer” in 771 B, is a vague kind of word which need not be always taken literally. Orderic adds; “Non enim militibus erat crudelis, sed blandus et dapsilis, jocundus et affabilis.” This, with the proper emphasis on “militibus,” is the very picture of the Red King. Wace however, who is also strong about the fetters, seems to have mistaken it for a character of Helias (15106);

“Li reis à Roem l’envéia

E garder le recomenda;

En la tour le rova garder

Et en bones buies fermer.

Helies fu boen chevaliers,

Bels fu è genz è bien pleniers,” &c.

He goes on with a speech of Helias to his guardians, which seems to be made out of his speech to the King in Orderic, 773 B.

[560] See below, p. 230, [note 2].

[561] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Felici fortuna rex Guillelmus sibi arridente tripudiavit, et convocatis in unum Normanniæ baronibus, ait, Hactenus de nanciscenda hæreditate paterna negligenter egi, quia pro cupiditate ruris augendi populos vexare vel homines perimere nolui.”

[562] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Nunc autem, ut videtis, me nesciente, hostis meus captus est, Deoque volente, qui rectitudinem meam novit, mihi traditus est.” Here we get the sentiment of the wager of battle.

[563] 2 Kings x. 9.

[564] Ord. Vit. u.s. “Communi consilio, domine rex, decernimus ut jussione vestra universus Normannorum aggregetur exercitus, cum quo nos omnes ad obtinendam Cænomannorum regionem audacter et alacriter ibimus.”

[565] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Franci ergo et Burgundiones, Morini et Britones, aliæque vicinæ gentes ad liberalem patricium concurrerunt, et phalanges ejus multipliciter auxerunt.”

[566] Ib. D. “Gilo de Soleio, de nobilissimis Gallorum antiquus heros, de familia Henrici regis Francorum, qui multas viderat et magnas congregationes populorum, in arduo monte stans, turmas armatorum undique prospexit, et quinquaginta millia virorum inibi esse autumavit, nec se unquam citra Alpes tantum insimul exercitum vidisse asseruit.”

[567] Cf. N. C. vol. v. p. 268.

[568] I have quoted Wace’s accurate bit of geography on this head, N. C. vol. ii. p. 291.

[569] Ord. Vit. 771 C. “Mense Junio Guillelmus rex per Alencionem exercitum duxit, multisque millibus stipatus, hostium regionem formidabilis intravit.” Yet, after his dealings with Ralph and the others, we read (ib. D), “Prima regis mansio in terra hostili apud Ruceiam [see below, [p. 232]] fuit.” This surely means that his head-quarters still remained at Alençon, though he doubtless made raids on the Cenomannian side of the river.

[570] Ib. “Militum vero turmæ regio jussu Fredernaium repente adierunt, et cum oppidanis equitibus militari exercitio ante portas castri aliquantulum certaverunt.”

[571] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 558.

[572] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 269, 624.

[573] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 652.

[574] Ord. Vit. 771 C. “A sublimitate vestra requiro, domine rex, inducias, donec salvus de Cænomannis redeas. Illic enim præsul et senatorum concio consistit, ibique communis quotidie de statu reipublicæ tractatus et providentia fit. Quidquid ibi pactum fuerit vobiscum nos gratanter subsequemur, et jussionibus vestris in omnibus obsequemur. Hæc idcirco, domine rex, loco majorum natu consilio, quia, si sine bello primus defecero pariumque meorum desertor primus pacem iniero, omni sine dubio generi meo dedecus et improperium generabo. Membra caput subsequi debent, non præcedere; et faceti legitimique vernulæ magis optant obsequi domino quam jubere.” The words here especially the “faceti legitimique vernulæ,” are doubtless Orderic’s; but surely the very strangeness of the proposal is almost enough to show that he is recording a real transaction.

[575] Ib. D. “Hæc et plura similia dicentem rex laudavit, et quæ postulata fuerant annuit.”

[576] Ord. Vit. 771 D. We first heard of Geoffrey as long ago as 1055. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 167.

[577] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 553.

[578] The Biographer (Vet. An. 305) says nothing of the bargain with Ralph and the other lords; but he says that “rex Anglorum, cernens civitatem principis sui præsidio destitutam, quorumdam perfidorum civium assensu illuc accedere properavit.” We need not take “cives” too strictly; and if anything like the commune had been set up again, the lords would be “cives.”

[579] Chron. S. Alb. And. 1098. “Fulco Andegavorum comes, Rechin cognominatus, Cenomanniam urbem ut suam sequenti sabbato recepit.” The date is reckoned from the capture of Helias. So Ord. Vit. 772 A. “Fulco cognomento Richinus, Andegavorum comes, ut Heliam captum audivit, Cænomannis, quia capitalis dominus erat, actutum advenit, et a civibus libenter susceptus, munitiones militibus et fundibulariis munivit.” The local writer (Vet. An. 305) is silent about Fulk’s lordship, but remembers the family connexion between him and Helias; “Quo comperto, Fulco Andegavorum comes protinus cum filio suo Gaufrido, cui filia Heliæ comitis jam desponsata fuerat, in civitatem advenit, et consensu civium in munitionibus civitatis custodiam posuit.” The “consensus civium” sounds like a formal act of the municipal body.

[580] Eremburga, who afterwards married the younger Fulk, seems to have been at an earlier time promised to his half-brother Geoffrey. See Gesta Consulum, Chroniques D’Anjou, i. 143.

[581] Vet. An. 305. “Ibi relicto filio ad alia negotia properavit.”

[582] See above, p. 229, [note 1].

[583] Ord. Vit. 771 D. “Sequenti die rex ad Montem Bussoti castra metatus pernoctavit.”

[584] Ib. “Tertia die Colunchis venit, et in pratis Sartæ figi multitudinis tentoria imperavit.”

[585] See above, [p. 221].

[586] Vet. An. 305. “Circa Colonias vicum episcopalem cum magno exercitu consedit, ipsumque vicum cum ecclesia quæ ibidem erat igne concremavit, et omnia quæ ibi episcopus habebat crudeliter devastavit. Oderat enim illum … pro eo quod contra calumniam illius episcopatum acceperat.”

[587] See N. C. vol. i. p. 423.

[588] Vet. An. 306. “Cives cum bellico apparatu de civitate egressi, contra ejus exercitum viriliter obsidere conabantur. Rex autem, perfidorum consilio se intelligens deceptum, facto vespere, cum imminentis noctis profundum silentium advenisset, cum exercitu suo clam discessit et castra vacua hostibus dereliquit. Cives autem mane surgentes, cum semetipsos ad pugnam præparare cœpissent, comperto regis abscessu, castra illius invaserunt, et neminem ibi reperientes ad propria reversi sunt.” Orderic (772 A) substitutes a drawn battle by daylight, and mentions the occupation of Ballon; but they both agree in the main fact that Rufus, for whatever cause, withdrew from before Le Mans for a season. Ballon is spoken of as “fortissima mota, per quam totum oppidum adversariis subactum paruit.”

[589] Some of Orderic’s expressions (772 B) are worth notice. “Diuturnam obsidionem tenere nequivit. Nam egestas victus gravis hominibus et equis instabat, quia tempus inter veteres et novas fruges tunc iter agebat. Sextarius avenæ decem solidis Cænomannensium vendebatur, sine qua cornipedum vigor in occidentalibus climatibus vix sustentatur.” Such a straw as this shows how the crusades had made the East and its ways present to men’s minds.

[590] Ord. Vit. ib. “Rex legiones suas relaxavit, et messes suas in horreis recondi præcepit, atque ut post collectionem frugum obsidere hostium castra parati essent, commonuit.”

[591] Ord. Vit. 772 C. “Dum comes et exercitus in tentoriis suis pranderent, et mendici de oppido accepta stipe obsessis renuntiarent quod obsidentes tunc, videlicet circa tertiam, comederent, in armis ordinatæ acies militum subito prosilierunt, et inermes ad mensam residentes ex insperato proturbaverunt, et pluribus captis omnes alios fugaverunt.” He gives the numbers with a few names, and enlarges on their greatness.

[592] Ord. Vit. 772 D. “Jussit omnes protinus absolvi [they are just before called ‘vinculati’], eisque cum suis in curia foris ad manducandum copiose dari, et per fidem suam usque post prandium liberos dimitti. Cumque satellites ejus objicerent quod in tanta populi frequentia facile aufugerent, rex illorum duritiæ obstitit, et pro vinctis eos redarguens dixit, Absit a me ut credam quod probus miles violet fidem suam. Quod si fecerit, omni tempore velut exlex et despicabilis erit.”

[593] Ib. “Fulco comes de obsidione ad urbem confugerat, et in cœnobiis sanctorum exitus rerum exspectabat.”

[594] See [Appendix LL].

[595] See [Appendix LL].

[596] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 498; vol. iv. p. 73.

[597] Ord. Vit. 773 A. “Milites electos loricis et galeis et omni armatura fulgentes.”

[598] Ib. “Protinus illi, custodibus egressis, cunctas urbis munitiones nacti sunt, et in principali turre vexillum regis cum ingenti tropæo levaverunt. In crastinum rex post illos mille præclaros milites direxit, et pro libitu suo datis legibus totam civitatem possedit. Regia turris et Mons Barbatus atque Mons Barbatulus regi subjiciuntur, et merito, quia a patre ejus condita noscuntur.” In these last words Orderic throws himself fully into the position of Rufus. The Biographer (Vet. An. 306) says; “Rex recepta civitate et positis in munitionibus ejus copiosis virorum, armorum, escarumque præsidiis, in Angliam transfretavit.” This last statement is clearly wrong.

On the fortresses of Le Mans, see [Appendix MM].

[599] Ord. Vit. 773 A. “Omnes cives in pace novo principi congratulantur plausibus et cantibus variisque gestibus. Tunc Hildebertus præsul et clerus et omnis plebs obviam regi cum ingenti gaudio processerunt, et psallentes in basilicam sancti Gervasii martyris perduxerunt.” See [Appendix LL].

The joy, one would think, was a little conventional, and there is no sign of it in the native writer. Cf. N. C. vol. iii. p. 550.

[600] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 206.

[601] See [Appendix NN].

[602] Ord. Vit. 773 D. “Guillelmo Ebroicensium comiti et Gisleberto de Aquila, aliisque probis optimatibus urbem servandam commisit, et regiam turrem armis et cibis et omnibus necessariis opime instructam Galterio Rothomagensi filio Ansgerii commendavit.” Is this Walter the brother of the William of whom we heard above?

[603] Ib. “Radulfus vicecomes et Goisfredus de Meduana, Robertusque Burgundio, aliique totius provinciæ proceres regi confœderati sunt, redditisque munitionibus, datis ab eo legibus solerter obsecundarunt.”

[604] Ord. Vit. 773 B. See [Appendix OO].

[605] Ib. “Niger et hispidus.” See above, [p. 196].

[606] See [Appendix OO].

[607] Ord. Vit. 773 B. “Callidus senex regalibus consiliis et judiciis præerat. Quapropter in prætorio principali parem seu potiorem perpeti metuebat.” See vol. i. pp. 186, 551. “Senex” seems too strong a word.

[608] Ord. Vit. 773 C. “Helias conductum per terram regis ab illo requisivit, quo accepto liber ad sua gaudentibus amicis remeavit.”

[609] Ord. Vit. 766 D. “In ipsa nocte terribile signum mundo manifestatum est. Totum nempe cælum quasi arderet, fere cunctis occidentalibus rubicundum ut sanguis visum est. Tunc, ut postmodum audivimus, in eois partibus Christiani contra ethnicos pugnaverunt, Deoque juvante triumpharunt.”

[610] Ord. Vit. 766 D. “Guillelmus rex in Galliam usque Pontesiam discurrit, incendiis et prædis hominumque capturis, omnium ubertate rerum nobilem provinciam devastavit.”

[611] Ord. Vit. 767 A. “Illustres oppidani propugnacula quidem sua vivaciter protexerunt, sed timoris Dei et humanæ societatis immemores non fuerunt. Insilientium corporibus provide benigniterque pepercerunt, sed atrocitatem iræ suæ pretiosis inimicorum caballis intulerunt. Nam plusquam septingentos ingentis pretii equos sagittis et missilibus occiderunt, ex quorum cadaveribus Gallicani canes et alites usque ad nauseam saturati sunt. Quamplures itaque pedites ad propria cum rege remeant, qui spumantibus equis turgidi equites Eptam pertransierant.”

[612] There is something strange in the casual way in which Orderic (767 A) brings in so mighty an ally; “Guillelmus rex cum Guillelmo duce Pictavensium, ductu Almarici juvenis, et Nivardi de Septoculo, contra Montemfortem et Sparlonem maximam multitudinem duxit, circumjacentem provinciam devastavit.” The bargain between the two Williams, of which this was surely an instalment, comes later, 780 B.

[613] See Will. Malms. v. 439.

[614] Had either William ever done personal homage to Philip? There is no sign of it in the case of William of England.

[615] Ord. Vit. 767 A. See [note 1] on p. 250. Who is young Almaric or Amalric? Surely not an unworthy member of the house of Montfort. I have never made my way to Epernon, which gives a title to one of the minions of the last Valois.

[616] It is odd, after the account in Suger, to read in Orderic (766 A), “Ludovicus puerili teneritudine detentus adhuc militare nequibat.” It is just possible that Lewis was not eager to help the kinsfolk of Bertrada.

[617] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “Petrus cum filiis suis Ansoldo et Tedbaldo Mauliam, aliique municipes quos singillatim nequeo nominare, firmitates suas procaciter tenuere.” On the house of Maule and its works, see Ord. Vit. 587 et seqq. Peter is described as “filius Ansoldi divitis Parisiensis.”

[618] Ord. Vit. 767 A. “Simon juvenis munitiones suas auxiliante Deo illæsas servavit. Simon vero senex servavit Neëlfiam.” See the marriage of the younger Simon with Agnes of Evreux, Ord. Vit. 576 C, and his exploits, 836 C. Of him in the fourth generation came our own Simon. But, according to the Art de Vérifier les Dates, “Simon senex” was dead before this time.

[619] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 133.

[620] See [note 2] on p. 253.

[621] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “Interea, dum Guillelmus rex pro regni negotiis regrederetur in Angliam, treviis utrobique datis, serena pax Gallis dedit serenitatis lætitiam.”

[622] Orderic (773 D), immediately after recording the submission of the Cenomannian castles, goes on to draw a harrowing picture of the sufferings of England during the King’s absence; how “Rannulfus Flambardus jam Dunelmi episcopus, aliique regis satellites et gastaldi, Angliam spoliabant, et latronibus pejores, agricolarum acervos, ac negotiatorum congeries immisericorditer diripiebant, nec etiam sanguinolentas manus a sacris cohibebant.” He then goes on to describe the special wrongs of the Church, and adds, “Sic immensi census onera per fas perque nefas coacervabant, et regi trans fretum, ut in nefariis seu commodis usibus expenderentur, destinabant. Hujusmodi utique collectionibus grandia regi xenia præsentabantur, quibus extranei pro vana laude ditabantur.” They then cried to God who had raised up Ehud to slay the “rex pinguissimus” Eglon, which sounds rather like a prayer for the coming of Walter Tirel. But the chronology is utterly confused. The time of which Orderic is speaking is the year 1098; yet he makes Flambard already Bishop of Durham, which he was not till 1099, and he makes Anselm withstand all these oppressions and go away because he could not hinder them. But, as we well know, Anselm was already gone in 1097.

Henry of Huntingdon also (vii. 20) notices the special oppression during the continental war. The King “in Normannia fuit, semper hosticis tumultibus et curis armorum deditus, tributis interim et exactionibus pessimis populos Anglorum non abradens sed excorians.”

[623] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Eastron hider to lande com and to Pentecosten forman siðe his hired innan his niwan gebyttlan æt Westmynstre heold.”

[624] See vol. i. p. 557.

[625] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtime gear geond eall Angelcyn ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda, and eac þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe gedrehte.”

[626] This prodigy is put by the Chronicler under two years, 1098 and 1100. Florence and William of Malmesbury (iv. 331) place it under the latter year only. See above, [p. 246].

[627] Chron. Petrib. 1098. “Toforan Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan ætywde eo heofon swilce heo forneah ealle þa niht byrnende wære.”

[628] Ib. “Ðis wæs swiðe geswincfull gear þurh manigfealde ungyld and þurh mycele renas, þe ealles geares ne ablunnon forneah ælc tilð on mersclande forferde.”

[629] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Eac manege sciran þe mid weorce to Lundenne belumpon wurdon þærle gedrehte, þurh þone weall þe hi worhton onbutan þone Tur, et þurh þa brycge þe forneah eall toflotan wæs, and þurh þæs cynges healle geweorc, þe man on Westmynstre worhte and mænige men þær mid gedrehte.” This is connected by Henry of Huntingdon (vii. 19) with the other oppressions of the time and with the departure of Anselm; “Anselmus vero archiepiscopus recessit ab Anglia, quia nihil recti rex pravus in regno suo fieri permittebat, sed provincias intolerabiliter vexabat in tributis quæ numquam cessabant, in opere muri circa turrim Londoniæ, in opere aulæ regalis apud Westminstre, in rapina quam familia sua hostili modo, ubicunque rex pergebat, exercebant.” The other side of the story comes out in William of Malmesbury (iv. 321); “Unum ædificium, et ipsum permaximum, domum in Londonia incepit et perfecit, non parcens expensis dummodo liberalitatis suæ magnificentiam exhiberet.” We see here how the “liberalitas” of the Red King looked in the eyes of those who had to pay for it. But it is hard to understand Sir T. D. Hardy’s note on the passage of William of Malmesbury; he is speaking not of the Tower of London, but of Westminster Hall.

[630] See Livy, i. 56, 59.

[631] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 93, 601.

[632] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 310.

[633] See [note] on p. 259.

[634] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 64, 340.

[635] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 306, 317; vol. iii. pp. 66, 540, 640; vol. iv. p. 59.

[636] See N. C. vol. v. p. 600.

[637] Hen. Hunt. vii. 21. “Quam [novam aulam] cum inspecturus primum introisset, cum alii satis magnam vel æquo majorem dicerent, dixit rex eam magnitudinis debitæ dimidia parte carere. Qui sermo regi magno fuit, licet parvi constasset, honori.” This is copied by Robert of Torigny, the Waverly Annalist, Bromton, and most likely others.

[638] Matthew Paris (Hist. Ang. i. 165) copies Henry of Huntingdon with a few touches, and adds, “nec eam esse nisi thalamum ad palatium quod erat facturus.” The foundations of the wall which he designed extended “scilicet a Tamensi usque ad publicam stratam; tanta enim debuit esse longitudo.”

[639] Ann. Wint. 1099. “Rex venit de Normannia, et regis diademate coronatus est apud Londoniam, ubi Edgarus rex Scotiæ gladium coram eo portavit.” The authority is not first-rate; but it is the kind of thing which can hardly have been invented.

[640] The Chronicler (1098) records the deaths of Walkelin, Baldwin, and Turold. Florence (1097, 1098) adds that of Robert, and in one manuscript that of Abbot Reginald of Abingdon, who (Hist. Ab. ii. 42) would seem to have died somewhat earlier, in the year 1097. This prelate is said to have been in the King’s good graces, and to have been employed by him in the pious and charitable distribution from his father’s hoard at the beginning of his reign (see vol. i. p. 17). There is also just before in the local History (ii. 41) a writ of Rufus to Peter Sheriff of Oxfordshire, witnessed by Randolf the chaplain, in which the Sheriff is bidden to let the Abbot and his monks enjoy all that they had T. R. E. and T. R. W., and specially to make good the wrongs done by his reeve Eadwig and others his officers. Here are the reeves again; but this time an English reeve oppresses a Norman abbot.

[641] See vol. i. p. 586.

[642] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 372–816.

[643] Will. Malmb. Gest. Pont. 172, copied in Ann. Wint. 1098.

[644] William of Malmesbury (u. s., and see N. C. vol. iv. p. 817) marks the change in him. The local annalist who copies him gives Walkelin a warm panegyric; “Erat vir perfectæ pietatis et sanctitatis, immensæque prudentiæ, et tantæ demum abstinentiæ ut nec carnes nec pisces comederet.” (His brother Simeon (Ann. Wint. 1082), afterwards Abbot of Ely (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 481, 833), had taught the monks to give up flesh.) “Semper secum monachos habebat … non enim minus conventum suum diligebat quam si omnes dii essent.” This somewhat pagan way of talking has its contradictory in the words of Hugh of Nonant, Bishop of Coventry (Ric. Div. § 85); “Ego clericos meos deos nomino, monachos dæmonia.”

[645] The well-known trick by which Walkelin cut down the king’s wood at Hempage is recorded in Ann. Wint. 1086. Cf. Willis, Winchester, 17.

[646] Ann. Wint. 1093. See Willis, Winchester, 6, 17.

[647] Ann. Wint. 1097. “Hoc anno transfretavit rex, et regnum Walkelino et Radulfo Passeflabere commisit.”

[648] The exact date comes from Ann. Wint. 1098. He dies ten days after his receipt of the king’s message, which comes “die natalis Domini post inceptum missarum officium.”

[649] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 456.

[650] See vol. i. p. 355. I there carelessly followed the date, 1093, given in the Monasticon, ii. 431, as the year of the death of Robert of New Minster. It must be a misprint or miswriting for 1098.

[651] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 407.

[652] On this early hero, son of King Anna of East-Anglia, whose name has gone through endless corruptions, see Liebermann’s note (Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, p. 277) to Heremann’s Miracles of Saint Eadmund. William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 156) writes him “Germinus,” and not unnaturally says that he knows very little about him, save that he was brother of Saint Æthelthryth. His editor turns him into Saint German of Auxerre; he then wonders that William should know so little of Saint German of whom he had found a good deal to say elsewhere, but he does not himself seem the least surprised to hear Saint German spoken of as brother of Saint Æthelthryth.

[653] This and the following stories come from the work of Heremann just mentioned (Dr. Liebermann’s collection contains also the Annals of Saint Eadmund’s). This story of Osgod comes at p. 242. He enters the church, “armillas bajulans in brachiis ambobus superbe [see N. C. vol. iv. p. 288], Danico more deaurata securi in humero dependente;” and presently, “non sincere conatur securim a collo deponere, vel se arroganter super eam appodiare.” On the way of carrying the axe, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 767.

[654] Liebermann, 248 et seqq. Herfast is described as “duarum Eastengle vicecomitatuum episcopus.” A branch runs into his eye as he is riding through a wood. A document is referred to which is witnessed by Hugh of Montfort, Roger Rigod, Richard of Tunbridge, “et cum eis Lincoliensis Turoldus simul et Hispaniensis Alveredus.” Liebermann finds this Turold in the Norfolk Domesday, 172; but as he is “Lincoliensis,” we should rather look for him in the company discussed in N. C. vol. iii. p. 778; only Ælfred of Spain (see N. C. vol. v. pp. 737, 777) is not Ælfred of Lincoln.

[655] See N. C. vol. i. p. 366.

[656] Liebermann, 265. “Natione Normannicus cum rege Willelmo priore quidam fuerat aulicus, Rannulfus quidem nomine, ceu tunc moris erat, militari perversus in opere.” This cannot mean Randolf the chaplain. In his vision, “somniat quod equitans fugam ineat, et sanctus martyr eques insequutor fiat ejus armatus.”

[657] Ib. 268. “Robertus de Curzun” is in Domesday R. de Curcun or Curcon. He appears several times in Domesday in both the East-Anglian shires (175 b, 181 b, 187, 299 b, 331 b, 336), always as an under-tenant, and commonly under Roger Bigod.

[658] The date is given (Liebermann, 274) as 1094, and the King presently crosses the sea; this fixes it to the assembly at Hastings. Baldwin has finished the eastern part of his church (“ad unguem perduxerat suæ novæ et inceptæ ecclesiæ presbiterii opus, multifariam compositum modis omnibus, quale decuit esse regium decus”). The King first grants leave for both ceremonies; then “regia voluntas alterata prædicto patri Baldwino mandat in hæc verba; translationem sancti martyris se concedere, dedicationem vero minime fieri debere.”

[659] Compare the story of Saint Olaf, above, [p. 139]. Flambard here appears in a marked way as “Rannulfus capellanus,” “capellanus;” see [Appendix S.]

[660] “Omnia Romæ venalia,” says Heremann (Liebermann, 251); but the story is rather of an attempt of Bishop Herfast to bribe the Conqueror.

[661] Florence at least (1097) sends him out of the world with very kindly feelings; “Eximiæ vir religionis, monasterii S. Eadmundi abbas Baldwinus, natione Gallus, artis medicinæ bene peritus, iv. kal. Jan. feria iii. in bona senectute decessit.” He uses the same formula of Earl Leofric forty years earlier. Several English names occur in Heremann’s story; among them (Liebermann, 259) “domnus Eadricus præpositus et cum eo presbyter Siwardus,” who are spoken of in connexion with the Abbot’s journey to Rome.

[662] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Pentecosten forman siðe his hired innan his nywan gebyttlan æt Westmynstre heold, and þær Rannulfe his capellane þæt biscoprice on Dunholme geaf, þe æror ealle his gemót ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste.” See vol. i. p. 333.

[663] The date, place, and consecrator are given by his biographer in Ang. Sac. i. 707, who adds that it was done “sine ulla exactione professionis, sicut et Willelmus quondam prædecessor illius.”

[664] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274), after describing Flambard’s former doings, adds emphatically; “Quibus artibus fretus, episcopatum Dunelmensem meruit.” But he scratched out what he at first went on to say—“meruit ut sanctius ingrederetur, datis mille libris.” One would have looked for a larger sum.

[665] See N. C. vol. v. p. 631. But it would seem from the words of the biographer (X Scriptt. 62; Ang. Sac. ii. 709) that the work was not quite finished till after his death; “Eo tempore [in the five years’ vacancy that followed] navis ecclesiæ Dunelmensis monachis operi instantibus peracta est.” This can hardly mean the vault, which seems later still. The biographer also describes his other local works, specially how “urbem hanc, licet natura munierit, muro ipse reddidit fortiorem et augustiorem.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274) records new buildings for the monks among his better deeds.

[666] The biographer (u. s.) says, “Condidit castellum in excelso præruptæ rupis super Twedam flumen, ut inde latronum incursus inhiberet et Scotorum irruptiones. Ibi enim, utpote in confinio regni Anglorum et Scotorum, creber prædantibus ante patebat incursus, nullo ibidem quo hujusmodi impetus repelleretur præsidio locato.” From Simeon’s Gesta Regum we find that the place was Norham and the date 1121. The words in Italics should be noticed. By the time of this writer the older position of Lothian was beginning to be forgotten; it had passed to Northumberland. The building of the castle suggests to the biographer a remark on Flambard’s character; “Taliter impulsu quodam impatiente otii de opere transibat ad opus, nil reputans factum, nisi factis nova jam facienda succederent.”

[667] “Jura libertatis episcopii secundum vires contra extraneos defendebat,” says the biographer.

[668] “Inerat ei episcopo magnanimitas quam quondam procurator regni contraxit ex potentia, ut in conventu procerum vel primus vel cum primis semper contenderet esse, et inter honorificos honoris locum magnificentius obtineret. Vastiori semper clamore vultuque minaci magis simulare quam exhibere.” In all this the servant is very like his master.

[669] According to William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274), he first behaved well for fear of Saint Cuthberht, but finding that some smaller misdeeds went unpunished, he presently ventured on greater. But in the existing text he mentions only that Flambard dragged criminals out of sanctuary, “ausus scelus omnibus retro annis inauditum.” William had written, but he found it expedient to strike out, how the Bishop not only set forbidden food before his monks, but, “ut magis religionem irritaret, puellas speciosissimas quæ essent procatioris formæ et faciei eis propinare juberet, strictis ad corpus vestibus, solutis in terga crinibus.”

[670] The details of a very penitent end are given by the biographer. Among other confessions of sin, the Bishop says. “plus volui illis nocere quam potui”—​the complaint of the Confessor. The persons who were to be hurt seem to be the monks and men of the church of Durham.

[671] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 544.

[672] Vet. An. 306. “Quasi taurus in latebris silvarum.”

[673] Ib. “Helias apud castrum Lid et in castris circumpositis morabatur, atque vires suas … ad nova certamina, in quantum poterat, reparabat, castella sua vallo atque fossa muniendo, et sibi vicinorum amicitias atque auxilia consciscendo.” So Orderic, 773 C; “Quinque oppida sua cum adjacentibus vicis instruxit, sollicita procuratione damna supplevit, propriisque negotiis sedulus institit. Ab Augusto usque ad pascha in pace siluit. Interim tamen quasi specimine nisus suos hostibus ostenderet, callide cogitavit, et multotiens cum fidis affinibus tractavit.”

The five castles may be Château-du-Loir, Lude (Lit), Mayet, Outille, and Vaux. La Flèche is perhaps taken for granted. All these, except Lude, are mentioned as we go on.

[674] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Sequenti anno Helias post pascha iterare guerram cœpit, et clam consentientibus indigenis, depopulari confinia et militiam regis lacessere sategit.”

[675] Ib. “Mense Junio cum insigni multitudine militum venit.” Vet. An. 307. “Sequenti æstate magno vicinorum atque amicorum exercitu congregato.”

[676] Of the two bridges side by side, the elder is useless, two arches having been broken down by the Vendeans in 1793. But there has been fighting not far off in still later times.

[677] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Venit ad Planchias Godefredi, vadum Egueniæ fluminis pertransivit, regiosque pugiles qui urbem custodiebant ad conflictum lacessiit.” Vet An. 307. “Non longe a civitate improvisus advenit; cui milites regis simul cum populo usque ad Pontem Leugæ hostiliter occurrentes quum ejus impetum sustinere non possent in fugam conversi sunt. Ille vero amne transmisso, eos viriliter insecutus,” &c. These two accounts seem to place the fighting on different sides of the river. I incline to Orderic’s version on this ground. A version which carries men across by a ford is always to be preferred to one which carries them across by a bridge, as likely to preserve the older tradition. The bridge may always have been built between the time of the event and the time of the writer, and he may easily be led to speak as if it had been there at the earlier time. Orderic himself speaks of the bridge in 775 B.

[678] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Audaces Normanni foras proruperunt, diuque dimicaverunt, sed numerosa hostium virtute prævalente in urbem repulsi sunt. Tunc etiam hostes cum eisdem ingressi sunt, quia eorum violentia coerciti municipes portas claudere nequiverunt; sed per urbem fugientes vix in arcem aliasque munitiones introire potuerunt.” Vet. An. 307. “Ille [Helias] cum suo exercitu civitatem nullo prohibente audacter ingressus, eos qui in munitionibus erant repentina obsidione conclusit.”

[679] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Cives Heliam multum diligebant, ideoque dominatum ejus magis quam Normannorum affectabant…. Porro Helias a gaudentibus urbanis civitate susceptus est.” Wace (14884) strongly brings out the general zeal for Helias, though he has his own explanation for it;

“Cil del Mans od li se teneient,

D’avancier li s’entremetteient,

E li homes de la loée

Esteient tuit à sa criée.

E li baron de la cuntrée

Orent por li mainte medlée;

Mult le preisoent et amoent,

Et à seignor le desiroent,

Com costumes est de plusors,

Ki conveitent novels seignors.

Par espeir des veisins chastels

E par consence des Mansels,

Helies el Mans s’embati,

E cil del Mans l’unt recoilli.”

Helias however was not a new lord, a fact which Wace’s confused order puts out of sight. On the somewhat different tone of the Biographer of the Bishops, see [Appendix KK].

[680] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Municipes qui munimenta regis servabant omnibus necessariis pleniter abundabant, et idcirco usque ad mortem pro domini sui fidelitate prœliari satagebant.”

[681] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 266.

[682] Ord. Vit. 774 D. “Galterius Ansgerii filius custos arcis jussit fabris quos secum habebat operari, scoriam quoque candentem super tecta domorum a balistariis impetuose jactari. Tunc rutilus Titan sublimes Geminos peragrabat, et ingenti siccitate mundus arebat, flammeusque turbo imbricibus aularum insidebat. Sic nimius ignis accensus est, quo nimium prævalente tota civitas combusta est.” Vet. An. 307. “Illi qui erant in arce, facto vespere ignem maximum incendentes, in subjectas domos ardentes faculas summa instantia jactare cœperunt. Ignis vero flante Euro convalescens totam civitatem cum magna parte suburbiorum consumpsit.” For Bishop Hildebert’s view of the matter, see [Appendix KK].

[683] Vet. An. 307. “Quo incendio populus stupefactus atque in mœstitiam conversus non satis fidum comiti præstabat auxilium.”

[684] The work of destruction which has been done in modern times at Paris and Rouen seems a trifle compared to the merciless havoc wrought at Le Mans. It amounts almost to a physical destruction of the city. The hill has been cut through to make a road from the modern part of the town to the river. This has involved breaking through the Roman walls, cutting through the Vielle Rome and the other ancient streets, sweeping away the finest of the Romanesque houses, dividing in short the hill and the ancient city into two parts severed by a yawning gap. The mediæval wall has further been broken down and made into a picturesque ruin. When I was first at Le Mans in 1868, the city was still untouched; in 1876 the havoc was doing; by 1879 it was done. Some conceited mayor or prefect doubtless looks on all this brutal destruction as a noble exploit.

[685] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 267.

[686] Vet. An. 307. “Comes contra munitiones machinas atque tormenta ad jactandos lapides erigens, eos qui intus erant summo conamine expugnare nitebatur. At illi contra machinas ejus machinas facientes, omnia ejus molimina frustrabant.” Ord. Vit. 774 D. “Helias et sui frustra machinis et assultibus valde laboraverunt; sed contra inexpugnabiles munitiones nihil prævaluerunt.” So Wace, 14898;

“Li Mans li unt abandoné,

Tot, forz la tor de la cité.

La tor se tint, Mansels l’asistrent,

Tot environ li borc porpristrent.”

[687] Ord. Vit. 774 D. “Rodbertus Belesmensis Balaonem munivit.”

[688] Ord. Vit. 774 D. “Cursorem suum Amalchisum confestim ad regem in Angliam direxit.” We do not get the name anywhere else. Wace (14902) well brings out the opposition of “Normanz” and “Mansels;”

“Normanz ki la tor desfendirent

Quant la force des Mancels virent,

En Engleterre unt envéié,

De secors unt li reis préié,

L’adventure li unt mandée,

E des Mansels la trestornée.”

[689] See [Appendix PP]. It is Normant and Mansels in the new edition of Andresen, 9803.

[690] See [Appendix PP].

[691] Ord. Vit. 775 A. “Ibi, ut moris est in æstate, plures utriusque ordinis adstabant, et visa rate de Anglia velificante, ut aliquid novi ediscerent, alacres exspectabant.”

[692] Ib. “In primis de rege sciscitantibus ipse certus de se adfuit nuntius.” So in Greek, αὐτὐς ἄγγελος.

[693] Ib. B. “Et quia ex insperato respondit ridens, percunctantibus admiratio exorta est, mox et lætitia omnibus.”

[694] Ib. “Deinde cujusdam presbyteri equa vectus, cum magno cœtu clericorum et rusticorum qui pedites eum cum ingenti plausu conducebant, Bonamvillam expetiit.”

[695] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 241, 696. As commonly happens with so-called local tradition, a tower not earlier than the thirteenth century is shown as the place of Harold’s lodging, while in another tower the wide splay of a narrow window is shown as the strait prison-house of Robert of Bellême.

[696] Ord. Vit. 775 B. “Tandem directis legationibus ingentem exercitum in brevi aggregavit, et hostilem provinciam depopulatum festinavit.”

[697] Ib. “Agmen hostium cum Helia duce suo, statim ut regem citra fretum venisse comperit, absque procrastinatione fugiens invasam urbem multo pejorem quam invenerat deseruit.” The turn in the Biographer (Vet. An. 307) is somewhat different; “Cernens quia nihil proficeret, et quod ejus paulatim dilaberetur exercitus, regisque timore perterritus, qui cum maximo exercitu suis properabat succurrere, propriæ saluti consulens, relicta obsidione repente a civitate discessit.” In Orderic Helias might be thought to be carried away by the flight of his followers; in the Biographer he almost seems to forsake them.

[698] Ord. Vit. 775 C. “Tunc Helias cum ingenti militia castro Ligeri morabatur, seseque ad meliora tempora reservans, exitum rei præstolabatur.”

[699] Vet. An. 307. “Quo comperto, quatenus timor simul ac stupor animos civium invaserit, et quanta populi multitudo cum mulieribus et parvulis relictis omnibus quæ habebant eum secuta sit … miserum est audire.”

[700] Ord. Vit. 775 B. “Animosus rex, hostium audito recessu, pedetentim eos sectatus est, et Cænomannis nec una nocte eum hospitari dignatus est. Verum concrematam urbem pertransiens vidit, et ultra pontem Egueniæ in epitimio spatioso tentoria figi præcepit.” This strange word “epitimium” must be the same as that which he uses in 659 B, where the site of the great battle is placed “in epitumo Senlac.” I there took it to mean a hill, and I gave Orderic credit for knowing that Senlac was a hill; but I fear that I must withdraw that praise, as here the word can only mean a plain. See Ducange in Epitumum. It must be from this word that some local blunderer first drew the notion, which I have seen repeated since I wrote my third volume, that Senlac was once called Epiton.

[701] Ib. This was done, “ne malivoli prædones … domata ubi ad capessendam quietem strata sibi coaptarent.” Orderic adds, “sic profecto Valles et Ostilliacum consumpta sunt, aliaque quamplurima oppida et rura penitus pessumdata sunt.” Helias, after all, was not Harold.

[702] Ord. Vit. 775 B. “Robertus de Monteforti princeps militiæ cum quingentis militibus agmina præcessit, incendium castri de Vallibus extinxit, munitionemque ad opus regis confirmavit.”

[703] On the site of Mayet, and the versions of the siege, see [Appendix QQ]. Wace brings it in thus; I quote the text of Andresen, 9929 (15026 of Pluchet);

“Li quens Helies s’en parti,

Al chastel del Leir reverti.

Donc ueissiez guerre esmoueir

Del Mans e del chastel del Leir

E de Maiet, un chastelet,

Ou Mansel orent pris recet.

Tresqu’al borc que l’endit la Fesse

Fu la guerre forte e espesse.”

[704] Ord. Vit. 775 C. “Feria vi. rex Maiatum obsedit, et in crastinum expugnare castrum exercitui jussit.”

[705] Ib. “Sabbato, dum bellatores certatim armarentur, et acrem assultum castrensibus dare molirentur.”

[706] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 243.

[707] Ord. Vit. 775 C. “Rex consultu sapientum [mid his witena geþeaht] Deo gloriam dedit, et pro reverentia Dominicæ sepulturæ et resurrectionis hostibus pepercit, eisque trevias usque in Lunæ diem annuit.”

[708] Ib. “Erant viri constantes dominoque suo fideles, ideoque pertinaciter pro illo usque ad mortem pugnaces, et exemplo probabilis probitatis prædicabiles.”

[709] Ord. Vit. 775 C. “Interea ipsi castrum interius toto annisu munierunt, et in assultum virgeas crates ictibus missilium lapidumque opposuerunt.”

[710] Wace, 15038;

“Maiet ert bien clos de fossé

Tot environ parfont è lé;

Li reis ros por mielx assaillir

Volt li fossé d’atrait emplir.”

Robert of Bellême then counsels him;

“Cil dist el rei k’atrait falleit,

E ke attait querre estueit,

Jà li chastel nel cunquerreit,

Se li fossé d’atrait n’empleit.”

The King gives his orders;

“E li reis li dist, en gabant,

Ke à chescun chevalier mant

Roncin, mule, ou palefrei,

Ne pot aveir altre charrei,

Trestuit quant k’il porra baillier,

E fossé fasse tresbuchier.”

[711] Ib.

“Robert s’en torna sorriant,

Et à plusors de l’ost gabant

Ke li reis aveit comandé

Ke l’en getast tot el fossé,

Kank’as servanz veindreit as mains,

Tuit li chevals è li vilains.”

[712] Froissart, i. 152. ed. 1559. “Quand le roy de France veit les Génevois retourner, il dit, Or tost tuez ceste ribaudaille; car ils nous empescheront la voye sans raison.” Compare also the language of Bayard about the German roturiers quoted in vol. i. p. 173.

[713] Wace, 15066;

“Par tels semblanz è par tels diz

Fu li pople tot estormiz.

Del siège s’en torment fuiant,

E plusors vunt par gap criant:

Filz a putains, fuiez, fuiez,

Toz estes morz s’un poi targiez;

Se ci poez estre entrepris,

Jà sereiz tut el fossé mis.”

[714] Ord. Vit. 775 D. “Cum forinseci pugnatores admodum insudarent, ut ingenti strue lignorum cingentem fossam implerent, viamque sibi usque ad palum pluribus sustentamentis magnopere substratis publice præpararent, oppidani flascas prunis ardentibus plenas desuper demittebant, et congestiones rerum quæ ad sui damnum accumulatæ fuerant, adminiculante sibi æstivo caumate prorsus concremabant.” What was the exact form of the “flascæ”?

[715] Ord. Vit. 775 D. “Hujusmodi conflictu feria ii. mutuo vexabantur, et hæc videns rex nimis anxiabatur.”

[716] Ib. “Porro dum ira et dolore torqueretur quod omnes ibidem conatus illius cassarentur, quidam ad illum de sublimi zeta lapidem projecit, nutu Dei non illum sed adstantis athletæ caput immaniter percussit, et ossa cerebro non parcente ictu commiscuit.”

[717] Ib. “Illo itaque coram rege miserabiliter occumbente, subsannatio castrensium continuo facta est, cum alto et horribili clamore: ‘Ecce rex modo recentes habet carnes; deferantur ad coquinam, ut ei exhibeantur ad cœnam.’”

[718] Ib. 776 A. “Prudentes enim consiliarii provide considerabant quod in munitione validissima magnanimi pugiles resistebant, munitique firmis conclavibus contra detectos multiplicibus modis facile prævalebant.” This argument, one would think, might have been brought against every military undertaking of the time.

[719] Ord. Vit. 776 A. “Alio ulciscendi genere inimicus puniret, et sic suæ genti sospitatem et hostium dejectionem callide procuraret.”

[720] Ib. “Mane celeres surrexerunt, ac diversis ad desolationem hostilis patriæ ferramentis usi sunt. Vineas enim exstirpaverunt, fructiferas arbores succiderunt, macerias et parietes dejecerunt, totamque regionem, quæ uberrima erat, igne et ferro desolaverunt.”

[721] Vet. An. 307. “Hi qui in civitate remanserant quam crudeliter et quam inhumane ab hostibus sint oppressi, et miserum est audire et nimis tædiosæ prolixitatis exponere.”

[722] Ord. Vit. 776 A. “Rex Cenomannis triumphans accessit.”

[723] Vet. An. 307. “Nisi regis liberalitas prædonum sævientium rapacitatem compesceret, diebus illis pro certo civitas nostra ad extremum pervenisset excidium.”

[724] This appears from the account of Hildebert’s troubles somewhat later (Vet. An. 309); first among which comes “clericorum quos violentia regis ab urbe eliminaverat dispersio mœstissima.”

[725] Ord. Vit. 776 A. “Multarum tribubus provinciarum licentiam remeandi ad sua donavit.”

[726] Vet. An. 307. “Denique rex civitate pro suo potitus arbitrio, et positis in ea custodiis, iterum in Angliam reversus est.” Our own Chronicler (1099) sums up the whole campaign; “And sona þæræfter [after Pentecost] ofer sǽ fór, and þone eorl Elias of þære Manige adraf, and bi syððan on his gewealde gesætte, and swa to Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan aft hider to lande com.”

[727] See above, [p. 234.]

[728] Ord. Vit. 775 B. “Ildebertus pontifex in Normannia regem humiliter aggressus est, et ab eo ut familiaris amicus benigniter susceptus est. Non enim consilio neque præsentia sui prædictis perturbationibus interfuerat.”

[729] An. Vet. 308. “Quidam ex clericis a principio promotioni præsulis invidentes, et dolos tota die contra eum meditantes, illum apud regem graviter accusabant, nuntiantes eum conscium fuisse proditionis quando Helias comes consentientibus civibus civitatem occupavit et milites regis in munitionibus obsedit. Unde eum rex suspectum habens, et contra eum semper occasiones quærens, instanter atque pertinaciter ab eo exigebat ut aut turres ecclesiæ, unde sibi damnum illatum fuisse querebatur, dirui præciperet, aut post ipsum remota omni occasione in Angliam transfretaret.”

[730] Ann. Vet. 308. “Qui licet invitus, regis tamen urgente imperio, vellet nollet, maris pericula subire coactus est.” He is himself (Duchèsne, iv. 248) specially eloquent on this head; “Quia turres ecclesiæ nostræ dejicere nolumus, transmarinis subjiciendi judiciis, coacti sumus injurias pelagi sustinere, singularem scilicet molestiam itineris atque unicam totius humanæ compaginis dissolutionem.”

[731] Vet. An. 308. “Ibique eum rex iterum stimulantibus æmulis de turrium destructione cœpit vehementer urgere, eique ob hanc causam intolerabilem inferre molestiam.”

[732] Ib. “Obtulit pontifici maximum pondus auri et argenti, unde sepulcrum beati Juliani honorifice, immo ad ignominiam sempiternam, fieri potuisset. Nam talis instabat conditio ut statim turres ecclesiæ delerentur.” He calls this a “pactio toxicata.”

[733] Ib. “Nos caremus in partibus nostris artificibus qui tantum opus congrue noverint operari; exhinc regiæ congruit dispositioni tam diligens opera et impensa, in cujus regno et mirabiles refulgent artifices et mirabilem operantur cælaturam.” See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 41, 85, 86, 93.

[734] Ib. “Detulit plane duo pretiosa cimbala, et optimam cappam de pallio et duas pelves argenteas cum aliis ornamentis.”

[735] See [Appendix RR].

[736] See [Appendix RR].

[737] See vol. i. p. 566.

[738] See vol. i. p. 622.

[739] The true text of the Annales Cambriæ, 1099, is clearly that which the editor thrusts into a note; “Cadugaun filius Bledin de Hibernia rediens, pacificatus est cum Francis et partem regni sui accepit. Lewelin filius Cadugaun ab hominibus de Brecheiniauc occiditur. Grifud filius Kenan Moniam obsedit.”

The Brut might imply a peaceful settlement of Gruffydd.

[740] Ann. Camb. 1099.

[741] See above, [p. 146].

[742] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Ðises geares eac on Sc̃e Martines Mæssedæg, asprang up to þan swiðe sæ flod, and swa mycel to hearme gedyde swa nan man ne gemunet, þæt hit æfre æror dyde and wæs þæs ylcan dæges luna prima.” This is translated in the Roman annals in Liebermann, p. 47.

[743] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “And Osmund biscop of Searbyrig innon aduent forðferde.” Florence gives the exact date, December 3.

[744] There is nothing special to note as to the authorities for this chapter. Our main story still comes from the same sources from which it has long come. Possibly the importance of Orderic, long growing, grows yet greater at the very end of our tale. And we still make a certain use of Wace. The story of the death of William Rufus is one of those in which it is desirable to look in all manner of quarters to which we should not commonly think of turning, not so much in search of facts, as to see how such a story impressed men’s minds, and what forms it took in various hands.

[745] See the entry in the Chronicle, 1087.

[746] See Plutarch, Periklês, 8.

[747] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 161.

[748] Ord. Vit. 781 D. We shall come to this again.

[749] Ann. Burton, 1100.

[750] The three assemblies are recorded in the Chronicle in a marked way; “On þison geare se cyng W. heold his hired to Xp̃es mæssa on Gleaweceastre, and to Eastron on Winceastre, and to Pentecosten on Westmynstre.”

[751] See vol. i. p. 623.

[752] The portrait of Sibyl is drawn by William of Malmesbury, iv. 389, where she appears as “Filia Willelmi de Conversana, quam rediens in Apuliam duxerat, cujus elegantissimæ speciei prodigium vix ullius disertitudinis explicabit conatus.” So Orderic, 780 A; “Hæc nimirum bonis moribus floruit, et multis honestatibus compta, his qui noverant illam amabilis extitit.” The continuator of William of Jumièges (viii. 14) goes further; “Fuit vero prædicta comitissa pulcra facie, honesta moribus, sapientia præclara, et aliquando absente duce ipsa melius per se negotia provinciæ, tam privata quam publica, disponebat, quam ipse faceret si adesset.” Wace (15422) calls her Sebire, and speaks only of her personal beauty. She was the mother of William Clito who plays so conspicuous a part in Henry’s reign. According to William of Malmesbury she died at his birth in 1103, but Orderic (810 A) tells a strange story how she was poisoned by Agnes the widow of the old Earl Walter Giffard, who hoped to marry the Duke. The more general statement in the continuation of William of Jumièges is to the same effect.

[753] Will. Malms, iv. 389. “Pecuniam infinitam, quam ei socer dotis nomine annumeraverat, ut ejus commercio Normanniam exueret vadimonio, ita dilapidavit ut pauculis diebus nec nummus superesset.”

[754] All these stories are told by William of Malmesbury, v. 439.

[755] Orderic (780 B) allows only thirty thousand. In William of Malmesbury (iv. 349, 383) they have grown into sixty thousand. Figures of this kind, whether greater or smaller, are always multiples of one another.

[756] Ord. Vit. 780 B. “Is nimirum decrevit Guillelmo Ruffo, regi Anglorum, Aquitaniæ ducatum, totamque terram suam invadiare, censumque copiosum abundanter ab illius ærario haurire, unde nobiliter expleret iter, quod cupiebat inire. Eloquentes itaque legatos ad regem direxit eique quod mente volvebat per eosdem insinuavit.”

[757] Orderic (780 C) describes the ambition of the “pomposus sceptriger” whose yearning for dominion was like the thirst of a dropsical man, and then tells us, “Maximam jussit classem præparari, et ingentem equitatum de Anglia secum comitari, ut pelago transfretato, in armis ceu leo supra prædam præsto consisteret, fratrem ab introitu Neustriæ bello abigeret. Aquitaniæ ducatum pluribus argenti massis emeret, et, obstantibus sibi bello subactis, usque ad Garumnam fluvium imperii sui fines dilataret.”

[758] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 539.

[759] I have quoted the passages in N. C. vol. v. p. 99.

[760] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 640.

[761] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 609, 650, 843.

[762] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 843. Orderic’s account (780 C) is; “Tunc circa rogationes lugubris eventus in Nova-foresta contigit. Dum regii milites venatu exercerentur, et damulas vel cervos catapultis sauciare molirentur, quidam miles sagittam, ut agrestem feram vulneraret, emisit, egregiumque juvenem Ricardum Rodberti ducis filium casu percussit.”

[763] Orderic goes on to say, “Eques, infortunio gravi territus, ad sanctum Pancratium statim confugit, ibique mox monachus factus genuinam ultionem ita evasit.” “Sanctus Pancratius” means Lewes, the foundation of William of Warren.

[764] So says Orderic, u. s.

[765] See above, [p. 5].

[766] Florence (1100) gives a long list of wonders. Among others, “Multis Normannis diabolus in horribili specie se frequenter in silvis ostendens, plura cum eis de rege et Rannulfo et quibusdam aliis locutus est.” Orderic (781 B) does not draw this national distinction, and speaks of visions in holier places; “Mense Julio (1100), dum regia classis regalis pompæ apparatu instrueretur, et ipse pervicaciter, immensa pretiosi metalli pondera undecunque congerens, prope fretum præstolaretur, horrendæ visiones de rege in cœnobiis et episcopiis ab utrisque ordinibus visæ sunt, unde in populis publicæ collocutiones in foris et cœmeteriis passim divulgatæ sunt, ipsum quoque regem minime latuerunt.”

[767] See that strangest of all stories which I have referred to in [Appendix G].

[768] The consecration and the bishops who had a hand in it are recorded by Florence, 1100. But he does not mention the other Gloucester stories; these come from Orderic, who does not mention the consecration. The two accounts thus fit in to one another. We see why the monks of Gloucester should be in a special fit of exalted devotion.

[769] Ord. Vit. 781 B, C. The dreamer was “quidam monachus bonæ famæ, sed melioris vitæ.” He at last understands “sanctæ virginis et matris ecclesiæ clamores pervenisse ad aures Domini, pro rapinis et turpibus mœchiis, aliorumque facinorum sarcina intolerabili, quibus rex et pedissequi ejus non desistunt divinam legem quotidie transgredi.”

[770] Ib. “His auditis, venerandus Serlo abbas commonitorios apices edidit, et amicabiliter de Gloucestra regi direxit, in quibus illa quæ monachus in visu didicerat luculenter inseruit.” This letter of Serlo’s will appear under various shapes.

[771] Ib. C, D.

[772] “Fulcheredus, Sagiensis fervens monachus, Scrobesburiensis archimandrita primus, in divinis tractatibus explanator profluus, de grege seniorum electus, in pulpitum ascendit.”

[773] “Quasi prophetico spiritu plenus, inter cætera constanter vaticinatus dixit.”

[774] “Effrenis enim superbia ubique volitat, et omnia, si dici fas est, etiam stellas cæli conculcat.”

[775] See above, [p. 310].

[776] “Ecce arcus superni furoris contra reprobos intensus est, et sagitta velox ad vulnerandum de pharetra extracta est. Repente jam feriet, seseque corrigendo sapiens omnis ictum declinet.” I tell the tale as I find it; it is easy to guess that the Abbot’s preaching put it into some one’s head to shoot the King; it is equally easy to guess that the story of the sermon is a legend suggested by the fact that the King was shot.

[777] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[778] On these various stories of the death of Rufus and of the warnings which went before it, see [Appendix SS].

[779] See N. C. vol. i. p. 276.

[780] As to the New Forest all accounts agree. I get Brockenhurst as the immediate spot from Geoffrey Gaimar, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, i. 51;

“Li rois estoit alé chacer

Vers Bukerst od li archer:

C’est en la Noeve-Forest

Un liu qi ad non Brokeherst.”

For Bukerst in the second line another MS. has Brokehest.

[781] See above, [p. 45].

[782] See below, [p. 345].

[783] See [Appendix SS].

[784] See vol. i. p. 380.

[785] See [Appendix SS].

[786] Geoffrey Gaimar (Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, i. 52);

“Ensemble vout amdiu parlant,

De meinte chose esbanoiant,

Tant qe Wauter prist à gaber

Et par engin au roi parler;

Demanda lui en riant

A quei il sojournoit tant.”

[787] Geoffrey Gaimar, Chron. Anglo-Norm. i. 52;

“Breton, Mansel et Angevin.”

[788] See vol. i. p. 411.

[789] Geoffrey Gaimar, u. s.;

“Cil de Boloine te tienent roi.

Eustace, cil de Boloigne,

Poez mener en ta besoigne.”

Another manuscript reads,

“Cil de Burgoine te unt pur roi.”

[790] Ib.

“D’ici q’as monz merrai ma guet,

En occident puis m’en irrai,

A Peiters ma feste tendrai.

Si jo tant vif, mon fié i serra.”

[791] Geoffrey Gaimar, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, i. 52;

“De male mort pussent morir

Li Burgoinon et li François,

Si souzget soient as Englois!”

Cf. the use of the word English in Orderic and Suger which I have commented on in N. C. vol. v. p. 835.

[792] Will. Malms. iv. 333. “Tanta vis erat animi, ut quodlibet sibi regnum promittere auderet. Denique ante proximam diem mortis interrogatus ubi festum suum in natali teneret, respondit Pictavis, quod comes Pictavensis, Jerosolymam ire gestiens, ei terram suam pro pecunia invadaturus dicebatur.” See above, [p. 313].

[793] Geoffrey Gaimar, u. s.;

“Li rois par gab li avoit dit;

Et cil come fel le requit

En son queor tint la félonie,

Purpensa soi d’une estoutie:

S’il jà lui veeir porreit,

Tut autrement le plait irroit.”

[794] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “And þæræfter on morgen æfter Hlammæsse dæge wearð se cyng Willelm on huntnoðe fram his anan men mid anre fla ofsceoten and syððan to Winceastre gebroht, and on þam biscoprice bebyrged.” The bishopric of course means the Old Minster, the episcopium.

[795] “Radulphus de Aquis,” says Giraldus, De Inst. Princ. 176. See below, [p. 335]. We are not told which of all the places called Aquæ is meant.

[796] See [Appendix SS].

[797] On the different versions of the death of Rufus, see [Appendix SS].

[798] William of Malmesbury (iv. 333) describes the process with some pomp of words; “Pridie quam excederet vita, vidit per quietem se phlebotomi ictu sanguinem emittere, radium cruoris in cælum usque protentum lucem obnubilare, diem interpolare.” But the common word for being bled is “minuere” (see Ducange in voc.), and the many monastic rules which forbid the practice of bleeding except at stated times would seem to imply that the process, if not liked in itself, was at least made use of as an excuse for idleness.

[799] Ib. “Lumen inferri præcipit.” This is a comment on the reform of Henry (v. 393), “Lucernarum usum noctibus in curia restituit, qui fuerat tempore fratris intermissus.”

[800] Ib. “Quod ei a secretis erat.” Robert is also described as “vir magnatum princeps.”

[801] Ib. “Monachus est et causa nummorum monachaliter somniat; date ei centum solidos.”

[802] “Seriis negotiis cruditatem indomitæ mentis eructuans” is the odd phrase of William of Malmesbury.

[803] Will. Malms. v. 333. “Ferunt, ea die largiter epulatum, crebrioribus quam consueverat poculis frontem serenasse.” This phrase is almost equally odd with the last.

[804] Ord. Vit. 782 A. “Cum hilaris cum clientibus suis tripudiaret, ocreasque suas calcearet, quidam faber illuc advenit, et sex catapultas ei præsentavit.”

[805] “Justum est, ut illi acutissimæ dentur sagittæ, qui lethiferos inde noverit ictus infigere.”

[806] “Abbatis sui litteras regi porrexit, quibus auditis, rex in cachinnum resolutus est.”

[807] Ord. Vit. 782 A. “Gualteri, fac rectum de his quæ audisti. At ille: Sic faciam, domine.” I do not quite see what these words mean.

[808] “Ex simplicitate nimia, mihi tot negotiis occupato somnia stertentium retulit, et per plura terrarum spatia scripto etiam inserta destinavit. Num prosequi me ritum autumat Anglorum, qui pro sternutatione et somnio vetularum dimittunt iter suum seu negotium?”

[809] He is brought in as “Henricus comes frater ejus.”

[810] “Cum rex et Gualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nemore constituti essent,” says Orderic; “Solus cum eo [Walterio] remanserat,” says William of Malmesbury.

[811] This is the version of Geoffrey Gaimar. See [Appendix SS].

[812] Thus the English took each a morsel of earth in their mouths before the battle of Azincourt. See Lingard, v. 498.

[813] This is the version of Benoît de Sainte More. See [Appendix SS].

[814] So William of Malmesbury. See [Appendix SS].

[815] So Orderic. See [Appendix SS].

[816] As in Benoît’s account. So Matthew Paris in the Historia Anglorum. See [Appendix SS]. This seems to have become the most popular version.

[817] This is one of two accounts which reached Eadmer. Hist. Nov. 54. “Quæ sagitta, utrum, sicut quidam aiunt, jacta ipsum percusserit, an, quod plures affirmant, illum pedibus offendentem superque ruentem occiderit, disquirere otiosum putamus.”

[818] This tale, some of the details of which have become popular, is preserved by Matthew Paris, and in a fuller form by Knighton. See [Appendix SS].

[819] This is from Giraldus Cambrensis. See [Appendix SS].

[820] This is the line taken by Florence. It is at this point that he brings in his account of the making of the New Forest (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 841), and of the deaths of the two Richards in it. He then adds; “In loco quo rex occubuit priscis temporibus ecclesia fuerat constructa, sed patris sui tempore, ut prædiximus, erat diruta.” Sir Francis Palgrave naturally makes the most of this, and with fine effect; iv. 9, 680, 682.

[821] Orderic (782 D) says that they brought his body, “veluti ferocem aprum venabulis confossum.” We get the same idea a little improved in William of Newburgh (i. 2), who says, “Quippe in venatione sagitta proprii militis homo ferocissimus pro fera confossus interiit.” (The words in Italics must be a translation of the Chronicle.) The full developement comes in Thomas Wykes (Ann. Mon. iv. 13), who must surely have had William of Newburgh before him. He, like Giraldus and others (see above, [p. 322]), looked on Rufus as the maker of the New Forest, if not as the inventor of forests in general. “Rex Willelmus Angliæ, dictus Rufus, qui pro eo quod accipitrum et canum ludicris quasi se totum dederat, totum fere regnum Angliæ in multorum perniciem et omnium regnicolarum dispendium primus afforestavit, propellentibus eum ad interitum peccatis suis, a quodam milite suo Waltero Tyrel, in Nova Foresta, tanquam pro fera, confossus sagitta quadam, vulneratus interiit.”

[822] This is Geoffrey Gaimar’s story (i. 55). See [Appendix TT].

[823]

“Li filz Ricard erent cil dui,

Quens Gilebert e dan Roger,

Cil furent preisé chevaler.”

But Roger ought to be Richard.

[824] This is from Orderic, whose story is essentially the same as that of William of Malmesbury. See [Appendix TT].

[825] This is all brought out most plainly by Orderic; but the less distinct words of William of Malmesbury and others in no sort contradict Orderic, and in truth look the same way.

[826] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 599.

[827] See [Appendix TT].

[828] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 6. 55. “Intulit idem venerabilis abbas sub testimonio veritatis proxime præterita nocte eumdem regem ante thronum Dei accusatum, judicatum, sententiamque damnationis in eum promulgatam.”

[829] Ib. 56. “Juvenis ornatu ac vultu non vilis” speaks to the clerk, “qui prope ostium cameræ jacebat, et necdum dormiens, oculos tamen ad somnum clausos tenebat.” The message runs thus; “Pro certo noveris quia totum dissidium quod est inter archiepiscopum Anselmum et Willelmum regem determinatum est atque sedatum.”

[830] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 6. 56. “Sequenti autem nocte inter matutinas unus nostrum clausis oculis stabat et psallebat. Et ecce illi quidam chartulam admodum parvam legendam exhibuit. Aspexit, et in ea, obiit rex Willelmus, scriptum invenit. Confestim aperuit oculos, et nullum vidit præter socios.” None of these stories are found in the Historia Novorum, but they are copied by Roger of Wendover, ii. 159.

[831] Matthew Paris, Hist. Angl. i. 71. “Eadem hora comes Cornubiæ in silva ab illa qua hoc acciderat per duas dietas distante, dum venatum iret, et solus casu a suis derelinqueretur sodalibus, obvium habuit unum magnum pilosum et nigrum hircum ferentem unum regem nigrum et nudum, per medium pectoris sauciatum.”

[832] Ib. “Et adjuratus hircus per Deum trinum et unum, quid hoc esset, respondit, Fero ad judicium suum regem vestrum, imo tyrannum, Willelmum Rufum. Malignus enim spiritus sum, et ultor malitiæ suæ, qua desævit in ecclesiam Christi; et hanc necem suam procuravi, imperante prothomartire Angliæ beato Albano, qui conquestus est Domino quod in insulam Britanniæ, cujus ipse fuit primus sacrator, supra modum grassaretur. Comes igitur hæc statim sociis enarravit.” Wonders, though not quite so wonderful as this, reached Devonshire as well as Cornwall. Walter Map (223) tells us, “Eadem die Petro de Melvis, viro de partibus Exoniæ, persona quædam vilis et fœda, telum ferens cruentum, cursitans apparavit dicens, Hoc telum hodie regem vestrum perfodit.”

[833] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “Swa þæt þæs dæges þe he gefeoll he heafde on his agenre hand þæt arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig, and þæt bisceoprice on Winceastre, and þæt on Searbyrig, and xi. abbotrices, ealle to gafle gesette.” This is copied by various writers.

[834] See vol. i. p. 279.

[835] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “On þæne Þunresdæg he wæs ofslagen, and þæs on morgen bebyrged. And syðþan he bebyrged wæs, þa witan þe þa neh handa wæron his broðer Heanrig to cynge gecuran.”

[836] This story, to which we have already referred (see above, [p. 321]), is told by Wace, 15194 et seqq. The words of the prophetess are;

“Amis, dist-el, or sai, or sai,

Une novele te dirai;

Henris iert Reis hastivement,

Se mis augures ne ment;

Remembre tei de ço k’ai dit,

Ke cil iert Reis jusqu’à petit;

Se ço n’est veir ke jo te di,

Dire porras ke j’ai menti.”

Here again I can only tell the story as I find it in a writer whose authority at this stage is not first-rate. It is easy to say (see N. C. vol. v. p. 824) that it points to a known plot for the King’s murder. It is equally easy to say that the story is a mere fable suggested by what followed. In short, where there is no real evidence, it is easy to make any guesses that we think good.

[837] Wace, 15194 seqq.;

“Jà esteit près del boiz venuz,

Quant un hoem est del boiz issuz,

Poiz vindrent dui, poiz vindrent trei,

Poiz noef, poiz dis à grant desrei,

Ki li distrent la mort li rei.”

Wace’s way of piling up numbers reminds us of his arithmetic at the assembly of Lillebonne. See N. C. vol. iii. p. 295.

[838] Ib.

“Et il ala mult tost poignant

La à il sout la dolor grant,

Dunc crust li dols, dunc crust li plors,

E crust la noise è li dolors.”

[839] Ord. Vit. 782 C. “Henricus concito cursu ad arcem Guentoniæ, ubi regalis thesaurus continebatur, festinavit, et claves ejus, ut genuinus hæres, imperiali jussu ab excubitoribus exegit.”

[840] See the story in Plutarch, Cæsar, 25; Merivale, ii. 154.

[841] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Legaliter, inquit, reminisci fidei debemus, quam Rodberto duci, germano tuo, promisimus. Ipse nimirum primogenitus est Guillelmi regis filius, et ego et tu, domine mi Henrice, hominium illi fecimus. Quapropter tam absenti quam præsenti fidelitas a nobis servanda est in omnibus.” “Legaliter” is of course to be construed “loyally.”

[842] Ord. Vit. 782 C. “Inter hæc aspera lis oriri cœpit, et ex omni parte multitudo virorum illuc confluxit, atque præsentis hæredis qui suum jus calumniabatur virtus crevit. Henricus manum ad capulum vivaciter misit et gladium exemit, nec extraneum quemlibet per frivolam procrastinationem patris sceptrum præoccupare permisit.”

Not only is all this graphically told; but every word is of political importance. Whether the exact words which are put into the mouth of William of Breteuil are his or Orderic’s, they clearly set forth the doctrines which were creeping in. Orderic himself speaks for the English people, as the English people doubtless did speak.

[843] Orderic and William of Malmesbury are the fullest on the election; but it is distinctly marked everywhere. See [Appendix UU].

[844] See N. C. vol. i. p. 486.

[845] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 529.

[846] The speed with which events happened is strongly marked by the Chronicler. As soon as Henry is chosen, “he þærrihte þæt biscoprice on Winceastre Willelme Giffarde geaf, and siþþan to Lundene for.” The appointment is also recorded by Florence and Henry of Huntingdon. William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 110) says, when speaking of a somewhat later time, “Willelmus fuerat adhuc recenti potestate Henrici violenter ad Wintoniensem episcopatum electus, nec electioni assentiens, immo eligentes asperis convitiis et minis incessens.” Henry of Huntingdon (De Contemptu Mundi, 315) speaks of him as “vir nobilissimus.” Orderic (783 C) marks his former office; “Guillelmo cognomento Gifardo, qui defuncti regis cancellarius fuerat, Guentanæ urbis cathedram commisit.”

[847] See the references in N. C. vol. v. p. 225.

[848] Will. Malms. v. 393. “Hæc eo studiosius celebrabantur, ne mentes procerum electionis quassarentur pœnitudine, quod ferebatur rumor Robertum Normanniæ comitem ex Apulia adventantem jam jamque affore.”

[849] Ord. Vit. 783 B. “Henricus, cum Rodberto, comite de Mellento, Lundoniam properavit.”

[850] Maurice is mentioned as the consecrator by Orderic, 783 B, and by the Chronicler. Orderic is wrong when he gives as a reason not only that Anselm was absent, but that Thomas of York was dead. But he was hard to get at, and as he died three months later, he may very likely have been sick. On the alleged consecration by Thomas, see [Appendix UU].

[851] See vol. i. p. 16, and N. C. vol. iii. p. 561.

[852] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “On þan Sunnandæge þæræfter toforan þam weofode on Westmynstre Gode and eallan folce behét ealle þa unriht to aleggenne þe on his broðer timan wæran, and þa betstan lage to healdene þe on æniges cynges dæge toforan him stodan.” So more briefly Henry of Huntingdon; “Sacratus est ibi a Mauricio Londoniensi episcopo, melioratione legum et consuetudinum optabili repromissa.” This is the promise, the charter published the same day was its first fulfilment. These special provisions must have been an addition to the ordinary coronation oath, which was taken by Henry in the form prescribed in the office of Æthelred. Stubbs, Select Charters, 95.

[853] Chron. Petrib. “And hine syððan æfter þam se biscop of Lundene Mauricius to cynge gehalgode, and him ealle on þeosan lande to abugan, and aðas sworan, and his men wurdon.”

[854] William of Malmesbury (v. 393) is emphatic on the popular joy; “Lætus ergo dies visus est revirescere populis, cum, post tot anxietatum nubila, serenarum promissionum infulgebant lumina.” He adds that Henry was crowned “certatim plausu plebeio concrepante.” The adjective is important. Orderic (783 C, D) takes the opportunity for an elaborate panegyric on Henry and his reign. He had already (782 D), before William is buried, said, “Hoc antea dudum fuit a Britonibus prophetatum, et hunc Angli optaverunt habere dominum, quem nobiliter in solio regni noverant genitum.” The prophecy is given in full in 887 D (see N. C. vol. v. p. 153); “Succedet Leo justitiæ, ad cujus rugitum Gallicanæ turres et insulani dracones tremebunt.” For an “insularis draco” of the same class, see vol. i. p. 124.

[855] Florence marks the charter as granted on the day of the coronation. He gives a good summary;

“Qui consecrationis suæ die sanctam Dei ecclesiam, quæ fratris sui tempore vendita erat et ad firmam erat posita, liberam fecit, ac omnes malas consuetudines et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliæ injuste opprimebatur, abstulit, pacem firmam in toto regno suo posuit, et teneri præcepit: legem regis Eadwardi omnibus in commune reddidit, cum illis emendationibus quibus pater suus illam emendavit: sed forestas quas ille constituit et habuit in manu sua retinuit.”

[856] See vol. i. pp. 335–341, and N. C. vol. v. pp. 373–381.

[857] Select Charters, 96. “Sciatis me Dei misericordia et communi consilio baronum totius regni Angliæ ejusdem regni regem coronatum esse.”

[858] Ib. 97. “Sanctam Dei ecclesiam imprimis liberam facio, ita quod nec vendam nec ad firmam ponam.”

[859] See vol. i. p. 338.

[860] See N. C. vol. v. p. 374.

[861] Ib. p. 376.

[862] Select Charters, 97. “Monetagium commune quod capiebatur per civitates et comitatus quod non fuit tempore regis Edwardi, hoc ne amodo fiat omnino defendo. Si quis captus fuerit sive monetarius sive alius cum falsa moneta, justitia recta inde fiat.”

[863] See vol. i. pp. 345, 394.

[864] Select Charters, 97. “Et si quis pro hæreditate sua aliquid pepigerat, illud condono, et omnes relevationes quæ pro rectis hæreditatibus pactæ fuerant.”

[865] See vol. i. p. 338.

[866] Select Charters, 98. “Si quis baronum sive hominum meorum forisfecerit, non dabit vadium in misericordia pecuniæ, sicut faciebat tempore patris mei vel fratris mei, sed secundum modum forisfacti, ita emendabit sicut emendasset retro a tempore patris mei, in tempore aliorum antecessorum meorum.”

[867] See N. C. vol. i. p. 758; vol. v. pp. 444, 881.

[868] Select Charters, 98. “Murdra etiam retro ab illa die qua in regem coronatus fui omnia condono: et ea quæ amodo facta fuerint, juste emendentur secundum lagam regis Edwardi.”

[869] Ib. “Forestas communi consensu baronum meorum in manu mea retinui, sicut pater meus eas habuit.”

[870] Ib. “Militibus qui per loricas terras suas defendunt, terras dominicarum carrucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus gildis, et omni opere, proprio dono meo concedo, ut sicut tam magno allevamine alleviati sint, ita se equis et armis bene instruant ad servitium meum et ad defensionem regni mei.” We have had an example of this tenure “per loricam” in the case of an Englishman T. R. W. in N. C. vol. iv. p. 339.

[871] Select Charters, 98. “Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit consilio baronum suorum.” The half-English, half-Latin, form “laga” should be noticed.

[872] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 325.

[873] See N. C. vol. v. p. 149.

[874] Select Charters, 98. “Si quis aliquid do rebus meis vel de rebus alicujus post obitum Willelmi regis fratris mei ceperit, totum cito sine emendatione reddatur, et si quis inde aliquid retinuerit, ille super quem inventum fuerit mihi graviter emendabit.”

[875] Roger of Wendover, iii. 293. “Producta est in medium charta quædam regis Henrici primi, quam iidem barones a Stephano, Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, ut prædictum est, in urbe Londoniarum acceperant. Continebat autem hæc charta quasdam libertates et leges regis Eadwardi sanctæ ecclesiæ Anglicanæ pariter et magnatibus regni concessas, exceptis quibusdam libertatibus quas idem rex de suo adjecit.”

[876] See the list in Select Charters, 98. Why does not Walter Giffard sign as Earl? Or is it his son? William of Malmesbury (v. 393) seems to speak of a general oath to the charter on the part of the nobles; “Antiquarum moderationem legum revocavit in solidum, sacramento suo et omnium procerum, ne luderentur corroborans.”

[877] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 295; iii. p. 590; v. p. 893.

[878] See N. C. vol. v. p. 602.

[879] On Abbot Simeon, see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 481, 833. According to the local writers (Anglia Sacra, i. 612; Stewart, 284) he reached his hundredth year. They have much to tell of the troubles of the abbey during the vacancy at the hands of Flambard (Stewart, 276–283). But it seems that Flambard needed to be stirred up by a local enemy, who, we are sorry to find, bears an English name and a singular surname; “vir Belial Ælwinus cognomento Retheresgut, id est venter pecudis.”

[880] Orderic (783 C, D) mentions all these appointments to abbeys along with the appointment of William Giffard to Winchester and that of Gerard to York. It will be remembered that he fancied that Archbishop Thomas was dead before the coronation. “Eliense cœnobium dedit Ricardo, Ricardi de Benefacta filio, Beccensi monacho, et abbatiam Sancti Edmundi regis et martyris Rodberto juveni Uticensi monacho, Hugonis Cestrensis comitis filio. Glastoniam quoque commisit Herluino Cadomensi, et Habundoniam Farisio Malmesburiensi.” That the appointments were made on the day of the coronation appears from the two local histories, the Annals of Saint Eadmund’s in Liebermann, 130, and the two Ely histories, that in Anglia Sacra, i. 613, and the Liber Eliensis (Stewart, 284), which largely copies Florence. As Richard the second Earl of Chester was “filius unicus Hugonis consulis” (Hen. Hunt. De Contemptu Mundi, 304), and as Orderic (787 C) calls him “Pulcherrimus puer, quem solum ex Ermentrude filia Hugonis de Claromonte genuit [Hugo],” it would follow that Abbot Robert was one of the many natural children of Earl Hugh. See N. C. vol. v. p. 490. He was appointed, say the local Annals, “renitentibus monachis.”

[881] Orderic, as we have seen, calls Abbot Richard a son of Richard of Bienfaite, while the Ely writers call him the son of Count Gilbert, which must be wrong. Yet they have much to say about his family, who are oddly spoken of as the “Ricardi,” along with the “Gifardi.” They tell at length the story of his deposition, but attribute it to the King rather than to Anselm. But see Florence, 1102; Eadmer, 67; Ans. Ep. iii. 140.

[882] See Willis, Glastonbury, p. 9.

[883] Faricius fills a large space in the history of his abbey. He was a native of Arezzo, and had been cellarer at Malmesbury; Hist. Ab. ii. 44, 285. He was kept back from the archbishopric by the scruples of Robert (Bloet) Bishop of Lincoln and Roger Bishop of Salisbury; Hist. Ab. ii. 287.

[884] William of Malmesbury (v. 393) puts the whole story emphatically enough; “Ne quid profecto gaudio accumulato abesset, Rannulfo nequitiarum fæce tenebris ergastularibus incluso, propter Anselmum pernicibus nuntiis directum.” Florence also joins the imprisonment of Flambard and the recall of Anselm; “Nec multo post Dunholmensem episcopum Rannulfum Lundoniæ in turri custodiæ mancipavit, et Dorubernensem archiepiscopum Anselmum de Gallia revocavit.” In the Chronicle we get the Tower named in our own tongue, as in 1097; “And se cyng sona æfter þam be þære ræde þe him abutan wæran, þone biscop Rannulf of Dunholme let niman, and into þam Ture on Lundene lét gebringon and þær healdan.”

[885] See Macaulay, ii. 557.

[886] Ord. Vit. 783 D. “Hugo Cestrensis comes, et Rodbertus Belesmensis, ac alii optimates, qui erant in Normannia, audito casu infortunati principis, rerumque mutatione subita, compositis in Neustria rebus suis, iter in Angliam acceleraverunt, novoque regi debitam subjectionem obtulerunt, eique hominio facto, fundos et omnes dignitates suas cum regiis muneribus ab eo receperunt.” Directly after he gives a list of the inner council; “Rodbertum scilicet de Mellento et Hugonem de Cestra, Ricardum de Radvariis et Rogerium Bigodum, aliosque strenuos et sagaces viros suis adhibuit consiliis, et quia humiliter sophistis obsecundavit, merito multis regionibus et populis imperavit.”

[887] See the extract in the [note] at p. 361.

[888] See above, [p. 341].

[889] Eadmer, 55.

[890] Ib. “Singultu verba ejus interrumpente, asseruit in ipsa veritate quam servum Dei transgredi non decet, quia, si hoc efficere posset, multo magis eligeret seipsum corpore quam illum sicut erat mortuum esse.” So in the Life, ii. 658.

[891] Eadmer, 55. “Ecce alius e fratribus ecclesiæ Cantuariensis advenit, literas deferens, preces offerens, quibus obnixe ab Anglorum matre ecclesia interpellatur, quatenus, extincto tyranno, filios suos, rupta mora, revisere, consolarique, dignetur.”

[892] Ib. “Ipso pontifice et toto populo terræ super hoc dolente, et nisi rationi contrairet, modis omnibus, ne fieret, prohibere volente.”

[893] Ib. “Alter nuncius ex parte novi regis Anglorum, et procerum regni patri occurrens, moras ejus in veniendo redarguit, totam terram in adventu ejus attonitam, et omnia negotia regni ad audientiam et dispositionem ipsius referens pendere dilata.”

[894] Ep. Ans. iii. 41. “Nutu Dei, a clero et a populo Angliæ electus, et quamvis invitus propter absentiam tui, rex jam consecratus.”

[895] Ep. Ans. iii. 41. “Precor ne tibi displiceat quod regiam benedictionem absque te suscepi; de quo, si fieri posset,… libentius eam susciperem quam de alio aliquo … hac itaque occasione a tuis vicariis illam accepi.”

[896] Ib. “Requiro te sicut patrem, cum omni populo Angliæ, quatenus mihi filio tuo et eidem populo cujus tibi animarum cura commissa est, quam citius poteris, venias ad consulendum.”

[897] Ib. “Me ipsum quidem ac totius regni Angliæ populum, tuo eorumque consilio qui tecum mihi consulere debent, committo.”

[898] Ib. “Sed necessitas fuit talis quia inimici insurgere volebant contra me et populum quem habeo ad gubernandum; et ideo barones mei, et idem populus, noluerunt amplius eam protelari; hac itaque occasione a tuis vicariis illam accepi. Misissem quidem ad te a meo latere aliquos per quos tibi etiam de mea pecunia destinassem, sed pro morte fratris mei circa regnum Angliæ ita totus orbis concussus est, ut nullatenus ad te salubriter pervenire potuissent.”

[899] Ib.

[900] Ep. Ans. iii. 41. “Et aliis tam episcopis quam baronibus meis.”

[901] Ord. Vit. 784 B. “Pro quibusdam injuriis, quas ipse suis comparibus ingesserat, per fraudulenta consilia, quæ Ruffo regi contra illos suggerere jamdudum studuerat.”

[902] The expressions of Orderic which follow the words last quoted are very remarkable. They show that, in Normandy at least, William the Red did in some sort go on with the work of his father. “Similiter alii plures iram et malivolentiam, quas olim conceperant, sed propter rigorem principalis justitiæ manifestis ultionibus prodere non ausi fuerant, nunc habenis relaxatis toto nisu contra sese insurrexerunt, et mutuis cædibus ac damnis rerum miseram regionem rectore carentem desolaverunt.”

[903] Ord. Vit. 784 B, C.

[904] “Sona swa se eorl Rotbert into Normandig com, he wearð fram eallan þam folce bliþelice underfangen.”

[905] “Butan þam castelan þe wæron gesætte mid þæs cynges Heanriges mannan, togeanes þan he manega gewealc and gewinn hæfde.”

[906] Will. Malms. v. 394. “Quo audito [Robert’s return to Normandy], omnes pene hujus terræ optimates fidei regi juratæ transfugæ fuere; quidam nullis extantibus causis, quidam levibus occasiunculis emendicatis, quod nollet iis terras quas vellent ultro pro libito eorum impertiri.”

[907] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “Ða toforan Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan com se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cantwarbyrig hider to lande, swa swa se cyng Heanrig, be his witena ræde him æfter sende, forþan þe he wæs út of þis lande gefaren, for þan mycelan unrihte þe se cyng Willelm him dyde.” Everything is thoroughly constitutional just now.

[908] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 55. “Prosperrimo itaque cursu marina pericula transvecti nono kl. Octobris Dofris appulimus, et ingenti gaudio totam terram in adventu Anselmi exultantem reperimus. Quædam etenim quasi novæ resurrectionis spes singulorum mentibus oriebatur, qua et ab oppressione calentis adhuc calamitatis se quisque liberandum et in statum optatæ prosperitatis aditum sibi pollicebatur.” The short English Chronicle printed by Liebermann, 5, gives a rather odd name to Anselm’s absence; “Ansælm ærcebiscop com fram peregrinatione.”

[909] See vol. i. p. 437.

[910] Ib. p. 450.

[911] Ib. p. 481.

[912] Ib. p. 559.

[913] Ib. p. 572.

[914] Ord. Vit. 784 C. “Ut rumores quos optaverat audivit, Guillelmum videlicet regem occubuisse veraciter agnovit, cum armatorum turma Cœnomannis venit, et ab amicis civibus [see Migne’s text] voluntarie susceptus, urbem pacifice obtinuit.” The Biographer (309) says merely “sine mora cum populo qui eum secutus fuerat ad civitatem venit.”

[915] See above, pp. [241], [281]. As he was “Rothomagensis,” he would seem to be a brother of the William son of Ansgar of whom we heard in vol. i. p. 261.

[916] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Fulconem Andegavorum comitem dominum suum accersiit, a quo adjutus arcem diu obsedit.” The Biographer says nothing about Fulk.

[917] Ord. Vit. 784 D. “Heliæ comiti privilegium dederunt ut quotienscumque vellet, albam tunicam indueret, et sic ad eos qui turrim custodiebant, tutus accederet.” Presently we read of the “candida tunica, pro qua Candidus Bacularis solitus est ab illis nuncupari.” The story is told in full detail.

[918] Ib. 784 C. “Haimericus de Moria.” I can give no further account of him.

[919] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 26.

[920] Ord. Vit. 784 D. “Lædere quidem vos lapidibus et sagittis possumus, quia in eminentiori prætorio constituti vobis prævalemus.”

[921] Ib. 785 A. “Donec legatus noster redeat a dominis nostris, Angliæ et Normanniæ principibus, qui postquam reversus fuerit, faciemus prout ratio nobis intimaverit.”

[922] Ord. Vit. 785 A. “Dux longæ laboribus peregrinationis fractus, et magis quietem lecti quam bellicum laborem complecti cupidus.”

[923] “Rex Albionis … transmarinis occupatus negotiis regni, callide maluit sibi debita legaliter amplecti quam peregrinis præ superbia et indebitis laboribus nimis onerari.”

[924] “Naturali hero caremus, cui strenuitatis nostræ servitium impendamus. Unde, strenue vir, probitatem tuam agnoscentes, te eligimus, et, arce reddita, te principem Cœnomannorum hodie constituimus.” This time no one would (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 575) think of translating “strenue vir” by “valiant Saxon;” yet, as there were Saxons in Anjou, the lord of La Flèche may have had more right to the name than the Earl of the Northumbrians.

[925] Ord. Vit. 785 D. “Ne a civibus quorum domos præterito anno combusserant læderentur, alacriter protexit.” The Biographer (309) cuts the whole matter much shorter; but it is from him that we learn the three months’ length of the siege. The garrison, having no hope, “tandem coacti de munitionibus egressi sunt, et consulis liberalitate membrorum et vitæ impunitate donati, in patriam [where was that?] reversi sunt.”

[926] See [Appendix KK]. The Biographer tells us now; “pacata igitur civitate et hostibus inde effugatis, Hildebertus Romam proficiscitur.”

[927] Ord. Vit. 785 D. “Fœdus amicitiæ cum Rodberto duce et Henrico rege postmodum copulavit, eorumque bellis viriliter interfuit, unique multum nocuit, alterique ingens suffragium contulit.” He records instances in 818 C, 820 B, 821 A, B. In this last case, at Tinchebrai, Helias commands Bretons as well as his own people. Cf. the Chronicle of Saint Albinus of Angers, 1105, 1106, and that of Saint Sergius, 1106. Orderic (822 B) records a curious discourse between Helias and his old enemy Robert of Bellême, who calls himself “tuus homo.”

[928] We read casually in the Biographer (311) of a time “dura comes Rotrodus Perticencis in turri Cenomannica captus teneretur, et episcopus ad eum trepidum mortis accessisset.” But the story is all about Hildebert, not about Helias. It is taken from a letter of Hildebert himself (Duchesne, iv. 279), who speaks of Rotrou as “in vinculis.” We find that Count Rotrou’s mother gave the Bishop the kiss of peace, which the Lady Eadgyth had refused to receive from Abbot Gervinus. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 544.

[929] Orderic seems to complain that “defuncta conjuge sua, cælibem vitam actitare renuit.” Was it because of this backsliding that, when he dies, he becomes, notwithstanding all his good deeds, merely “cadaver” and not “soma”? On the other hand, our own Chronicler records his death in 1110, and the Angevin Chronicler of Saint Sergius thinks the event worthy of a heavenly phænomenon; “Apparuit cometa, atque ilico mortuus est Helias, Cenomannensis comes.”

[930] Orderic, 785 C, notes that Helias made Fulk his heir; “Ipsum Cœnomannis dominum sibi successorem constituit.” Cf. 818 C.

[931] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 220, 225.

[932] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. “Cum post paucos sui reditus dies Serberiam ad regem venisset, et ab eo gaudenter susceptus, rationi illius qua se excusavit cur in suscipienda regiæ dignitatis benedictione, illum cujus juris eam esse sciebat, non expectaverit, adquievisset.”

[933] Ib. See N. C. vol. v. p. 220.

[934] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. “Cum ille nequaquam se aut velle aut posse assensum præbere responderet, interrogantibus quare, statim quid super his et quibusdam aliis in Romano concilio acceperit, manifesta relatione innotuit, itaque subinferens ait, si dominus rex ista suscipere, et suscepta servare voluerit, bene inter nos et firma pax erit.”

[935] Ib. “Nec ea de causa Angliam redii, ut, si ipse Romano pontifici obedire nolit, in ea resideam. Undo quid velit precor edicat, ut sciam quo me vertam.”

[936] Ib. “Grave quippe sibi visum est investituras ecclesiarum et hominia prælatorum perdere; grave nihilominus Anselmum a regno, ipso nondum in regno plene confirmato, pati discedere.”

[937] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. “In uno siquidem videbatur sibi quasi dimidium regni perderet, in alio verebatur ne fratrem suum Robertum … Anselmus adiret, et eum in apostolicæ sedis subjectionem deductum, quod facillimum factu sciebat, regem Angliæ faceret.” These words make us see how unknown the new doctrines had hitherto been in Normandy as well as in England. The dukes up to this time had not been in subjection to the Holy See, as subjection was understood by Paschal, and, at Paschal’s bidding, by Anselm.

[938] Ib. “Induciæ usque pascha petitæ sunt, quatenus utrinque Romam mitterentur qui decreta apostolica in pristinum regni usum mutarent.” Rome and Bari had not wholly eaten the Englishman out of our Eadmer.

[939] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. “Interim ecclesiis Angliæ in quo erant statu manentibus, Anselmus redditis terris quas rex mortuus ecclesiæ Cantuariensi abstulerat, suis omnibus revestiretur, sicque fieret, ut si a sententia flecti papa nequiret, totius negotii summa in eum quo tunc erant statum rediret.”

[940] Ib. “Hæc Anselmus, quamvis frivola esse, et in nihil utile tendere sciret, atque prædiceret, tamen ne novo regi seu principibus ullam contra se suspicionem de regni translatione aut aliunde incuteret, precibus illorum passus est vinci.”

[941] Will. Malms. v. 393. “Suadentibus amicis, et maxime pontificibus, ut, remota voluptate pellicum, legitimum amplecteretur connubium.” Orderic (783 D) gives the same idea a more grotesque turn; “Princeps quarto mense ex quo cœpit regnare, nolens ut equus et mulus, quibus non est intellectus, turpiter lascivire, generosam virginem nomine Mathildem regali more sibi desponsavit.” So in the continuation of William of Jumièges, viii. 10; “Ut idem rex legaliter viveret, duxit venerabilem Matildem.” “Legaliter” must here be taken in the older, not in the chivalrous sense.

[942] Will. Malms. u. s. See [Appendix G].

[943] See N. C. vol. v. p. 852.

[944] Ib. p. 853.

[945] Ib. p. 843; vol. iv. p. 733.

[946] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 731; v. p. 306.

[947] See vol. i. p. 187, and N. C. vol. v. p. 844.

[948] Hist. Ab. ii. 36. “Optimatum hujus loci ea tempestate virorum Anskillus erat unus, cujus juri pertinebant Suvecurda [Seacourt] et Speresholt, et Baigeuurtha [Bayworth] et apud Merceham [Marsham] hida una. Hunc contra, suorum delatione osorum, ita regis exarsit iracundia, ut vinculis arctatum carcerali præciperet custodiæ macerandum. Ubi insolito rigore deficiens post dies paucos interiit.”

[949] It was held by the new grantee and his son till it was got back from King Henry by Abbot Faricius (Hist. Ab. ii. 288), “retracto inde ecclesiæ in hoc temporis spatio servitii omni genere” (Ib. ii. 37). This seems to be the Sparsholt of which I spoke in N. C. vol. iv. p. 726, as being held by “Godricus unus liber homo,” a different person from Godric the Sheriff. He is distinguished in the Abingdon History (i. 477) as “Godricus Cild,” and his Sparsholt is said to be “juxta locum qui vulgo Mons Albi Æqui nuncupatur.” In Domesday (59) we find Anschil holding Sparsholt of the Abbot. It had been held T. R. E. by Eadric. Eadric and Godric are clearly the same man, and there must be a mistake of name in one place or the other, just as in Domesday, 146, Eadwine Abbot of Westminster is miscalled Godwine. But a most curious entry follows, from which it appears that Eadric or Godric had given the lordship for the support of his son as a monk in the abbey as long as he lived, after which it was to come back to himself. The shire therefore threw a doubt on the right of the abbey to its possession. They had seen no writ or seal of King William granting it to the abbey; but the abbot and all his monks produced a writ and seal of King Eadward, from which it appeared that Eadric had given the manor to the abbey; “Abbas testatur quod in T. R. E. misit ille manerium ad ecclesiam unde erat, et inde habet brevem et sigillum R. E. attestantibus omnibus monachis suis.” The words “unde erat” show that Eadric or Godric held the lordship of the abbey (for its possession of Sparsholt see Hist. Ab. i. 283, 478), but that he gave up his rights in it to the church. It was then again granted to Anskill.

[950] Hist. Ab. ii. 37. “Cum hæc agerentur, uxore Anskilli jam defuncti domo exclusa, filio vero ejus, nomine Willelmo, a rebus paternis funditus eliminato, eadem mulier fratrem regis Henricum, tunc quidem comitem, suffragiorum suis incommodis gratia frequentans, ex eo concepit, et filium pariens Ricardum vocavit.” On this Richard, see N. C. vol. v. pp. 188 (note), 195, 843.

[951] He married the sister of Simon, the king’s dispenser, and niece of Abbot Reginald, who succeeded Æthelhelm in 1083. As Reginald died in 1097 (see [p. 265]), the whole story, including the birth of Richard, must have happened before that year.

[952] Hist. Ab. ii. 122. “Ansfrida, qua concubinæ loco rex ipse Henricus usus ante suscepti imperii monarchiam, filium Ricardum nomine genuit, ac per hoc celebri sepultura a fratribus est intumulata, videlicet in claustro ante ostium ecclesiæ ubi fratres intrant in ecclesia et exeunt.” Why was a doubly imperial style needed on such a matter?

[953] Ord. Vit. 784 A. “Sapiens Henricus, generositatem virginis agnoscens, multimodamque morum ejus honestatem jamdudum concupiscens, hujusmodi sociam in Christo sibi elegit.” So William of Malmesbury, v. 393; “Cujus amori jampridem animum impulerat, parvi pendens dotales divitias, dummodo diu cupitis potiretur amplexibus.” So Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 56) mentions the story of the veil, and adds, “quæ res, dum illa jam olim dimisso velo a rege amaretur, plurimorum ora laxaret, et eos a cupitis amplexibus retardaret.” In the genuine story she certainly seems anxious for the marriage. The story of her dislike to it is a mere legend. See [Appendix WW].

[954] This seems implied in the whole story, especially in the words of Eadmer, “dimisso velo.” Her father, it will be remembered, is said to have taken her away from Romsey in 1093. See [Appendix EE].

[955] Sir Francis Palgrave (iv. 366), countersigned by Dean Church, Anselm, 243, assures us that “Edith was very beautiful.” Mr. Robertson (i. 153, note) will not allow that she was more than “rather pretty.” The Abbess in Hermann of Tournay witnesses to her beauty at the age of twelve, but all that William of Malmesbury (v. 418) can say of her is that she was “non usquequaque despicabilis formæ.” We have already heard of her studies at Romsey, and in her letters to Anselm (Epp. iii. 55, 119) the display of scriptural and classical learning might have satisfied Orderic himself. It is more comforting to find in the second letter that she wishes to bestow the abbey of Malmesbury on one bearing the English name of Eadwulf. Anselm refuses his consent, because Eadwulf sent him a cup, which seemed like an attempt at simony. Eadwulf however did in the end become abbot.

[956] Will. Malms. v. 393. “Erat illa, licet genere sublimis, utpote regis Edwardi ex fratre Edmundo abneptis, modicæ tamen domina supellectilis, utroque tunc parente pupilla.”

[957] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and Margareta þære goda cwæne, Eadwardes cynges magan, and of þan rihtan Ænglalandes kyne kynne.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 56) traces up the pedigree to Eadgar, but he does not forget that she was “filia Malcholmi nobilissimi regis Scotorum.”

[958] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 308.

[959] See above, [p. 31], and [Appendix EE]. Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. “Siquidem eadem Mathildis, inter sanctimoniales in monasterio ab infantia nutrita et adulta, credebatur a multis in servitium Dei a parentibus oblata, eo quod publice visa fuerat earum inter quas vivebat more velata.”

[960] Ib. “Ipsa Anselmum cujus in hoc nutum omnes expectabant adiit.”

[961] Ib. 57. “Differt Anselmus sententiam ferre et causam judicio religiosarum personarum regni determinandam pronunciat. Statuto itaque die coeunt ad nutum illius, episcopi, abbates, nobiles quique, ac religiosi ordinis viri.” Anselm’s Convocation thus admitted lay members.

[962] The archdeacons are sent “Wiltuniam, ubi illa fuerat educata,” but Romsey must surely be meant. See [Appendix EE].

[963] Ib. “Remoto a conventu solo patre, ecclesia Angliæ quæ convenerat in unum de proferenda sententia tractat.”

[964] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 564, 835.

[965] Hist. Nov. 58. The members of the Assembly say that they remember the judgement of Lanfranc, and that they hold that the present case is still stronger than that which he decided. “Licet enim sciamus causam illarum istius esse leviorem dum illæ sponte, ista coacta, pari de causa velum portaverit.” They add their protest, “nequis nos favore cujusvis duci existimet.”

[966] Ib. “Ego judicium vestrum non abjicio, sed eo securius illud suscipio quo tanti patris auctoritate suffultum audio.”

[967] Ib. “Gesta comi vultu audit et amplectitur.”

[968] Ib. “Quod non propterea facturam fatetur quasi sibi non creditum esse putet, sed ut malevolis hominibus omnem deinceps blasphemandi occasionem amputet.”

[969] Ib. “Si malus homo de malo thesauro cordis sui protulerit mala, dicto citius opprimetur ipsa veritate jam tantarum personarum adstipulatione probata et roborata.”

[970] Ib. “Allocutione posthæc et benedictione Anselmi potita abiit.”

[971] This is the version of Hermann of Tournay (D’Achery, ii. 893) referred to in [Appendix EE], [WW]; “Confirmatus in regno voluit conjugem habere puellam quamdam filiam David regis Scotiæ, dixitque D. Anselmo, tunc temporis Cantuariensis urbis venerabili archiepiscopo, ut eam sibi benediceret et solemnibus nuptiis benedictam in conjugium sociaret.”

[972] Ib. “Ideoque pro conservando juramento suo se non eam dimissurum, nisi canonico judicio fuisset determinatum.”

[973] Ib. “Præcepit ut, adscito archiepiscopo Eboracensi, congregaretur consilium episcoporum et abbatum totiusque Angliæ ecclesiasticarum personarum ad diffiniendum ecclesiastica censura tantum negotium.” Thomas of York, it must be remembered, must have been now on his deathbed; at least he died a few days later. The lay nobles of Eadmer’s account are left out in this version.

[974] See above, [p. 32], and [Appendix WW].

[975] D’Achery, ii. 894. “In communi judicaverunt propter hujusmodi factum non ei prohibendum conjugium, quoniam, quamdiu infra legitimam ætatem sub tutela patris fuerat, nihil ei sine ejus assensu facere licuerat.” See the answer of Harold, N. C. vol. iii p. 265.

[976] D’Achery, ii. 894. “Vos quidem, domine rex, consilio meo prætermisso, facietis quod vobis placuerit, sed qui diutius vixerit, puto quod videbit non diu Angliam gavisuram de prole quæ de ea nata fuerit.”

[977] See [Appendix WW].

[978] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and Margareta þære goda cwæne Eadwardes cynes magan of þan rihtan Ænglalandes kynekynne. And on Sc̃e Martines mæssedæg heo wearð him mid mycelan weorðscipe forgifen on Westmynstre, and se arcebiscop Ansealm hi him bewæddade and siððan to cwene gehalgode.” Florence notes that, at the wedding, “rex Anglorum Heinricus majores natu Angliæ congregavit Lundoniæ.” Orderic (784 A) makes Gerard of Hereford the consecrator of the Queen. Her descent from the “right cynecyn of England” stirs him up to a grand flight, going up to the very beginnings of things. We there read how “Angli de Anglo insula, ubi Saxoniæ metropolis est, in Britanniam venerunt, et, devictis, seu deletis, quos modo Gualos dicunt, occupatam bello insulam, Hengist primo duce, a natali solo Angliam vocitaverunt.”

[979] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58. See N. C. vol. v. p. 169.

[980] Ib. “Cunctis una clamantibus rem juste definitam nec in ea quid residere unde quis nisi forte malitia ductus jure aliquam posset movere calumniam, legitime conjuncti sunt, honore quo decuit regem et reginam.”

[981] It is so implied by Eadmer, who of course gives his own very distinct witness in favour of the righteousness of all that Anselm did.

[982] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 251, 857.

[983] See N. C. vol. v. p. 170. The note in Sir T. D. Hardy’s edition of William of Malmesbury is very strange. Ages after, Knighton (X Scriptt. 2375) gives these English names an odd turn; “Multi de proceribus clam vel palam a rege Henrico se subtraxerunt, fictis quibusdam occasiunculis vocantes eum Godrych Godefadyr, et pro Roberto comite clam miserunt.” In his day Godric, in his various spellings, was doubtless, as now, in familiar use as a surname. Godgifu must have been pretty well forgotten, except in the form which she takes at Coventry, though I suppose that she too survives in the surname Goodeve.

[984] See N. C. vol. v. p. 184.

[985] The Continuator of Florence (1121) tells us how Henry, “legalis conjugii olim nexu solutus, ne quid ulterius inhonestum committeret,” by the advice of Archbishop Ralph and his great men, marries Adeliza. Orderic (823 B) witnesses that Henry’s bad habits in this way went on to old age.

[986] Will. Malms. v. 418. “Æquanimiter ferebat, rege alias intento, ipsa curiæ valedicere, Westmonasterio multis annis morata. Nec tamen quicquam ei regalis magnificentiæ deerat,” &c.

[987] William of Malmesbury gives many details of her piety, with the curious remark that she was “in clericos bene melodos inconsiderate prodiga” [that is surely the right reading, and not “provida”]. He tells how she kissed the wounds of the lepers. The half-profane saying of David comes from Æthelred of Rievaux (X Scriptt. 367; Fordun, v. 20; Surtees Simeon, 267), who had the story from David himself. Matilda wished her brother to follow her example, which he refused; “Necdum enim sciebam Dominum, nec revelatus fuerat mihi Spiritus ejus.” One is reminded of the story of Saint Lewis and John of Joinville, when the seneschal refuses to wash the feet of the poor. It is twice told in his Memoirs, pp. 8, 218, ed. Michel, 1858.

[988] “Very vain,” says Mr. Robertson, who is determined to be hard upon her.

[989] There is an important passage of William of Malmesbury about the reeves, of whom we have heard so often; “Eo effectum est ut prodige donantium non effugeret vitium, multimodas colonis suis deferens calumnias, inferens injurias, auferens substantias, quo bonæ largitricis nacta famam, suorum parvi pensaret contumeliam. Sed hæc qui recte judicare volet, consiliis ministrorum imputabit, qui, more harpyarum, quicquid poterant corripere unguibus, vel infodiebant marsupiis vel insumebant conviviis, quorum fœculentis susurris aures oppleta, nævum honestissimæ menti contraxit.” In all this we learn the more to admire the constant care of Anselm that no wrong should be done to his people.

The story of Matilda and David is told also by Robert of Gloucester (ii. 434, 435, Hearne), who preserves the popular memory of “Mold þe god quene” in several passages. Perhaps the strongest is,

“Þe godenesse þat god Henry & þe quene Mold

Dude here to Engelond ne may neuere be ytolde.”

[990] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 329.

[991] See vol. i. p. 527. Abbot Jeronto was hardly a Legate in the same sense as Walter of Albano.

[992] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58. “Quod per Angliam auditum in admirationem omnibus venit, inauditum scilicet in Britania cuncti scientes quemlibet hominum super se vices apostolicas gerere nisi solum archiepiscopum Cantuariæ.”

[993] See N. C. vol. v. p. 236.

[994] Eadmer, u. s. “Quapropter sicut venit ita reversus est, a nemine pro legato susceptus, nec in aliquo legati officio functus.”

[995] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 370. Our English Florence sends him out of the world with a special panegyric; “Venerandæ memoriæ et vir religionis eximiæ, affabilis, omnibusque amabilis, Eboracensis archiepiscopus Thomas.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 258) is more copious to the same effect. T. Stubbs (X Scriptt. 1709) gives us his epitaph.

[996] See vol. i. p. 543.

[997] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 260), after mentioning some of the stories against him, adds; “Certe canonici Eboracenses ne in ecclesia sepeliretur pertinacissime restitere, vix ignobilem cespitem cadaveri præ foribus injici passi.”

[998] Ord. Vit. 786 A, B. “Pro penuria vestitus, usque ad sextam de lecto non surrexit, nec ad ecclesiam, quia nudus erat, divinum auditurus officium, perrexit. Meretrices enim et nebulones qui, lenitatem ejus scientes, eum indesinenter circumdederunt, braccas ejus et caligas et reliqua ornamenta crebro impune furati sunt.”

[999] The list is given by Orderic (786 A).

[1000] Ord. Vit. 786 A, “Multis, si rex foret, majora quam dare posset, promisit.”

[1001] See vol. i. p. 463.

[1002] Ord. Vit. 786 A. “Rodberto de Belismo Sagiensem episcopatum et Argentomum castrum, silvamque Golferni donavit,” On the phrase of granting the bishopric, compare the passages referred to in p. 200, [note 4].

[1003] “Tedbaldo Pagano, quia semel eum hospitatus fuerat, tribuit.” On this Theobald, see above, [p. 186.]

[1004] The Christmas and Easter meetings are marked by the Chronicler, who adds to his record of the former, “And þa sona þæræfter wurdon þa heafod men her on lande wiðerræden togeanes þam cynge, ægðer ge for heora agenan mycelan ungetrywðan, and eac þurh þone eorl Rodbert of Normandig þe mid unfriðe hider to lande fundode.”

[1005] The escape of Flambard is oddly recorded by the Chronicler at the end of the year, after he had mentioned all that his escape led to. But he gives the date; “Ðises geares eac se bisceop Rannulf to þam Candelmæssan út of þam Túre on Lunden nihtes oðbærst, þær he on hæftneðe wæs, and to Normandige fór.” Florence (1101) tells us how “Dunholmensis episcopus Rannulfus, post nativitatem Domini, de custodia magna calliditate evasit, mare transiit.” William of Malmesbury (v. 394) gives some details, but the full story comes from Orderic (786). Flambard was to be “custodiendus in vinculis,” a phrase which seems to show that the fetters in this and many other cases were metaphorical.

[1006] Ord. Vit. 786 D. “Exitum callide per amicos procuravit. Erat enim sollers et facundus, et, licet crudelis et iracundus, largus tamen et plerumque jucundus, et ob hoc plerisque gratus et amandus.”

[1007] Ib. “Quotidie ad victum suum duos sterilensium solidos jussu regis habebat. Unde cum adjumentis amicorum in carcere tripudiabat, quotidieque splendidum sibi suisque custodibus convivium exhiberi jubebat.”

[1008] Orderic and William of Malmesbury both mention the bringing in of the rope in a vessel, which Orderic calls “lagena vini,” while William of Malmesbury rather implies that it was brought in water; “Funem minister aquæ bajulus (proh dolus!) amphora immersum detulit.” Orderic well marks the double window; “Funem ad columnam, quæ in medio fenestræ arcis erat, coaptavit.”

[1009] “Fune ad solum usque non pertingente, gravi lapsu corpulentus flamen ruit, et pene conquassatus, flebiliter ingemuit.” William of Malmesbury makes merry over his troubles; “Ille muro turris demissus, si læsit brachia, si excoriavit manus, parum curat populus.”

[1010] See above, [p. 261].

[1011] It is now that Orderic tells the wonderful tales of Flambard’s mother which I have quoted in vol. i. p. 331. He now brings her on the scene; “In alia nave cum filii thesauro sui per pelagus in Neustriam ferebatur, et a sociis ibidem pro scelestis incantationibus cum derisoriis gestibus passim detrahebatur. Intereo totum piratis occurrentibus in ponto ærarium direptum est, et venefica cum nauderis et epibatis anus nuda mœrensque in littus Normanniæ exposita est.”

[1012] The influence which Flambard obtained over Robert is marked in all our writers, beginning with the Chronicle; “þurh þes macunge mæst and tospryttinge se eorl Rotbert þises geares þis land mid unfriðe gesohte.” Florence (1101) and Orderic (787 A) are to the same effect; William of Malmesbury (v. 394) gets metaphorical; “Normanniam evadens, comiti jam anhelanti, et in fervorem prælii prono, addidit calcaria ut incunctanter veniret.”

[1013] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58.

[1014] See the passage in [p. 396].

[1015] See the extract from William of Malmesbury in [p. 368].

[1016] This is William of Malmesbury’s (v. 394) list of those who “justas partes fovebant.” Orderic (787 B) says, “Rodbertus de Mellento et Ricardus de Radvariis, aliique multi barones strenui regem suum vallaverunt.”

[1017] The Whitsun Gemót is described by Eadmer, 58, 59; “Ad sponsionem fidei regis ventum est, tota regni nobilitas cum populi numerositate.” Before this he has some remarkable expressions which seem to point to debates in an inner council, before the general assembly was summoned; “In solemnitate Pentecostes adventus comitis Roberti fratris regis in Angliam prævia fama totam regalem curiam commovit, et quorundam animos, ut postmodum patuit, in diversa permovit. Rex igitur principes et principes regem suspectum habentes, ille scilicet istos ne a se instabili, ut fit, fide dissilirent, et isti illum formidando ne undique pace potitus in se, legibus efferatis desæviret, actum ex consulto est ut certitudo talis hinc inde fieret, quæ utrinque quod verebatur excluderet.”

[1018] Orderic (787 C, D) puts a long and pious speech into Count Robert’s mouth. The most emphatic words are; “Cunctos milites tuos leniter alloquere, omnibus ut pater filiis blandire, promissis universos demulce, quæque petierint concede, et sic omnes ad favorem tui sollerter attrahe. Si Lundoniam postulaverint vel Eboracam, ne differas magna polliceri, ut regalem decet munificentiam.”

[1019] I suppose this is the meaning of the words which come soon after; “Cum ad finem hujus negotii auxiliante Deo prospere pervenerimus, de repetendis dominiis quæ temerarii desertores tempore belli usurpaverint, utile consilium suggeremus.” He goes on to set forth the doctrine of confiscation for treason.

[1020] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Anselmum inter se et regem medium fecerunt, quantus ei vice sui manu in manum porrecta promitteret, justis et sanctis legibus se totum regnum quoad viveret in cunctis administraturum. Hoc facto sibi quisque quasi de securitate applaudebat.”

[1021] Ord. Vit. 787 B. “Omnes Angli, alterius principis jura nescientes, in sui regis fidelitate perstiterunt, pro qua certamen inire eatis optaverunt.” Cf. the passages quoted in pp. 347, 352. William of Malmesbury (v. 395) bears the same witness; “Licet principibus deficientibus, partes ejus solidæ manebant; quas Anselmi archiepiscopi, cum episcopis suis, simul et omnium Anglorum tutabatur favor.”

[1022] It is rather curious that it is Florence who notices at what Norman haven the fleet came together; “Comes Nortmannorum Rotbertus, equitum, sagittariorum, et peditum, non parvam congregans multitudinem, in loco, qui Nortmannica lingua dicitur Ultresport, naves coadunavit.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 59) is more general; “Postquam certitudo de adventu fratris sui regi innotuit, mox ille, coacto exercitu totius terræ, ipsi bello occurrendum impiger statuit.”

[1023] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Exercitus grandis erat atque robustus, et circa regem fideliter cum suis in expeditione excubabat pater Anselmus.”

[1024] See vol. i. p. 614. Orderic (774 B) has another mention of the siege of Capua; “Papa nimirum ibi tunc admodum occupatus erat, quia Capuanos, qui contra Richardum, principem suum, Jordani filium rebellaverant, eidem pacificare satagebat; quos idem juvenis, auxilio et animositate Rogerii senis, avunculi sui, Siculorum comitis, ad deditionem pertinaciter compulerat.” He goes on to say that Anselm was now “inter Italos, de quorum origine propagatus fuerat.” Eadmer (see vol. i. p. 367) knew the geography of Aosta better, unless indeed we are to excuse Orderic by calling in the Lombard origin of Anselm’s father.

[1025] The Chronicle mentions the place; “Ða to middesumeran ferde se cyng út to Pefenesæ mid eall his fyrde togeanes his broðer and his þær abád.” Florence says only, “Innumerabili exercitu congregato de tota Anglia, non longe ab Heastinga castra posuit in Suth-Saxonia; autumabat enim pro certo, fratrem suum illis in partibus nave appulsurum.”

[1026] Chron. Petrib. 1101. “And se cyng syððan scipe ut on sǽ sende his broðer to dære and to lættinge.”

[1027] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 327.

[1028] So says Florence; “Ille [Rotbertus] consilio Rannulfi episcopi, quosdam de regis butsecarlis adeo rerum diversarum promissionibus fregit, ut, fidelitate quam regi debebant postposita, ad se transfugerent, et sibi ad Angliam duces existerent.” But the Chronicler says only, “Ac hi sume æft æt þære neode abruðon, and fram þam cynge gecyrdon, and to þam eorle Rotberte gebugan.” Is the cause of this difference between sea-folk and land-folk to be found in the fact that the sailors must always have been a professional class, coming one degree nearer to the nature of mercenaries than the land forces?

[1029] Such is the comment of Orderic (787 B); “Classis ejus Guillelmi patris sui classi multum dispar fuit quæ, non exercitus virtute, sed proditorum procuratione, ad portum Portesmude applicuit.”

[1030] All our accounts take Robert to Portsmouth, but that vaguer name may take in the whole haven, so that we may accept the more definite statement of Wace, 15450;

“O grant gent et o grant navie,

Et od noble chevalerie

Passa mer, vint à Porecestre.”

On the castle and church of Portchester, see the Winchester Volume of the Archæological Institute. The Chronicler gives the date as “xii. nihtan toforan Hlafmæssan,” which would be July 20. Florence says “circa ad Vincula S. Petri,” that is August 1; and William of Malmesbury says “mense Augusto.” It is safer to keep to the more definite statement in the Chronicle.

[1031] Flor. Wig. 1101. “Statim versus Wintoniam exercitum movens, apto in loco castra posuit.” So Wace, as we shall see presently. Orderic says more vaguely, “Protinus ipse dux a proceribus regni, qui jamdudum illi hominium fecerant, in provinciam Guentoniensem perductus, constitit.”

[1032] Wace, 15453;

“D’iloc ala prendre Wincestre;

Maiz l’en li dist ke la réine

Sa serorge esteit en gésine,

Et il dist ke vilain sereit,

Ki dame en gésine assaldreit.”

[1033] Wace, 15458;

“Vers Lundres fist sa gent torner,

Kar là kuidont li reis trover.”

[1034] Our geography comes from Wace, whom I must now quote in the new edition of Dr. Andresen (10373, answering to 15460 in the edition of Pluquet);

“Al bois de Hantone esteient ia

Quant li dus un home encontra,

Qui li dist que li reis ueneit,

Ultre le bois l’encontrereit;

Ultre le bois li reis l’atent.”

Here the word is Hantone in both texts, but directly after (10393) we read in Andresen, “Al bois de Altone trespasser,” where Pluquet has Hantone. This he explains to be “Hampton, dans le comté de Middlesex.” If Hantone were the right reading, it would of course mean Southampton, but we may be quite sure that Andresen’s second reading Altone is what Wace wrote in both places. I had myself thought of Alton before I saw the new text, but I must confess that I have not studied this Hampshire campaign on the spot, as I have studied those of Maine, Northumberland, Sussex, and Shropshire.

[1035] Both Robert of Bellême and William of Warren are marked by Orderic (787 B) as traitors, but seemingly a little earlier; but the account in Florence reads as if some at least of the nobles deserted at this stage, or at all events after Robert had landed; “Cujus adventu cognito, quidam de primoribus Angliæ mox ad eum, ut ante proposuerant, transfugere, quidam vero cum rege ficta mente remansere: sed episcopi, milites gregarii, et Angli, animo constanti cum illo perstitere, unanimiter ad pugnam parati cum ipso descendere.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 59) is to the same effect.

[1036] See Wace, 15622 et seqq. in Pluquet’s edition, 10537 Andresen. “Li quens de Waumeri,” who, Pluquet saw, must be the Earl of Warren or Surrey, appears in the new text as “Li quens de Warenne.” His “gab” against the King is described at great length. The special lines run thus;

“Li quens Guill. le gabout,

Pie de cerf par gap l’apelout,

E sovent sore li meteit

E sovent par gap li diseit

Que al pas de cerf conoisseit

De quanz ramors li cers esteit.”

[1037] Ord. Vit. 787 B. “Interea Hugo Cestrensis comes in lectum decidit, et, post diutinum languorem, monachatum in cœnobio, quod idem Cestræ construxerat, suscepit, atque post triduum, vi. kalendas Augusti obiit.”

[1038] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Rex ipse non modo de regni amissione sed et de vita sua suspectus, nulli credere, in nullo, excepto Anselmo, fidere valebat. Unde sæpe ad illum venire; principes quos magis a se labi timebat illi adducere; quatenus, audito verbo illius, et ipse a formidine relevaretur, et illis metus, si a fide quam sibi spoponderant, aliquatenus caderent, incuteretur.”

[1039] Ib. “Robertus igitur amissa fiducia quam in principum traditione habebat, et non levem deputans excommunicationem Anselmi, quam sibi ut invasori (nisi cœpto desisteret) invehi certo sciebat, paci adquievit et in fraternum amorem reversus est, exercitusque in sua dimissus.”

[1040] Ib. “Quapropter in dubia licet assertione fateri, quoniam si post gratiam Dei fidelitas et industria non intercessisset Anselmi, Henricus rex ea tempestate perdidisset jus Anglici regni.”

[1041] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Ipse igitur Anselmo jura totius Christianitatis in Anglia exercendæ se relicturum, atque decretis et jussionibus apostolicæ sedis se perpetuo obediturum summopere promittebat.”

[1042] Wace has a good deal of vivid description at this stage, but this specially stirring picture, which almost suggests a ballad, comes from William of Malmesbury (v. 395); “Quapropter ipse provincialium fidei gratus et saluti providus, plerumque cuneos circuiens, docebat quomodo militum ferociam eludentes, clypeos objectarent et ictus remitterent, quo effecit ut ultroneis votis pugnam deposcerent, in nullo Normannos metuentes.”

This is really almost a translation of the lines in the song of Maldon quoted in N. C. vol. i. p. 272.

From Orderic too (788 B) we get one vivid sentence strongly bringing out the nationality of the two armies; “Nobilis corona ingentis exercitus circumstitit, ibique terribilis decor Normannorum et Anglorum in armis effulsit.”

[1043] See [Appendix XX].

[1044] See [Appendix XX].

[1045] See [Appendix XX].

[1046] See [Appendix XX].

[1047] See [Appendix XX].

[1048] See [Appendix XX].

[1049] See [Appendix XX].

[1050] “Quibus pacatis,” says Florence, “regis exercitus domum, comitis vero pars in Normanniam rediit, pars in Anglia secum remansit.” The mischief done comes from the Chronicle; “And se eorl syððan oððet ofer Sc̃e Michaeles mæsse her on lande wunode, and his men mycel to hearme æfre gedydon swa hi geferdon, þa hwile se eorl her on lande wunode.” Orderic (788 D) says nothing about the army, but records the “regalia xenia” which Henry gave to Robert.

[1051] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 656.

[1052] Ord. Vit. 789 A. Fulcher is described as “pene illiteratus,” but “dapsilitate laudabilis.” He was “ad episcopatum procuratione fratris sui de curia raptus.” Of the second appointment we read, “Luxoviensem pontificatum filio suo Thomæ puero suscepit, et per triennium, non ut præsul, sed ut præses, gubernavit.”

[1053] Ib. 788 D. “Robertus dux in Neustriam rediit, et secum adduxit Guillelmum de Guarenna pluresque alios pro se exhæredatos.”

[1054] Ord. Vit. 805 A. “Guillelmus autem, postquam paternum jus, quod insipienter amiserat, recuperavit, per xxxiii. annos, quibus simul vixerunt, utiliter castigatus, regi fideliter adhæsit, et inter præcipuos ac familiares amicos habitus effloruit.”

[1055] Ib. 804 C. “Proditores … paulatim ulcisci conatus est, nam … quamplures ad judicium submonuit, nec simul, sed separatim, variisque temporibus et multimodis violatæ fidei reatibus implacitavit.”

[1056] The names are given in the passage just quoted. They are coupled with “potentior omnibus aliis Rodbertus de Belismo.” So again in 805 C.

[1057] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 238, 241.

[1058] Ord. Vit. 805 C. “Ivonem quoque, quia guerram in Anglia cœperat, et vicinorum rura suorum incendio combusserat, quod in illa regione crimen est inusitatum nec sine gravi ultione fit expiatum, rigidus censor accusatum, nec purgatum, ingentis pecuniæ redditione oneravit, et plurimo angore tribulatum mœstificavit.”

[1059] Ib. “Imprimis erubescebat improperia quæ sibi fiebant derisoria, quod funambulus per murum exierat de Antiochia.”

[1060] The temporary possession is expressed by the words, “totam terram ejus usque ad xv. annos in vadimonio possideret.”

[1061] Ib. “Hæreditas ejus alienis subdita est” is a comment of Orderic.

[1062] See the song on the recovery of the Five Boroughs in the Chronicle, 941, 942.

[1063] The expressions of the Chronicler under the year 918 are remarkable. It is not said that the Lady wrought or timbered anything at Leicester; she found the stronghold, whatever it was, ready made; “Her heo begeat on hyre geweald mid Godes fultume on foreweardne gear þa burh æt Ligranceastre.”

[1064] Ord. Vit. 805 D. “Urbs Legrecestria quatuor dominos habuerat.” He then names them.

[1065] Ib. “Præfatus consul de Mellento per partem Yvonis, qui municeps erat et vicecomes et firmarius regis, callide intravit, et auxilio regis suaque calliditate totam sibi civitatem mancipavit, et inde consul in Anglia factus, omnes regni proceres divitiis et potestate præcessit, et pene omnes parentes suos transcendit.”

[1066] Orderic remarks, “Inter tot divitias mente cæcatus, filio Yvonis jusjurandum non servavit, quia idem adolescens statuto tempore juratam feminam, hæreditariamque tellurem non habuit.” On the deathbed of Earl Robert, see vol. i. p. 187.

[1067] See vol. i. p. 187. Orderic, it may be noticed, calls him “senex” even at the time of the release of Helias. See above, [p. 243].

[1068] See the story in William of Malmesbury, v. 406. Besides these better known sons, Orderic gives him another, “Hugo cognomento pauper.”

[1069] See the Chronicle, 1123; N. C. vol. v. p. 197.

[1070] See above, [p. 380]. Orderic gives him four other daughters.

[1071] See vol. i. p. 186. The words of William of Malmesbury (v. 417) are remarkable; “Comes de Mellento qui, in hoc negotio magis antiqua consuetudine quam recti tenore rationem reverberans, allegabat multum regiæ majestati diminui, si, omittens morem antecessorum, non investiret electum per baculum et annulum.”

[1072] See Mon. Angl. viii. 1456. The changes by which Earl Robert’s church was enlarged into the present church of Saint Mary are singular indeed. The three churches of Our Lady in and by Leicester must be carefully distinguished.

[1073] For the abbey of Leicester, or rather St. Mary de Pré, see Mon. Angl. vi. 462.

[1074] Ord. Vit. 806 A. “Diligenter eum fecerat per unum annum explorari, et vituperabiles actus per privatos exploratores caute investigari, summopereque litteris adnotari.”

[1075] Ib. “Anno ab incarnatione Domini mcii. indictione x. Henricus rex Rodbertum de Belismo, potentissimum comitem, ad curiam suam ascivit, et xlv. reatus in factis seu dictis contra se vel fratrem suum Normanniæ ducem, commissos objecit, et de singulis eum palam respondere præcepit.”

[1076] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Cum Rodbertus licentiam, ut moris est, eundi ad consilium cum suis postulasset, eademque accepta.” It is possible that the “licentia” means the safe-conduct, but the other interpretation seems more natural.

[1077] Ord. Vit. 806 A. “Egressus, purgari se de objectis criminibus non posse cognovisset, equis celeriter ascensis, ad castella sua pavidus et anhelus confugit, et, rege cum baronibus suis responsum exspectante, regius satelles Rodbertum extemplo recessisse retulit.”

[1078] Ib. “Rodbertum itaque publicis questibus impetitum, nec legaliter expiatum, palam blasphemavit, et nisi ad judicium, rectitudinem facturus, remearet, publicum hostem judicavit.”

[1079] Ib. “Iterum rebellem ad concionem invitavit, sed ille venire prorsus refutavit.” All these important details of the legal process are given by Orderic only, but the Chronicler directly connects the dispute between the King and Robert with the holding of the regular assemblies, and the writer takes the opportunity to draw a picture of the greatness of the Earl of Shropshire; “On þisum geare to Natiuiteð wæs se cyng Heanrig on Westmynstre, and to Eastron on Winceastre, and sona þæræfter wurdon unsehte se cyng and se eorl Rotbert of Bælæsme, se hæfde þone eorldom her on lande on Scrobbesbyrig, þe his fæder Roger eorl ær ahte, and micel rice þærto, ægðer ge beheonon sǽ ge begeondon.”

It is worth noticing that the Chronicler here uses the English form, “Rotbert of Bælæsme;” in 1106 he changes to the French, “Rotbert de Bælesme.”

[1080] See above, [p. 310].

[1081] Ord. Vit. 675 C, 708 B, 897 D.

[1082] Arnulf and Roger are both mentioned by Orderic, 808 C, and William of Malmesbury, v. 396, as having to leave England with their elder brother. They were therefore his accomplices; but it is only from the Brut y Tywysogion that we learn how great a share Arnulf had in the whole matter.

[1083] Brut, 1096 [1098]. “And when the Gwyneddians could not bear the laws and judgements and violence of the French over them, they rose up a second time against them.”

[1084] Brut, ib. This may refer either to the expedition of the two Hughs or to the earlier expedition of Hugh of Chester (see pp. 97, 129). But there seems to be no mention of Owen in the Welsh writers at either of those points.

[1085] See above, [p. 301]. The Brut couples Gruffydd with Cadwgan.

[1086] The words of the annals quoted in [p. 301] look as if Gruffydd held Anglesey strictly as a conqueror. The portion assigned to Cadwgan comes from the Brut, which distinctly asserts their vassalage in its account of Robert’s rebellion (1100 [1102]). “Robert and Arnulf invited the Britons, who were subject to them, in respect of their possessions and titles, that is to say, Cadwgan, Jorwerth, and Maredudd, sons of Bleddyn, son of Cynvyn, to their assistance.”

[1087] So says the Brut, at least in the English translation; “They [Robert and Arnulf] gladdened their country with liberty.”

[1088] So says Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 12 (vol. vi. p. 143); “In hac tertia Gualliæ portione, quæ Powisia dicitur, sunt equitia peroptima, et equi emissarii laudatissimi, de Hispaniensium equorum generositate, quos olim comes Slopesburiæ Robertus de Beleme in fines istos adduci curaverat, originaliter propagati.”

[1089] So again witnesses the Brut; but we hardly need witnesses on such a point.

[1090] So the Brut tells the tale. Orderic mentions the betrothal, which with him becomes a marriage, somewhat later (808 C); “Arnulfus filiam regis Hiberniæ nomine Lafracoth uxorem habuit, per quam soceri sui regnum obtinere concupivit.”

[1091] So says the Brut (p. 69), which adds that the marriage “was easily obtained,” and that “the Earls buoyed themselves up with pride on account of these things.”

[1092] Ord. Vit. 806 C. “Interea rex legatos in Neustriam direxit, ducique veridicis apicibus insinuavit, qualiter Rodbertus utrisque forisfecerit, et de curia sua furtim aufugerit. Deinde commonuit ut, sicut pepigerant in Anglia, utrique traditorem suum plecterent generali vindicta.”

[1093] Ord. Vit. 806 C. Vignats is mentioned by Wace (8061) long before when he speaks of

“Li vieil Willame Talevaz

Ki tint Sez, Belesme è Vinaz.”

On the abbey founded in 1130, see Neustria Pia, 749.

[1094] This seems to be the meaning of Orderic’s words, “Non enim sese sine violentia dedere dignabantur, ne malefidi desertores merito judicarentur.”

[1095] See above, [p. 289].

[1096] Orderic’s way of telling this is curious; “Quia dux deses et mollis erat, ac principali severitate carebat, Rodbertus de Monteforti, aliique seditionis complices, qui vicissim dissidebant, mappalia sua, sponte immisso igne, incenderunt, totum exercitum turbaverunt, et ipsi ex industria, nemine persequente, fugerunt, aliosque, qui odibilem Rodbertum gravare affectabant, turpiter fugero compulerunt.” Of all the Roberts concerned, it would seem to be he of Montfort who was “odibilis” at the present moment.

[1097] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Cum ululatu magno post eos deridentes vociferati sunt.”

[1098] Ord. Vit. 806 D. “Per totam ergo provinciam pagensium prædas rapiebant, et direptis omnibus, domos flammis tradebant.”

[1099] Orderic (806 B) implies that the works at Bridgenorth were still going on; “Brugiam, munitissimum castrum, super Sabrinam fluvium construebat.” But Florence is still more emphatic; “Muros quoque ac turres castellorum, videlicet Brycge et Caroclove, die noctuque laborando et operando, perficere modis omnibus festinavit.” The Brut speaks obscurely of some earlier dealings about Bridgenorth, of which we have no record elsewhere; “Brygge, concerning which there had been war, against which the whole deceit was perpetrated, and which he had founded contrary to the order of the King.” The rebels are described generally as fortifying their castles and surrounding them with ditches and walls, which are expressed in the Welsh text by the loan words “O ffossyd a muroed.”

[1100] Orderic and the Brut stand alone among our authorities in mentioning all the four castles, Arundel, Tickhill, Bridgenorth, and Shrewsbury. The Chronicle and William of Malmesbury leave out Tickhill. Florence and the Chronicle both leave out Shrewsbury. William of Malmesbury (v. 396) further confounds the siege of Arundel with that of Shrewsbury. From Orderic we get a clear and full account, while the Brut supplies many details as to the Welsh side of the business. Orderic opens his story in a becoming manner; “Rex exercitum Angliæ convocavit, et Arundellum castellum, quod prope litus maris situm est, obsedit.”

[1101] The Malvoisins before Arundel seem to have struck all our writers. We get them in the Chronicle; “Se cyng ferde and besæt þone castel æt Arundel, ac þa he hine swa hraðe gewinnan ne mihte, he let þær toforan castelas gemakian, and hi mid his mannan gesette.” They appear also in Florence, William of Malmesbury, and Henry of Huntingdon. They were doubtless of wood; but it is only from Roger of Wendover (ii. 170), who is followed by Matthew Paris (Hist. Angl. i. 190), that we get the direct statement, “castellum aliud ligneum contra illud construxit.”

[1102] So I understand the words of Orderic, 806 B; “Ibi castris constructis, stratores cum familiis suis tribus mensibus dimisit.”

[1103] Flor. Wig. 1102. “Idcirco mox Walanis et Nortmannis, quot tunc habere potuit, in unum congregatis, ipse et suus germanus Arnoldus partem Staffordensis pagæ vastaverunt, ac inde jumenta et animalia multa, hominesque nonnullos in Waloniam abduxerunt.”

[1104] Ord. Vit. 806 B. “Audiens defectionem suorum ingemuit, eosque a promissa fide, quia impos erat adjutorii, absolvit, multumque mœrens licentiam concordandi cum rege concessit.”

[1105] So Orderic; I add the stipulation about Robert from William of Malmesbury; “Egregia sane conditione, ut dominus suus integra membrorum salute Normanniam permitteretur abire.” William’s account just here is very confused; but this condition seems to have struck him, and it explains some things which come later. He goes on to make this strange statement; “Porro Scrobesbirienses per Radulfum tum abbatem Sagii, postea Cantuariæ archiepiscopum, regi misere castelli claves, deditionis præsentis indices, futuræ devotionis obsides.” Now Orderic has, as we shall see, a wholly different account of the surrender of Shrewsbury, and Abbot Ralph, a victim of Robert of Bellême (see vol. i. p. 184), is not at all likely to have been in one of his castles. Can it be that William has got hold of the wrong castle and the wrong Ralph? Did Bishop Ralph of Chichester act by any chance as mediator between the King and the garrison of Arundel, a place in his diocese?

[1106] The name of Howard is not heard till the time of Edward the First, and it is not noble till some generations later. If it really be the name of an English office, Hayward or Hogward, and not a Norman Houard, then Arundel, already a castle T. R. E., has fittingly come back to the old stock.

[1107] See above, [p. 160]. Tickhill appears as “Tyckyll” in Florence, as “Blida” in Orderic, as “Blif” in the Brut. The editor of this last, who carefully translates “Amúythia” as Shrewsbury, seems not to have known that “Blif” and “Bryg”—​there seem to be several readings—​meant Blyth and Bridgenorth.

[1108] So Florence; “Rotbertum, Lindicolinæ civitatis episcopum, cum parte exercitus Tyckyll obsidere jussit [rex]: ille autem Brycge cum exercitu pene totius Angliæ obsedit.”

[1109] “Unde,” says Orderic—​that is from Arundel—“rex ad Blidam castrum, quod Rogerii de Buthleio quondam fuerat, exercitum promovit. Cui mox gaudentes oppidani obviam processerunt, ipsumque naturalem dominum fatentes, cum gaudio susceperunt.” Yet it may be that Bishop Robert, like Joab and Luxemburg, fought against the castle, and that Henry, like David and Lewis the Fourteenth, came to receive its submission.

[1110] The succession of the lords of Tickhill is traced by Mr. John Raine in his history of Blyth.

[1111] See Raine, p. 168.

[1112] See N. C. vol. v. p. 488.

[1113] Ord. Vit. 806 B. “His ita peractis, rex populos parumper quiescere permisit, ejusque prudentiam et animositatem congeries magnatorum pertimuit.”

[1114] Ord. Vit. 807 A. “Rodbertus autem Scrobesburiam secesserat, et præfatum oppidum Rogerio, Corbati filio, et Rodberto de Novavilla, Ulgerioque Venatori commiserat, quibus lxxx. stipendiarios milites conjunxerat.”

[1115] Corbet—“Corbatus”—​appears in Orderic (522 B, C), along with his sons Roger and Robert, as a chief man in Shropshire under Earl Roger. He must have died before the Survey, as only his sons appear there. The lands which Corbet’s son Roger held of Earl Roger fill nearly two columns in Domesday, 255 b; they are followed by those of his brother Robert in 256. Several of Roger’s holdings had been held by Eadric, and in one lordship of Robert’s he is distinctly marked as “Edric Salvage.” Several of Roger’s under-tenants are mentioned, of whom “Osulfus” and “Ernuinus” must be English, while another lordship had been held by Ernui. If these names mean the same person, then Earnwine or Earnwig had held two lordships, one of which he lost altogether, while the other he kept in the third degree, holding it under Roger son of Corbet, who held it under Earl Roger. I suppose that these sons of Corbet have nothing to do with “Robertus filius Corbutionis” who appears in the east of England and whose name is said to be “Corpechun.” See Ellis, i. 478. I cannot find Robertus de Novavilla in Domesday.

[1116] I cannot find Wulfgar in Domesday, unless he be the Vlgar who appears as an antecessor in 256, 257 b. Some other huntsmen, fittingly bearing wolfish names, as Wulfgeat (50 b) and Wulfric (50 b, 84), appear in Domesday as keeping land T. R. W., but no Wulfgar.

[1117] The action of the Welsh appears in all our accounts, but most fully in Orderic and the Brut. The Annales Cambriæ say only “Seditio [magna] orta est inter Robertum Belleem et Henricum regem.” William of Malmesbury says spitefully, “Wallensibus pro motu fortunæ ad malum pronis.” But he seems somehow to connect them specially with Shrewsbury. Florence is emphatic, and brings out the feudal relation between them and Earl Robert (see above, [p. 424]); “Walanos etiam, suos homines, ut promptiores sibique fideliores ac paratiores essent ad id perficiendum quod volebat, honoribus, terris, equis, armis incitavit, variisque donis largiter ditavit.” From the Brut we get the names of all three, Cadwgan, Jorwerth, and Meredydd. Orderic leaves out Meredydd, and calls them sons of Rhys instead of Bleddyn. He adds, “Quos cum suis copiis exercitum regis exturbare frequenter dirigebat.”

[1118] Ord. Vit. 807 A. “Guillelmum Pantolium, militarem probumque virum, exhæreditaverat, et multa sibi pollicentem servitia in instanti necessitate penitus a se propulsaverat.” Orderic had mentioned him already in 522 B, C, by the name of “Guillelmus Pantulfus,” as one of Earl Roger’s chief followers in Shropshire. His Shropshire holdings fill a large space in Domesday, 257, 257 b, where he appears as Pantulf and Pantul; and the history of one of them has been commented on in N. C. vol. iv. p. 737. Many of them were waste when he received them. His Staffordshire lordship is entered in p. 248, with the addition “in Stadford una vasta masura.” See N. C. vol. iv. p. 281. I do not know why Lappenberg (ii. 234, p. 294 of the translation) makes William Pantulf to have been persecuted (“verfolgt”) by Earl Roger on account of a share in the murder of Mabel. If he had lost his lands then, he would hardly have appeared in Domesday, and, according to Orderic, it was not Earl Roger, but Robert of Bellême himself, who disinherited him.

[1119] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 316. Orderic calls it “Staphordi castrum, quod in vicino erat.”

[1120] Orderic tells us, “Hic super omnes Rodberto nocuit, et usque ad dejectionem consiliis et armis pertinaciter obstitit.”

[1121] The Malvoisin at Bridgenorth comes from Florence; “Machinas ibi construere et castellum firmare cœpit.”

[1122] “Totius Angliæ legiones in autumno adunavit, et in regionem Merciorum minavit, ibique Brugiam tribus septimanis obsedit.” So says Orderic, 807 A. When Florence says, “infra xxx. dies civitate omnibusque castellis redditis,” he must take in Shrewsbury, though he does not mention its name. Bridgenorth could not be called “civitas;” Shrewsbury is so called in Domesday, where the name does not imply a bishop’s see.

[1123] See vol. i. pp. 83, 86.

[1124] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Consules et primores regni una convenerunt, et de pacificando discorde cum domino suo admodum tractaverunt. Dicebant enim, Si rex magnificum [μεγαλοπράγμονά τε καὶ κακοπράγμονα] comitem violenter subegerit, nimiaque pertinacia, ut conatur, eum exhæreditaverit, omnes nos ut imbelles ancillas amodo conculcabit.”

[1125] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Pacem igitur inter eos obnixi seramus, ut hero comparique nostro legitime proficiamus, et sic utcunque perturbationes sedando debitorem nobis faciamus.”

[1126] See above, [p. 151].

[1127] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Regem omnes simul adierunt, et in medio campo colloquium [see N. C. vol. iv. p. 688] de pace medullitus fecerunt, ac pluribus argumentis regiam austeritatem emollire conati sunt.”

[1128] Ib. “Tunc in quodam proximo colle tria millia pagensium militum stabant, et optimatum molimina satis intelligentes, ad regem vociferando clamabant.” The word “milites” is qualified by “pagenses;” so we are not to conceive three thousand English “chivalers” or “rideras,” least of all in a shire where no King’s thegns were left.

[1129] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 104, 105, and below, [p. 448].

[1130] I have here simply translated Orderic. The words are doubtless his own; but the matter is quite in place.

[1131] See above, [p. 430].

[1132] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “His auditis, rex animatus est, eoque mox recedente, conatus factiosorum adnihilatus est.” I do not quite see the force of the words in Italics. Does it mean simply leaving the place of the “colloquium”? It cannot, from what goes before and after, mean changing the quarters of the whole army.

[1133] Ib. B, C. “Præfatos Gualorum reges per Guillelmum Pantolium rex accersiit, eosque datis muneribus et promissis demulcens, hosti caute surripuit suæque parti cum viribus suis associavit.” The detailed narrative comes from the Brut, to whose author the different conduct of the brothers was naturally more interesting than it was to Orderic. He speaks of the message as “sent to the Britons,” and specially to Jorwerth, without mentioning Cadwgan and Meredydd. He is the best authority for what went on among his own people, while we may trust Orderic for the name of the negotiator on the King’s side. Florence speaks quite generally; “Interim Walanos, in quibus fiduciam magnam Rotbertus habuerat, ut juramenta quæ illi juraverant irrita fierent, et ab illo penitus deficerent in illumque consurgerent, donis modicis facile corrupit.” The gifts actually given may have been small, but the promises were certainly large.

[1134] The Brut makes the King “promise him more than he should obtain from the earls, and the portion he ought to have of the land of the Britons.” This is then defined as the districts mentioned in the text.

[1135] “Half of Dyved,” says the Brut, “as the other half had been given to the son of Baldwin.” That Jorwerth’s half was to take in Pembroke Castle appears from the words towards the end of this year’s entry, where the King “took Dyved and the castle from him.” “The castle” in Dyfed can only be Pembroke.

[1136] The Brut tells this at some length, speaking rather pointedly of “the territory of Robert his lord.” See above, [pp. 424], [434].

[1137] Ord. Vit. 807 C. “Tres quoque præcipuos municipes mandavit, et coram cunctis juravit quod nisi oppidum in triduo sibi redderent, omnes quoscunque de illis capere posset, suspendio perirent.” These “municipes,” the “oppidani” of the rest of the story, must be the three captains, Roger, Robert, and Wulfgar. Odd as it seems, both “oppidanus” and “municeps” are often used in this sense. See Ducange in Municeps.

[1138] “Guillelmum Pantolium, qui affinis eorum erat.” “Affinis” in the language of Orderic often means simply neighbour, as in 708 A.

[1139] “Facete composita oratione ad reddendam legitimo regi munitionem commonuit, cujus ex parte terra centum librarum fundos eorum augendos jurejurando promisit.”

[1140] “Oppidani, considerata communi commoditate, acquieverunt, et regiæ majestatis voluntati, ne resistendo periclitarentur, obedierunt.”

[1141] “Se non posse ulterius tolerare violentiam invicti principis mandaverunt.”

[1142] So says the Brut, adding, “without knowing anything of what was passing.”

[1143] The embassy at this stage comes only from the Brut, but as the later one (see below, p. 448) is mentioned also, we may accept it. The Welsh writer naturally makes the most of his countrymen, and makes Robert despair on the secession of Jorwerth. “He thought he had no power left since Jorwerth had gone from him, for he was the principal among the Britons, and the greatest in power.” This may not be an exaggeration, as he lost with Jorwerth all power of doing anything in the open field.

[1144] The journey of Arnulf at this particular time comes only from the Brut, but it quite fits in with the rest of the story.

[1145] On the second voyage of Magnus, see [Appendix II].

[1146] See [Appendix II].

[1147] Ord. Vit. 807 C. “Stipendiarii autem milites pacem nescierunt, quam oppidani omnes et burgenses, perire nolentes, illis inconsultis fecerunt.” The appearance of the “burgenses,” a class who must have grown up speedily, as Bridgenorth is no Domesday borough, mark yet more distinctly the true meaning of “oppidani.”

[1148] “Cum insperatam rem comperissent, indignati sunt, et armis assumptis inchoatum opus impedire nisi sunt.”

[1149] “Oppidanorum violentia in quadam parte munitionis inclusi sunt.”

[1150] “Regii satellites cum regali vexillo, multis gaudentibus, suscepti sunt.”

[1151] “Deinde rex, quia stipendiarii fidem principi suo servabant, ut decuit, eis liberum cum equis et armis exitum annuit. Qui egredientes, inter catervas obsidentium plorabant, seseque fraudulentia castrensium et magistrorum male supplantatos palam plangebant, et coram omni exercitu, ne talis eorum casus aliis opprobrio esset stipendiariis, complicum dolos detegebant.” The use of the words may seem odd; but “magistri” must mean the captains, and “castrenses” the burgesses.

[1152] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 272, 492. We may here again mark the accuracy of Orderic’s local descriptions in his own shire (807 D); “Scrobesburiam urbem in monte sitam, quæ in ternis lateribus circumluitur Sabrina flumine.”

[1153] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[1154] Ord. Vit. 807 D. “Robertus de Belismo, ut munitissimum Brugiæ castrum, in quo maxime confidebat, regi subactum audivit, anxius ingemuit, et pene in amentiam versus, quid ageret ignoravit.”

[1155] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Plus quam lx. milia peditum erant in expeditione.”

[1156] Ib. 807 D. “Rex phalanges suas jussit Huvel-hegem pertransire…. Angli quippe quemdam transitum per silvam huvelge-hem dicunt, quem Latini malum callem vel vicum, nuncupare possunt. Via enim per mille passus erat cava, grandibus saxis aspera, stricta quoque quæ vix duos pariter equitantes capere valebat, cui opacum nemus ex utraque parte obumbrabat, in quo sagittarii delitescebant, et stridulis missilibus vel sagittis prætereuntes subito mulctabant.”

[1157] Ib. 808 A. “Rex jussit silvam securibus præcidere, et amplissimam stratam sibi et cunctis transeuntibus usque in æternum præparare. Regia jussio velociter completa est, saltuque complanato latissimus trames a multitudine adæquatus est.”

[1158] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Severus rex memor injuriarum, cum pugnaci multitudine decrevit illum impetere nec ei ullatenus nisi victum se redderet parcere.”

[1159] For the date, see above, [p. 435].

[1160] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Tristis casus sui angore contabuit, et consultu amicorum regi jam prope urbem venienti obviam processit, et crimen proditionis confessus, claves urbi victori exhibuit.” This time the keys were doubtless not handed on the point of a spear.

[1161] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Ipsum cum equis et armis incolumem abire permisit, salvumque per Angliam usque ad mare conductum porrexit.”

There is nothing very special in the other accounts. On the story about Bishop Ralph in William of Malmesbury, see above, [p. 430]. But William adds (v. 396) a remarkable condition to Robert’s banishment; “Angliam perpetuo abjuravit; sed vigorem sacramenti temperavit adjectio, nisi regi placito quandoque satisfecisset obsequio.”

[1162] The native Chronicler alone notices this point. His account of the siege of Bridgenorth—​leaving out Shrewsbury—​runs thus; “Se cyng … syððan mid ealre his fyrde ferde to Brigge, and þær wunode oððe he þone castel hæfde, and þone eorl Rotbert belænde, and ealles benæmde þæs he on Englalande hæfde, and se eorl swa ofer sǽ gewát, and seo fyrde siððan ham cyrde.” Men might stay at home during the rest of Henry’s days, unless they were called to go beyond sea themselves.

[1163] Numbers, xxi. 29.

[1164] “Omnis Anglia exsulante crudeli tyranno exsultavit, multorumque congratulatio regi Henrico tunc adulando dixit, Gaude, rex Henrice, Dominoque Deo grates age, quia tu libere cœpisti regnare, ex quo Rodbertum de Belismo vicisti, et de finibus regni tui expulisti.”

[1165] Orderic and William of Malmesbury record the banishment of both brothers. Florence mentions Arnulf only. “Germanum illius [Rotberti] Arnoldum paulo post, pro sua perfidia, simili sorte damnavit.” To the author of the Brut the departure of Arnulf was of special importance. The King gives him his choice, “either to quit the kingdom and follow his brother, or else”—I can only follow the translation—“to be at his will with his head in his lap.” “When Ernulf heard that, he was most desirous of going after his brother; so he delivered his castle [of Pembroke] to the King, and the King placed a garrison in it.”

[1166] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 173, 184. See Chron. Petrib. 1105, 1112; Flor. Wig. ib. Cf. Hen. Hunt de Cont. Mundi, II. “Qui cæteros carcere vexaverat, in carcere perenni a rege Henrico positus, longo supplicio sceleratus deperiit. Quam tantopere fama coluerat dum viveret, in carcere utrum viveret vel obisset nescivit, diemque mortis ejus obmutescens ignoravit.”

[1167] See [Appendix II].

[1168] See [Appendix II].

[1169] The latter is the story in the Brut; the Annales Cambriæ say; “Jorwert filius Bledint Maredut frater suum cepit, regi tradidit;” or, in another reading, “Cepit fratrem suum Mareduch, et eum in carcerem regis trusit.”

[1170] See above, [pp. 98], [108].

[1171] Brut, p. 75.

[1172] See N. C. vol. v. p. 160.

[1173] Ib. vol. i. pp. 327, 333.

[1174] The account in the Brut is that in 1101 (that is 1103) he “was cited to Shrewsbury, through the treachery of the King’s council. And his pleadings and claims were arranged; and on his having come, all the pleadings were turned against him, and the pleading continued through the day, and at last he was adjudged to be fineable, and was afterwards cast into the King’s prison, not according to law, but according to power.” Again I should like to be able to judge of the translation. The Annals say in one copy, “Iorward filius Bledint apud Saresberiam a rege Henrico injuste capitur;” in another, “captus est ab hominibus regis apud Slopesburiam.” Shrewsbury is of course the right reading.

[1175] So says the Brut. The Annals also call him “decus et solamen Britanniæ.”

[1176] His story is told among others by William of Malmesbury, v. 397, 398.

[1177] The question of his blinding has a bearing on the question of the blinding of Duke Robert. See N. C. vol. v. p. 849.

INDEX.

A.

• Aaron, the Jew, i. 160 (note).
• Abbeys,
  • sale of, by William Rufus, i. 134, 135, 347, 349;
  • vacancies of, prolonged by him, i. 134, 135, 347, 350, ii. [564];
  • Englishmen appointed to by him, i. 352;
  • in what sense the king’s, i. 455.
• Aberafan,
  • held by the descendants of Jestin, ii. [87];
  • foundation of the borough, ii. [88].
• Aberllech, English defeat at, ii. [107].
• Aberlleiniog Castle, ii. [97];
  • destroyed by the Welsh, ii. [101];
  • rebuilt, ii. [129];
  • modern traces of, ii. [130];
  • fleet of Magnus off, ii. [143].
• Aberllwehr Castle, ii. [103].
• Abingdon Abbey, dealings of Hugh of Dun and Hugh of Buckland with, ii. [665].
• Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, her correspondence with Anselm, i. 374, ii. [571].
• Adelaide,
  • wife of Walter Tirel, ii. [322], [673];
  • her tenure of lands in Essex, ii. [674].
• Adeliza, Queen, wife of Henry I., ii. 389 ([note]).
• Adeliza (Atheliz), abbess of Wilton, Anselm’s letter to, ii. [578].
• Adeliza, wife of Roger of Montgomery, legend of her vow, ii. [154].
• Adeliza, wife of William Fitz-Osbern, i. 266.
• Advocatio, advowson, right and duty of, i. 420.
• Ælfgifu-Emma. See [Emma].
• Ælfheah, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anselm asserts his right to the title of martyr, i. 377.
• Ælfhere, Prior of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. [579].
• Ælfred, King, Henry I. descended from, ii. [383].
• Ælfred of Lincoln, ii. [485].
• Ælfsige, Abbot of Bath, his death, i. 136.
• Ælwine Retheresgut, ii. 359 ([note]).
• Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, fortifies Bridgenorth, ii. [152], 153 ([note]).
• Æthelflæd, Abbess of Romsey, her alleged outwitting of William Rufus, ii. [32], [600].
• Æthelnoth the Good, Archbishop of Canterbury, his gift of a cope to the Archbishop of Beneventum, i. 610.
• Æthelred II., compared with William Rufus, ii. [307].
• Æthelward, son of Dolfin, ii. [551].
• Agnes of Ponthieu,
  • wife of Robert of Bellême, i. 180;
  • his treatment of her, i. 183;
  • escapes from him, i. 183 (note).
• Agnes, wife of Helias of Maine, ii. [373].
• Agnes, widow of Walter Giffard, said to have poisoned Sibyl of Conversana, ii. 312 ([note]).
• Aiulf, Sheriff of Dorset, ii. [485].
• Alan the Black, lord of Richmond,
  • part of Bishop William’s lands granted to, i. 90;
  • his agreement with the Bishop, i. 93;
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. 109, 117, 120;
  • Rufus bids him give the Bishop ships, i. 114;
  • seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. [602];
  • his death, [ib.]
• Albanians, followers of Magnus so called, ii. [623].
• Alberic, Earl of Northumberland, confirms the grant of Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. [18], [605].
• Alberic of Grantmesnil,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 552;
  • called the “rope-dancer,” i. 565 (note).
• Aldric, Saint, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. [240], [633].
• Alençon, garrison of,
  • driven out by Robert of Bellême, i. 193;
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. 218;
  • the army of William Rufus meets at, ii. [228].
• Alexander the Great, William Rufus compared to, i. 287.
• Alexander II., Pope, his excommunication of Harold, i. 612.
• Alexander, King of Scotland,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. [22];
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. [30];
  • his accession, ii. [124];
  • marries a daughter of Henry I., [ib.];
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. [581].
• Alexios Komnênos, Eastern Emperor,
  • appeals for help to the Council of Piacenza, i. 545;
  • Duke Robert does homage to, i. 564.
• Allières, castle of, ii. [216], [217].
• Almaric the Young, ii. [251].
• Alnwick,
  • history of the castle and lords of, ii. [15], [596];
  • death of Malcolm III. at, ii. [16], [592].
• Alton, meeting of Henry I. and Robert near, ii. [408].
• Alvestone, sickness of William Rufus at, i. 390.
• Amalchis, brings news to William Rufus of the victories of Helias, ii. [283], [645–652], 785.
• Amalfi, siege of, i. 562.
• Amalric of Montfort, gets possession of the county of Evreux, i. 268 (note).
• Amercements, provision for, in Henry’s charters, ii. [354].
• Amfrida, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. [571].
• Anglesey,
  • advance of Hugh of Chester in, ii. [97];
  • deliverance of, ii. [101];
  • war of 1098 in, ii. [127] et seq.;
  • fleet of Magnus off, ii. [143];
  • his designs thereon, ii. [145];
  • subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. [146];
  • recovered by the Welsh, ii. [301];
  • second visit of Magnus to, ii. [442].
• Annales Cambriæ, ii. 3 [(note)].
• Anselm,
  • his biographers, i. 325 (note), [369];
  • his birthplace and parentage, i. 366;
  • compared with Lanfranc, i. 368, 456;
  • his friendship with William the Conqueror, i. 368, 380;
  • not preferred in England by him, i. 368;
  • his character, i. 369;
  • his childhood and youth, i. 370, 371;
  • leaves Aosta, sojourns at Avranches, and becomes a monk at Bec, i. 371;
  • elected prior and abbot, i. 372;
  • his wide-spread fame, i. 373;
  • his correspondence, i. 374, ii. [570] et seq.;
  • his desire to do justice, i. 377;
  • his first visit to England, ib.;
  • asserts Ælfheah’s right to the title of martyr, ib.;
  • his friendship with the monks of Christ Church, i. 378;
  • with Eadmer, i. 369, 378, 460;
  • his popularity in England, i. 378;
  • his preaching and alleged miracles, i. 379;
  • his friendship for Earl Hugh, i. 380;
  • entertained by Walter Tirel, i. 380 (note);
  • regarded as the future Archbishop, i. 381;
  • refuses Earl Hugh’s invitation to Chester, i. 383;
  • yields at last, at the bidding of his monks, i. 384;
  • hailed at Canterbury as the future Archbishop, i. 385;
  • his first interview with William Rufus, ib.;
  • rebukes him, i. 386;
  • goes to Chester, i. 387;
  • the King refuses him leave to go back, i. 388;
  • his form of prayer for the appointment of an archbishop, i. 390;
  • the King’s mocking speech about, ib.;
  • sent for by him, i. 393;
  • named by him to the archbishopric, i. 396, ii. [584];
  • his unwillingness, i. 396;
  • Rufus pleads with him, i. 398;
  • invested by force, i. 399;
  • his first installation, i. 400;
  • his prophecy and parable, i. 401;
  • has no scruple about the royal right of investiture, i. 403;
  • later change in his views, i. 404;
  • stays with Gundulf, i. 406;
  • his interview with William at Rochester, i. 412;
  • conditions of his acceptance, i. 413–416;
  • refuses to confirm William’s grants during the vacancy, i. 418–421;
  • states the case in a letter to Hugh of Lyons, i. 419, ii. [571], [576];
  • receives the archbishopric and does homage, i. 422;
  • his friendship with Abbot Paul of Saint Alban’s, i. 423;
  • the papal question left unsettled, i. 424, 432;
  • his enthronement, i. 427;
  • Flambard’s suit against him, i. 428;
  • his consecration, i. 429–432;
  • professes obedience to the Church of Rome, i. 432;
  • attends the Gemót at Gloucester, i. 434;
  • his unwilling contribution for the war against Robert, i. 437, 438;
  • his gift refused by the King, i. 439;
  • his dispute with the Bishop of London, i. 440;
  • at the consecration of Battle Abbey, i. 444;
  • insists on the profession of Robert Bloet, i. 446;
  • rebukes the courtiers, i. 449;
  • appeals to Rufus for reforms, i. 451;
  • asks leave to hold a synod, ib.;
  • protests against fashionable vices, i. 452;
  • prays the King to fill vacant abbeys, i. 453;
  • his claim to the regency, i. 457;
  • attempts to regain the King’s favour, ib.;
  • refuses to give him money, i. 458–460;
  • leaves Hastings, i. 460;
  • his interview with the King at Gillingham, i. 481;
  • asks leave to go to Urban for the pallium, i. 481–484;
  • argues in favour of Urban, i. 484;
  • asks for an assembly to discuss the question, i. 485;
  • insists on the acknowledgement of Urban, i. 486;
  • states his case at the assembly at Rockingham, i. 492;
  • how regarded by the King’s party, i. 493;
  • advice of the bishops to, i. 494;
  • sets forth his twofold duties, i. 495, 496;
  • compared with William of Saint-Calais, i. 497;
  • not the first to appeal to Rome, ib.;
  • his speech to Rufus, i. 498;
  • sleeps during the debate, ib.;
  • the King’s message and advice of the bishops, ib.;
  • schemes of William of Saint-Calais against, i. 500;
  • speech of Bishop William to him, i. 502;
  • Anselm’s challenge, i. 505;
  • popular feeling with him, i. 507;
  • speech of the knight to, i. 508;
  • renounced by the King and the bishops, i. 512;
  • supported by the lay lords, i. 514;
  • proposes to leave England, i. 516;
  • agrees to an adjournment, i. 518;
  • his friends oppressed by the King, i. 520;
  • summoned to Hayes, i. 530;
  • refuses to pay for the pallium, i. 531;
  • reconciled to Rufus, ib.;
  • refuses to take the pallium from him, i. 532;
  • absolves Bishops Robert and Osmund, i. 533;
  • restores Wilfrith of Saint David’s, i. 534;
  • receives the pallium at Canterbury, ib.;
  • his alleged oath to the Pope, i. 535, ii. [588];
  • his letters to Cardinal Walter, i. 536, 538, ii. [41], [571];
  • entrusted with the defence of Canterbury, i. 537, ii. [44];
  • his canonical position objected to by the bishops, i. 539;
  • his dealings with his monks and tenants, i. 541;
  • attends Bishop William on his deathbed, i. 542, ii. [61];
  • consecrates English and Irish bishops, i. 544;
  • his letters to King Murtagh, i. 545 (note), ii. [581];
  • his contribution to the pledge-money, i. 558;
  • complaints made of his contingent to the Welsh war, i. 572;
  • position of his knights, i. 573;
  • summoned to the King’s court, i. 574;
  • change in his feelings, i. 575;
  • his yearnings towards Rome, i. 575–577;
  • new position taken by, i. 577;
  • determines to demand reform, i. 579,
    • and not to answer the new summons, ib.;
  • favourably received, i. 581;
  • asks leave to go to Rome, i. 582, 583,
    • and is refused, ib.;
  • renews his request, i. 584;
  • again impleaded, ib.;
  • alternative given to by William, ib.;
  • his answer to the bishops and lords, i. 585;
  • to Walkelin, i. 587;
  • charged with breach of promise, i. 589;
  • alternative given to him, ib.;
  • his discourse to the King, i. 589–591;
  • the barons take part against him, i. 591;
  • his answer to Robert of Meulan, i. 592;
  • terms on which he is allowed to go, i. 592, 593;
  • his last interview with Rufus, i. 593;
  • blesses him, i. 594;
  • his departure from Canterbury, ib.;
  • his departure foretold by the comet, ii. [118];
  • William of Warelwast searches his luggage, i. 595;
  • crosses to Whitsand, ib.;
  • his estates seized by the King, ib.;
  • his acts declared null, i. 596;
  • compared with Thomas of London and William of Saint-Calais, i. 598 et seq.;
  • does not strictly appeal to the Pope, i. 598;
  • does not assert clerical privileges, i. 599;
  • effects of his foreign sojourn on, i. 606;
  • writes to Urban from Lyons, i. 612;
  • alleged scheme of Odo Duke of Burgundy against, i. 606,
    • and of Pope Clement, i. 607;
  • his reception by Urban, ib.;
  • known as “the holy man,” i. 608;
  • writes to Rufus, i. 613;
  • his sojourn at Schiavia, i. 615;
  • writes his “Cur Deus Homo,” ib.;
  • plots of William Rufus against, ib.;
  • his reception by Duke Roger, ib.;
  • his kindness to the Saracens, i. 616;
  • forbidden to convert them, i. 617;
  • Urban forbids him to resign his see, ib.;
  • defends the Filioque at Bari, i. 609, 618;
  • pleads for William Rufus, ib.;
  • Urban’s dealings with him, i. 621;
  • made to stay for the Lateran Council, i. 621;
  • special honours paid to, i. 607, 622;
  • goes to Lyons, i. 622;
  • hears of the death of Rufus, ii. [34], [363];
  • the monks of Canterbury beg him to return, ii. [363];
  • Henry’s letter to, ii. [364–366];
  • returns to England, ii. [369];
  • his connexion with Norman history, [ib.];
  • his meeting with Henry, ii. [374];
  • his dispute with Henry compared with that with Rufus, ii. [375];
  • his refusal to do homage and receive investiture, ii. [375], [376];
  • the question is adjourned, ii. [377], [378], [399];
  • no personal scruple on his part, ii. [377];
  • provisional restoration of his temporalities, ii. [378];
  • refuses his consent to the appointment of Eadwulf as abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 [(note)];
  • Eadgyth appeals to, concerning her marriage with Henry, ii. [384];
  • holds an assembly on the matter, and pronounces in her favour, ii. [384], [385], [683];
  • other versions of the story, ii. [385], [387];
  • celebrates the marriage, ii. [387];
  • his speech thereat, ii. [388];
  • mediates between Henry and his nobles, ii. [400];
  • his contingent against Robert, ii. [403];
  • his energy on behalf of Henry, ii. [410];
  • threatens Robert with excommunication, [ib.];
  • Henry’s compromise with, ii. [455];
  • called Saint before his canonization, ii. [661].
• Ansfrida, mistress of Henry I.,
  • story of, ii. [380];
  • buried at Abingdon, ii. [382].
• Anskill of Berkshire,
  • story of, ii. [380];
  • notice of in Domesday, ii. 381 [(note)].
• Anthony, Sub-Prior of Christ Church, appointed Prior of Saint Augustine’s, i. 140.
• Antioch,
  • “rope-dancers” at, i. 565;
  • death of Arnulf of Hesdin at, ii. [66].
• Aosta, birthplace of Anselm, i. 366.
• Aquitaine, Duke William proposes to pledge it to William Rufus, ii. [313].
• Archard. See [Harecher].
• Archbishop of Canterbury,
  • special position of, i. 358;
  • the parish priest of the Crown, i. 414 (note).
• Archbishopric, meaning of the phrase “receiving” it, ii. [375].
• Argentan Castle,
  • held by William Rufus, i. 462;
  • siege of, i. 463;
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. 464;
  • granted to Robert of Bellême, ii. [396];
  • held by him against Henry I., ii. [428].
• Armethwaite Nunnery, alleged foundation of, by William Rufus, ii. [506].
• Arnold, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. [240], [634].
• Arnold of Saint Evroul, translates Robert of Rhuddlan’s body to Saint Evroul, i. 128.
• Arnold of Escalfoy, poisoned by Mabel Talvas, i. 215.
• Arnold of Percy, signs the Durham charter, ii. [530].
• Arnold, Dr., on chivalry, ii. [508].
• Arnulf of Hesdin,
  • his alleged foundation at Ruislip, i. 376 (note);
  • his gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. [65];
  • his innocence proved by battle, [ib.];
  • goes to the crusade and dies, ii. [66].
• Arnulf of Montgomery,
  • son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, i. 57 (note);
  • begins Pembroke Castle, ii. [96];
  • plots against Henry, ii. [395];
  • his share in Robert of Bellême’s rebellion, ii. [423];
  • his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. [425], [622], [624];
  • and with King Magnus, ii. [426];
  • harries Staffordshire, ii. [429];
  • goes to Ireland, ii. [442];
  • his banishment, ii. [450].
• Arques Castle, held by Helias of Saint-Saens, i. 236.
• Arundel,
  • held by Earl Roger, i. 58;
  • position of, ib.;
  • castle of, built T. R. E., ib.;
  • priory founded at, by Earl Roger, i. 59 (note);
  • besieged by Henry I., ii. [428];
  • terms of its surrender, ii. [430];
  • its later fortunes, [ib.]
• Arundel, Earl of, origin of the title, i. 60 (note).
• Ascalon, battle of, i. 623.
• Ascelin Goel, his war with William of Breteuil, i. 243 (note).
• Assemblies, frequency of, under William Rufus, i. 487.
• Aumale Castle,
  • surrendered to William Rufus, i. 228;
  • strengthened by him, i. 229.
• Auvergne, mention of in the Chronicle, i. 547 (note).
• Avesgaud, Bishop of Le Mans, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, 539.
• Avon, at Bristol, i. 37.
• Avranchin, bought by Henry of Robert, i. 196, ii. [510–516].

B.

• Baldwin of Boulogne, King of Jerusalem,
  • his dream, i. 269, ii. [122];
  • its fulfilment, i. 270;
  • marries Godehild of Toesny, i. 270 (note);
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551;
  • besieged in Rama, ii. [122];
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. [581].
• Baldwin, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s,
  • rebuilds his church, ii. [268];
  • translates Saint Eadmund’s body, ii. [270];
  • his journey to Rome, [ib.];
  • his death, ii. [267], [270];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Baldwin of Tournay, monk of Bec,
  • his advice to Anselm, i. 399;
  • driven out of England by William Rufus, i. 520;
  • recalled, i. 542;
  • leaves England with Anselm, i. 595.
• Ballon,
  • castle of, i. 209;
  • siege and surrender of, i. 209–211;
  • betrayed to William Rufus and occupied by Robert of Bellême, ii. [235];
  • Fulk’s unsuccessful attempt on, ii. [236];
  • William’s treatment of the captive knights, ii. [237], i. 171;
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. [282].
• Bamburgh Castle, ii. [47], [607];
  • relic of Saint Oswald at, ii. [49];
  • question as to the date of the keep, [ib.];
  • held by Robert of Mowbray against William Rufus, ii. [50], [607];
  • effect of the making of the Malvoisin tower, ii. [51], [608];
  • siege abandoned by Rufus, ii. [52], [609];
  • Robert’s escape from, ii. [53], [609];
  • defended by Matilda of Laigle, ii. [54], [610];
  • surrender of, ii. [54].
• Bari, Archbishop of,
  • Wulfstan’s correspondence with, i. 479;
  • Council of (1098), i. 608, 618.
• Barnacles not to be eaten on fast-days, ii. 93 [(note)].
• Basilia, wife of Hugh of Gournay, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. [571].
• Bath,
  • burned by Robert of Mowbray, i. 41;
  • see of Wells moved to, i. 136, ii. [483];
  • temporal lordship of, granted to John of Tours, i. 137, ii. [487];
  • dislike of the monks to Bishop John’s changes, i. 138;
  • buildings of John of Tours at, i. 138, ii. [486];
  • church of, called abbey, i. 139;
  • later charters concerning, ii. [487];
  • sales and manumissions done at, ii. [489].
• Battle Abbey,
  • gifts of William Rufus to, i. 18, 168, ii. [504];
  • consecration of the church, i. 443;
  • gifts of Bernard of Newmarch to, ii. [90].
• Bayard, Chevalier, at the siege of Padua, i. 173.
• Beaumont-le-Roger, i. 185.
• Beaumont-le-Vicomte, ii. [229].
• Beavers, lawfulness of eating their tails on fast-days, ii. 93 [(note)].
• Bec Abbey,
  • fame of, under Anselm, i. 373;
  • its intercourse and connexion with England, i. 374–376, ii. [572];
  • Gundulf’s letter to the monks, i. 405;
  • monks of, object to Anselm’s accepting the primacy, i. 406.
• Belfry, origin of the name, ii. [520].
• Bellême,
  • surrenders to Duke Robert, i. 218;
  • site of the old castle, i. 218 (note).
• Benefices,
  • vacant, policy of William Rufus with regard to, i. 134, 336, 337, 347, 348, ii. [564];
  • sale of, under Rufus, i. 134, 347, 349;
  • sale of, not systematic before Rufus, i. 348.
• Beneventum, Archbishop of,
  • sells the arm of Saint Bartholomew to the Lady Emma, i. 609;
  • Æthelnoth’s gift of a cope to, i. 610.
• Benjamin the monk, ii. [579].
• Bequest, right of, confirmed by Henry I., i. 338, ii. [354].
• Berkeley,
  • harried by William of Eu, i. 44;
  • its position and castle, i. 45.
• Berkshire pool, portent of, ii. [258], [316].
• Bermondsey Priory, its foundation, ii, 508.
• Bernard of Newmarch,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 34;
  • his conquest of Brecknock, ii. [89–91];
  • his gifts to Battle Abbey, ii. [90];
  • marries Nest, granddaughter of Gruffydd, [ib.]
• Bertrada of Montfort,
  • brought up by Countess Heloise, ii. [193];
  • sought in marriage by Fulk of Anjou, ii. [192];
  • marries him, ii. [194];
  • her adulterous marriage with Philip of France, i. 548, ii. [171], [172];
  • Bishop Ivo of Chartres protests against, i. 559 (note);
  • denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. [173];
  • excommunicated, i. 549, ii. [173];
  • her sons, ii. [174];
  • schemes against Lewis, [ib.]
• Berwick, granted to and withdrawn from the see of Durham, ii. [121].
• Bishops,
  • their power in the eleventh century, i. 138;
  • no reference to the Pope in their appointment, i. 425;
  • order of their appointment then and now, i. 425–427;
  • theories of the two systems, i. 426;
  • why the peers’ right of trial does not extend to, i. 604 (note).
• Bishoprics,
  • sale of, under William Rufus, i. 134, 347, 349;
  • vacant, his policy with regard to, i. 134, 336, 337, 347, 350, ii. [564].
• Blasphemy, frequency of, i. 166.
• Blèves, castle of, ii. [216], [217].
• Blindness, armies smitten with, ii. [478], [480].
• Blyth Priory,
  • founded by Roger of Bully, ii. [161];
  • granted to Saint Katharine’s at Rouen, ii. 162 [(note)].
• Bofig, his lordship of Rockingham, i. 490.
• Bohemond, Mark, brother of Roger of Apulia,
  • besieges Amalfi, i. 561;
  • goes on the crusade, i. 562;
  • origin of his name, i. 562 (note).
• Boleslaus King of Poland, i. 611.
• Bonneville,
  • castle of, ii. [285];
  • early history and legends of, ii. [286].
• Boso of Durham, his visions, ii. [59].
• Botolph, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. [268].
• Bourg-le-roi, castle of, ii. [232].
• Boury, castle of, ii. [189].
• Brecknock,
  • conquest of, ii. [89–91];
  • castle of, ii. [90];
  • revolt of, ii. [106].
• Bribery under William Rufus, i. 153, 344.
• Bridgenorth,
  • fortified by Æthelflæd, ii. [152], 153 [(note)];
  • fortress of Robert of Bellême at, ii. [155–158];
  • churches and town of, ii. [157];
  • defence of, against Henry I., ii. [428], [432];
  • siege of, ii. [435] et seq.;
  • dealings of the captains with Henry, ii. [440];
  • divisions in, ii. [442];
  • surrender of, ii. [444].
• Brihtric, son of Ælfgar, lands of, held by Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. [83].
• Brionne,
  • said to be exchanged for Tunbridge, i. 68 (note);
  • granted to Roger of Beaumont, i. 194;
  • taken by Duke Robert, i. 244.
• Bristol,
  • its position in the eleventh century, i. 37;
  • castle of that date, i. 37, 38;
  • later growth of, i. 39;
  • occupied by Bishop Geoffrey, i. 40.
• Britain,
  • effects of the reign of William Rufus on its union, ii. [6];
  • causes of the union, ii. [7];
  • English conquest of, compared with Rufus’s conquest of Wales, ii. [72];
  • changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. [303] et seq.;
  • fusion of elements in, ii. [304];
  • ceases to be another world, ii. [305].
• Brockenhurst, William Rufus at, ii. [321].
• Bromham, grant of, to Battle Abbey, ii. [504].
• Brunton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. [535].
• Brut-y-Tywysogion, the two versions of, ii. [3], 4 [(note)].
• Brychan, King, his daughters, ii. [90].
• Buckler, Mr., on Ilchester, i. 43 (note).
• Bulgaria, use of the name, i. 563.
• Bures,
  • castle of, i. 236;
  • taking of, i. 463.
• Burf Castle, ii. [158].
• Burgundius, brother-in-law of Anselm, ii. [579].

C.

• Cadulus, Anselm’s advice to, i. 372.
• Cadwgan, son of Bleddyn,
  • drives out Rhys ap Tewdwr, i. 12;
  • harries Dyfed, ii. [92];
  • his revolt, ii. [99];
  • his action in Dyfed, ii. [101];
  • mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. [111];
  • schemes to save Anglesey, ii. [128];
  • flees to Ireland, ii. [131];
  • returns to Wales, ii. [301], [424];
  • his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. [424];
  • his action on his behalf, ii. [433], [442];
  • Ceredigion ceded to, by Jorwerth, ii. [451].
• Caen,
  • treaty of, i. 275 et seq., ii. [522–528];
  • its short duration, i. 283.
• Caerau. See [Carew].
• Caermarthen, conquest of, ii. [102].
• Caerphilly Castle, ii. [87].
• Cæsar, C. Julius, his speech compared with that of William Rufus, ii. [497], [647], [652].
• Candida Casa. See [Whithern].
• Canonization, popular, instances of, ii. [339].
• Canterbury, citizens of,
  • side with the monks of Saint Augustine’s against Guy, i. 139;
  • monks from Christ Church sent to Saint Augustine’s, i. 140;
  • vengeance of William Rufus on, i. 141;
  • the city granted to the archbishopric, i. 423;
  • Anselm’s enthronement and consecration at, i. 427, 429;
  • his dealings with the monks, i. 540;
  • their rights confirmed by William Rufus, i. 423;
  • rebuilding of the choir, i. 597;
  • its consecration under Henry I., ib.
• Canterbury, Archbishopric of,
  • policy of William Rufus in keeping the see vacant, i. 328, 360, ii. [565];
  • Flambard’s action in the matter, i. 363 (note);
  • effects of the vacancy, i. 357, 363–365;
  • its special position as metropolitan, i. 357;
  • no attempt at election, i. 362;
  • feeling as to the vacancy, i. 381;
  • prayers for the appointment of the Archbishop, i. 389;
  • the Archbishop the parish priest of the Crown, i. 414 (note).
• Cantire,
  • Magnus at, ii. [141];
  • part of Sigurd’s kingdom, ii. [146];
  • its formal occupation by Magnus, ii. [147].
• Capua, siege of, i. 614, ii. [403].
• Caradoc, son of Gruffydd, ii. [81], [82].
• Cardiff,
  • castle of, ii. [77], [84], [86];
  • Robert Fitz-hamon’s settlement at, ii. [81], [84];
  • borough of, ii. [88].
• Careghova Castle,
  • built by Robert of Bellême, ii. [158];
  • history of the site, ii. 159 [(note)];
  • strengthened by Robert, ii. [428].
• Carew Castle, ii. [95].
• Carlisle,
  • its cathedral church called abbey, i. 139 (note);
  • history and character of, i. 314, 317;
  • destroyed by Scandinavians, i. 315;
  • conquered by William Rufus, i. 4, 313–315, 318;
  • Saxon colony in, i. 316, ii. [550];
  • earldom of, i. 317, ii. [545–551];
  • its analogy with Edinburgh and Stirling, i. 317;
  • wall and castle of, i. 318;
  • see founded by Henry I., ib.;
  • effects of its restoration on Scotland, ii. [8];
  • not an English earldom under the Conqueror, ii. [546];
  • shire of, ii. [549];
  • its purely British name, ii. [550];
  • entries of, in the Pipe Roll, ii. [551].
• Castles,
  • building of, in Normandy, i. 192;
  • garrisoned by William the Conqueror, ib.;
  • building of, in Wales, ii. [70], [76], [77], [93], [108], [112];
  • rarity of, in England, as compared with Maine, ii. [220].
• Caux, obtained as dowry by Helias of Saint-Saens, i. 235.
• Cedivor, Prince of Dyfed, ii. [78].
• Cenred the priest,
  • his mutilation, ii. [132];
  • restoration of his speech, [ib.]
• Ceredigion,
  • conquest of, ii. [92], [93];
  • action of Cadwgan in, ii. [101];
  • recovered by the Welsh, ii. [301];
  • ceded to Cadwgan by Jorwerth, ii. [451].
• Charma, M., his Life of Anselm, i. 325 (note).
• Château du Loir, ii. [275], [276];
  • Helias flees to, ii. [287].
• Château-Gonthier, ii. [428].
• Château-Thierry, monks of Saint Cenery flee to, i. 213.
• Chaumont-en-Vexin,
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. [176];
  • castle of, ii. [185];
  • siege of, ii. [248].
• Cherbourg, ceded to William Rufus, i. 276.
• Chester,
  • Robert of Rhuddlan buried at, i. 127;
  • his gifts, i. 127 (note);
  • Earl Hugh’s reforms at, i. 127 (note), 381, 382;
  • Anselm at, i. 387.
• Chivalry,
  • growth of, under William Rufus, i. 169;
  • its true character, ib.;
  • Palgrave and Arnold on, i. 169, ii. [508];
  • its one-sided nature, i. 172;
  • practical working of, ib.;
  • illustrations of, i. 173, 291, ii. [237], [406], [534];
  • tenure in, systematized by Flambard, i. 335;
  • personal character of, ii. [407].
• Christina, Abbess of Romsey, her treatment of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. [31], [32], [599].
• Chronicle, the, witness of, to Flambard’s system of feudalism, i. 335.
• Church, R. W., his Life of Anselm, i. 326 (note), 370.
• Church, Sir Richard, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. [123].
• Church lands,
  • revenues of, appropriated by William Rufus, i. 336, 337, 347, 349;
  • feudalization of, i. 346;
  • nature of Rufus’s grants of, i. 419.
• Churches, plundered to raise the pledge-money for Normandy, i. 558.
• Clare, Suffolk, priory of, a cell of Bec, i. 376.
• Clarendon, news of the loss of Le Mans brought to Rufus at, ii. [283], [645].
• Clark, G. T.,
  • on Malling tower, i. 70 (note);
  • on Rochester, i. 79 (note);
  • on the site of Careghova Castle, ii. 159 [(note)];
  • on “The Land of Morgan,” ii. [615].
• Clemence, Countess of Boulogne, Anselm’s letters to, ii. [581].
• Clement,
  • Anti-Pope, i. 415;
  • his position, i. 488;
  • excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, i. 549;
  • his alleged scheme against Anselm, i. 607.
• Clergy,
  • their exemption from temporal jurisdiction asserted by William of Saint-Calais, i. 97;
  • not asserted by Anselm, i. 599;
  • their corruption under William Rufus, i. 363.
• Clerks,
  • the king’s, preferments held by, i. 330;
  • their position and power, i. 342, 343.
• Clermont,
  • Council of (1095), i. 545;
  • decrees of, i. 548;
  • crusade preached at, i. 549.
• Coinage, false, issue of, punished by Henry I., ii. [353].
• Coker (Somerset), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. [504].
• Colchester, story of Eudo’s good rule at, ii. [464].
• Coldingham, lands of, granted to Durham, ii. [121].
• Comet, foretells the departure of Anselm, ii. [118].
• Commons, House of, foreshadowed by the outer council of the Witan, i. 603.
• Conan of Rouen,
  • his wealth, i. 246;
  • his treaty with William Rufus, i. 247, 248;
  • exhorts the citizens against Gilbert of Laigle, i. 253;
  • taken prisoner by Henry, i. 256;
  • his death, i. 257–259, ii. [516–518].
• Conches,
  • besieged by William of Evreux, i. 261, 266, ii. [627];
  • its position, i. 262, 264;
  • abbey and castle of, i. 265.
• Conrad,
  • son of the Emperor Henry the Fourth, i. 522;
  • receives Urban at Cremona, i. 525;
  • his marriage, i. 526.
• Constantius I., Emperor, his voyage to Britain, ii. [648].
• Corbet, his lands in Shropshire, ii. 433 [(note)].
• Cornelius the monk, i. 545 (note).
• Corsham (Wilts), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. [504].
• Cosan the Turk, joins the crusaders, i. 565.
• Côtentin, bought by Henry of Robert, i. 196, ii. [510–516].
• Coulaines,
  • William Rufus encamps at, ii. [233];
  • ravaged by him, ii. [234], [625], [627].
• Courcy,
  • siege of, i. 274, ii. [519–522];
  • church of, ii. [522].
• Cowbridge, ii. [88].
• Coyty, held by Pagan of Turberville, ii. [87].
• Cricklade, entry of, in Domesday, i. 480 (note).
• Croc the huntsman, signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 (note).
• Croset-Mouchet, M.,
  • his life of Anselm, i. 325 (note);
  • on Anselm’s parentage, i. 366 (note).
• Crusade, the first,
  • its bearing on English history, i. 546;
  • no kings take part in, ib.;
  • a Latin movement, ib.;
  • argument in favour of, ii. [207];
  • success of, ii. [306].
• Crusades, Palgrave’s condemnation of, ii. [509].
• Cumberland,
  • why not entered in Domesday, i. 313, ii. [547] et seq.;
  • Scandinavians in, i. 315;
  • earldom of, a misnomer, ii. [548];
  • origin of the modern county, ii. [549].
• Curia Regis, the, i. 102.
• Cuthberht, Saint, appears to Eadgar of Scotland, ii. [119].

D.

• Dadesley. See [Tickhill].
• Danesford, ii. [152], [155].
• Dangeuil Castle,
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. [213];
  • site of, ii. [214];
  • effects of his occupation, [ib.];
  • Helias taken prisoner near, ii. [223].
• David, King of Scots,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. [22];
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. [30];
  • divides the kingdom with Alexander, ii. [124];
  • marries Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, ii. [124];
  • effects of his reign on Scottish history, ii. [125];
  • his English position, [ib.];
  • invades England on behalf of the Empress Matilda, [ib.];
  • his mocking speech to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. [390];
  • earldom of Carlisle granted to, ii. [549].
• Deverel (Wilts), lordship of, held by Bec, i. 375.
• Diacus, Bishop of Saint James of Compostella, his correspondence with Anselm, ii. [582].
• Dimock, J. F., his defence of Robert Bloet, ii. [585].
• Dolfin, son of Gospatric, lord of Carlisle, driven out by William Rufus, i. 315.
• Domesday, alleged new version of, by Randolf Flambard, i. 332, ii. [562].
• Domfront,
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. 183, 319;
  • men of, choose Henry to lord, i. 319, ii. [538];
  • position of, i. 319;
  • kept by Henry I., ii. [413], [691].
• Donald Bane, King of Scots, i. 475;
  • story of his attempting to disturb Margaret’s burial, ii. [28], [597];
  • his election, ii. [29];
  • drives out the English, [ib.];
  • driven out by Duncan, ii. [34];
  • his restoration, ii. [36];
  • dethroned and imprisoned by Eadgar, ii. [119].
• Donald,
  • sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. [137];
  • driven out, ii. [138].
• Dress, new fashions in, i. 158, ii. [500–502].
• Drogo of Moncey, marries Eadgyth, widow of Gerard of Gournay, i. 552.
• Duncan, King of Scots, son of Malcolm,
  • set free by Robert, i. 13;
  • signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. [536];
  • claims the Scottish crown, ii. [33];
  • his Norman education, ii. [34];
  • receives the crown from William Rufus, i. 475, ii. [5], [34];
  • overthrows Donald, [ib.];
  • his death, ii. [36];
  • his burial, ii. 36 [(note)].
• Dunfermline,
  • Malcolm translated to, ii. [18];
  • Margaret’s burial at, ii. [28], [597].
• Dunstable, Prior of,
  • his alleged warning to William Rufus, ii. [334];
  • minster of, founded by Henry I., ii. [663].
• Dunster, church of, granted by William of Moion to the church of Bath, ii. [490].
• Durham, cathedral church of,
  • called abbey, i. 139 (note);
  • evidence of, in charters, i. 305, ii. [535];
  • rebuilding of the abbey, ii. [11];
  • Malcolm takes part in laying the foundation, ii. [11], [12];
  • works of Bishop William of Saint-Calais at, ii. [60];
  • gifts of King Eadgar to, ii. [121];
  • works of Randolf Flambard at, ii. [272];
  • monks of, favourably treated by William Rufus, i. 298, ii. [508];
  • building of the refectory, i. 299;
  • Bishop William restored to, ib.
• Durham castle, surrendered to William Rufus, i. 114.
• Dwyganwy,
  • peninsula and castle of, i. 123, 124;
  • attack made by Gruffydd on, i. 24;
  • meeting of Magnus and the two Earls Hugh at, ii. [143].
• Dyfed,
  • harried by Cadwgan, ii. [92];
  • conquest of, [ib.];
  • action of Cadwgan in, ii. [101];
  • grant of, by Henry I., ii. [451].
• Dyrrhachion, Duke Robert crosses to, i. 563.

E.

• Eadgar Ætheling,
  • banished from Normandy, i. 281, ii. [527];
  • policy of William Rufus towards, [ib.];
  • goes to Scotland, i. 282;
  • mediates between Rufus and Malcolm, i. 301, ii. [541];
  • reconciled to Rufus, i. 304;
  • signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. [536];
  • returns to Normandy with Robert, i. 307;
  • his mission to Malcolm, ii. [9], [10], [590];
  • protects Malcolm’s children, ii. [30], [31];
  • his designs as to the Scottish crown, ii. [114];
  • Ordgar’s charge against, ii. [115], [617];
  • his acquittal by ordeal, ii. [117];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [117], [615];
  • marches to Scotland, ii. [118];
  • and wins the crown for his nephew Eadgar, ii. [120];
  • goes on the crusade, ii. [121];
  • not thought of to succeed William Rufus, ii. [344];
  • his character, ii. [393].
• Eadgar, King of Scots,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. [22];
  • brings the news of his father’s death, ii. [27];
  • driven out of Scotland, ii. [30];
  • his vision, ii. [119];
  • dethrones and imprisons Donald, [ib.];
  • his gifts to Durham and to Robert son of Godwine, ii. [121];
  • his action towards Robert Flambard, [ib.];
  • his peaceful reign, ii. [123];
  • his death, ii. [124];
  • bears the sword before William Rufus at his Whitsun feast, ii. [265];
  • results of his succession, ii. [304].
• Eadgyth, wife of Henry I. See [Matilda].
• Eadgyth, mistress of Henry I. and mother of Matilda Countess of Perche, ii. [379].
• Eadgyth, mistress of Henry I. and wife of Robert of Ouilly, ii. [379].
• Eadgyth,
  • wife of Gerard of Gournay, i. 230;
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 552;
  • her second marriage, i. 552 (note).
• Eadmer,
  • his belief in the ordeal, i. 166 (note);
  • his Life of Anselm, i. 325, 369;
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. 369, 378, 460;
  • references to in other writers, i. 370;
  • on the Norman campaign of 1094, i. 474;
  • leaves England with Anselm, i. 595;
  • recognizes the cope of Beneventum at Bari, i. 609, 610;
  • bishop-elect of Saint Andrews, ii. [124].
• Eadmund, Saint, king of the East-Angles,
  • his miracles, ii. [268];
  • translation of his body, ii. [270].
• Eadmund,
  • son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. [22];
  • helps Donald against Duncan, ii. [36];
  • becomes a monk at Montacute, ii. [120];
  • his burial in chains, [ib.]
• Eadmund the monk, his vision, ii. [604].
• Eadric the Wild, marked as “Edric Salvage,” ii. 433 [(note)].
• Eadric the Provost, ii. 270 [(note)].
• Eadward the Confessor, his law restored by Henry I., ii. [357].
• Eadward, son of Malcolm and Margaret, killed at Alnwick, ii. [16], [21], [594].
• Eadwine, King of the Northumbrians, builds a church at Tynemouth, ii. [603].
• Eadwulf, Abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 [(note)].
• Eardington, lordship of, ii. [154].
• Earle, John, on Bath, i. 42 (note).
• Earthquake of 1089, i. 176.
• Edinburgh, Margaret’s death at, ii. [28], [597].
• Edward the Black Prince and the massacre of Limoges, i. 173;
  • his twofold character, ib.
• Eginulf of Laigle, i. 243 (note).
• Eglaf of Bethlington, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Einion,
  • story of him and Jestin, ii. [80];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [81], [614].
• Eleanor of Aquitaine, her foundation at Tickhill, ii. [432].
• Emma (Ælfgifu), the Lady,
  • buys the arm of Saint Bartholomew of the Archbishop of Beneventum, i. 610;
  • changes her name on her marriage, ii, 305.
• Emma, daughter of Count Robert of Sicily, sought in marriage by Philip of France, ii. 171 [(note)].
• Emma, wife of Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, i. 552.
• Emmeline, wife of Arnulf of Hesdin, her gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. [65].
• Empire, Western,
  • advance of, in the eleventh century, ii. [305], [306];
  • alleged designs of William Rufus on, ii. [314].
• Empire, Eastern, decline of, ii. [306].
• England,
  • extension of, under William Rufus, i. 4;
  • beginning of her rivalry with France, i. 5, 228, 240;
  • her wealth, ib.;
  • her European position, ib.;
  • unity of, i. 81;
  • how indebted to foreigners, i. 365;
  • in what sense feudal, i. 341;
  • compared with Normandy, i. 468;
  • wretchedness of, under Rufus, i. 474;
  • position of, towards the Popes, i. 496;
  • her relations with Sicily, i. 526;
  • Welsh inroad into, ii. [100];
  • rarity of castles in, as compared with Maine, ii. [220];
  • oppression in, during William’s absence in Normandy, ii. [256];
  • various grievances in, ii. [258];
  • changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. [303] et seq.;
  • becomes part of the Latin world, ii. [305];
  • united under Henry I. against Norman invasion, ii. [401].
• English,
  • accept William Rufus as king, i. 7, 16, 20, 66, 131;
  • their loyalty to him, 18, 64, 65, 130;
  • their hatred of Odo, i. 67, 86;
  • their position under Rufus, i. 133;
  • native, not specially oppressed by him, i. 341;
  • growth of their power and nationality under Rufus, ii. [4].
• English and Normans, fusion of, i. 130, 134, ii. [401], [455].
• English Conquest, compared with that of Wales, ii. [72].
• Englishmen,
  • the fifty charged with eating the king’s deer, i. 155, 614, ii. [494];
  • acquitted by ordeal, i. 156.
• Epernon, castle of, ii. [251].
• Epitumium, Orderic’s use of the word, ii. 288 [(note)].
• Erling, Earl of Orkney,
  • taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. [140];
  • his death in Norway, [ib.]
• Ermenberga, daughter of Helias,
  • betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, ii. [232];
  • married to Fulk of Anjou, ii. 232 [(note)], [374].
• Ermenberga, mother of Anselm, her pedigree, i. 366 (note).
• Ermengarde of Bourbon, second wife of Fulk of Anjou, ii. [192].
• Ernan, “Biscope sune,” ii. [605].
• Erneis of Burun, his action in the case of Bishop William, i. 114.
• Ernulf, Bishop of Rochester, his buildings at Christchurch, Canterbury, i. 597.
• Ernulf of Hesdin. See [Arnulf of Hesdin].
• Etard, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his appointment, i. 570.
• Eu, castle of, Philip and Robert march against, i. 238.
• Eudo of Rye,
  • story of his share in the accession of William Rufus, ii. [463];
  • how he became dapifer, [ib.];
  • his good deeds at Colchester, ii. [464], [465].
• Eulalia, Abbess, Anselm’s letters to, ii. [578].
• Eustace III. Count of Boulogne,
  • sent over to England by Duke Robert, i. 56, ii. [465] et seq.;
  • agrees to surrender Rochester, i. 80;
  • pleading made for, i. 84;
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551.
• Eustace, monk of Bec, i. 399.
• Eustace, father of one Geoffrey, Anselm rebukes him for bigamy, ii. [579].
• Eustace, son of William of Breteuil, i. 268 (note).
• Eva, widow of William Crispin, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. [571].
• Everard of Puiset, goes on the first crusade, i. 551.
• Evreux Castle,
  • garrisoned by William the Conqueror, i. 192;
  • its position and history, i. 262–264.
• Ewenny, priory of, ii. [86], [89].
• Exmes, Robert of Bellême driven back from, i. 242.
• Eynesham, monks of Stow moved to, ii. [585], [587].
• Eystein, brother of Sigurd, does not go on the crusade, ii. [206].

F.

• Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon,
  • his appointment, ii. [360];
  • why not appointed to the see of Canterbury, [ib.];
  • recovers the manor of Sparsholt, ii. 380 [(note)].
• Farman the monk, ii. [579].
• Farn Islands, ii. [50].
• Fécamp, ceded to William Rufus, i. 276.
• Feudalism, developement of,
  • under Rufus, i. 4;
  • systematized by Randolf Flambard, i. 324, 335 et seq., 341.
• Feudal tenures,
  • mainly the work of Flambard, i. 335, 336;
  • abolished in 1660, ib.
• Finchampstead, portent at, ii. [258], [316].
• Flanders, her share in the first crusade, i. 547.
• Flemings,
  • their settlement in Pembrokeshire, ii. 70 [(note)], [74], [88], [615];
  • whether also in Gower and Glamorgan, ii. [88], [103].
• Florus, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. [174].
• Forest laws,
  • become stricter under William Rufus, i. 155;
  • enforced by Henry I., ii. [355].
• Forfeiture, provision as to, in Henry’s charter, ii. [354].
• Fourches, castle of, ii. [428].
• France,
  • beginning of her rivalry with England, i. 5;
  • effects of the war with, i. 7;
  • her rivalry with Normandy, i. 201;
  • her first direct dealings with England, i. 240;
  • her relations with England and Normandy, ib.;
  • designs of William Rufus on, ii. [167];
  • his war with, ii. [167], [171], [175] et seq.;
  • its position compared with that of Maine, ii. [168–170].
• Francis I. of France, compared with William Rufus, i. 173.
• Frank-almoign, tenure of, i. 350.
• Franks, Eastern name for Europeans, i. 546.
• Fresnay-le-Vicomte, castle and church of, ii. [229].
• Freystrop, ii. 95 [(note)].
• Frome (river) at Bristol, i. 38.
• Fulcher,
  • brother of Randolf Flambard, ii. [552];
  • receives the see of Lisieux, ii. [416].
• Fulchered, Abbot of Shrewsbury, his sermon at Gloucester, ii. [318].
• Fulcherius Quarel, i. 215 (note).
• Fulk, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his deposition and restoration, i. 570.
• Fulk, Bishop of Beauvais, Anselm intercedes for, ii. [582].
• Fulk, Rechin, Count of Anjou,
  • Robert does homage to, for Maine, i. 204;
  • patronizes pointed shoes, i. 159, ii. [502];
  • his wives, ii. 172 [(note)], ii. [192];
  • Robert seeks help from him, [ib.];
  • seeks Bertrada of Montfort in marriage, [ib.];
  • marries her, ii. [194];
  • garrisons Le Mans, ii. [232], [628];
  • his unsuccessful attempt on Ballon, ii. [236];
  • returns to Le Mans, ii. [237], [628];
  • his convention with William, ii. [238], [628–630];
  • helps Helias to besiege the castle of Le Mans, ii. [370].
• Fulk, Count of Anjou, King of Jerusalem, marries Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. [374].
• Fulk, Dean of Evreux, father of Walter Tirel, ii. [322], [672].

G.

• Gaillefontaine, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. 230.
• Galen, story of, i. 151 (note).
• Galloway, dealings of Magnus with, ii. [141].
• Gausbert, Abbot of Battle, i. 443.
• Gentry, growth of, under Henry I., ii. [356].
• Geoffrey, Archbishop of Rouen,
  • his appointment to the deanery of Le Mans, ii. [201];
  • nominated bishop by Helias, ii. [210];
  • set aside by the chapter, [ib.];
  • appointed to the see of Rouen, [ib.]
• Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 27, 34, ii. [470];
  • occupies Bristol, i. 40;
  • notices of his estates, ib.;
  • his relation to Bristol, ib.;
  • his speech on behalf of William of Saint-Calais, i. 100;
  • charges the Bishop’s men with robbing his cattle, i. 113;
  • his death, i. 444.
• Geoffrey, Bishop of Chichester, his death, i. 135.
• Geoffrey, monk of Durham, charge brought against him, i. 116, ii. 60 [(note)].
• Geoffrey of Baynard, his combat with William of Eu, ii. [63].
• Geoffrey Martel,
  • son of Fulk Rechin and Ermengarde, ii. [192];
  • betrothed to Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. [232];
  • left by his father in command of Le Mans, [ib.]
• Geoffrey, Count of Mayenne, i. 205;
  • submits to Duke Robert, i. 209;
  • founds the castle of Saint Cenery, i. 214;
  • accepts the succession of Hugh, ii. [195], [197];
  • truce granted to him by Rufus, ii. [230];
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. [231];
  • submits to Rufus, ii. [241].
• Geoffrey Plantagenet, his parentage, ii. [374].
• Geoffrey, Count of Perche,
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. 183, 242;
  • Orderic’s estimate of, i. 242 (note).
• Gerald, Abbot of Tewkesbury, visits Wulfstan, i. 479.
• Gerald of Windsor,
  • his wife Nest, ii. [97], 110 [(note)];
  • builds Pembroke Castle, ii. [96];
  • defends it against the Welsh, ii. [101], [108];
  • his devices against them, ii. [109];
  • his mission to King Murtagh, ii. [425];
  • grant of Henry I. to, ii. [451].
• Gerald, story of his attempt on Randolf Flambard’s life, ii. [560].
• Gerard, Bishop of Hereford and Archbishop of York,
  • his mission to Pope Urban, i. 524, 525;
  • returns with Legate Walter, i. 526;
  • his appointment and consecration, i. 543, 544;
  • present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. [317];
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366];
  • appointed to the see of York, ii. [392].
• Gerard, Bishop of Seez,
  • story of the capture of his clerk by Robert of Bellême, ii. [521];
  • his death, [ib.]
• Gerard of Gournay,
  • submits to William Rufus, i. 229;
  • his castle, i. 230;
  • supports Rufus, i. 472;
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 552;
  • his death, ii. [55].
• Germinus. See [Jurwine].
• Geronto, Abbot of Dijon,
  • his mission to William Rufus, i. 553, ii. [558];
  • rebukes him, i. 554;
  • overreached by him, ib.;
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. [589].
• Geroy, history of his descendants, i. 214.
• Gervase, Archbishop of Rheims, ii. [196].
• Gervase, nephew of Bishop Gervase of Le Mans, ii. 201 [(note)].
• Gevelton. See [Yeovilton].
• Giffard, in the fleet of Magnus, ii. [451].
• Gilbert, Bishop of Evreux,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 560;
  • goes to Sicily, i. 562;
  • attends Odo on his deathbed, i. 563;
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. [575].
• Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lisieux, his death, ii. [416].
• Gilbert of Clare,
  • holds Tunbridge Castle against William Rufus, i. 68;
  • surrenders, i. 69;
  • his gift of the priory of Clare to Bec, i. 376;
  • his confession to Rufus, ii. [45];
  • with him in the New Forest, ii. [321].
• Gilbert of Laigle,
  • drives back Robert of Bellême, i. 242;
  • his descent and kindred, i. 243 (note);
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. 249, 253;
  • enters Rouen, i. 256;
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. [190];
  • charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. [241];
  • with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. [321];
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. [338], [676].
• Gilbert, nephew of Bishop Walcher, ii. [605].
• Gillingham,
  • meeting of Anselm and William Rufus at, i. 477–481;
  • written Illingham by Eadmer, i. 477 (note).
• Gilo de Soleio, beholds William’s army on its way to Maine, ii. [228].
• Giraldus Cambrensis,
  • born at Manorbeer, ii. [95];
  • his parentage, ii. [97].
• Gisa, Bishop of Somerset, his death, i. 136.
• Gisors Castle,
  • its first defences by Pagan or Theobald, ii. [186];
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. [151], [187];
  • under Henry II., ii. [188];
  • its present appearance, [ib.];
  • restored to Pagan by Duke Robert, ii. [396].
• Givele. See [Yeovil].
• Glamorgan,
  • legend of the conquest of, ii. [79–81], [613];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [81];
  • settlement of, by Robert Fitzhamon, ii. [81], [84];
  • distinguished from Morganwg, ii. [85];
  • its extent, [ib.];
  • military character of its churches, ii. [88].
• Gloucester,
  • sickness of William Rufus at, i. 391;
  • Anselm’s first installation at, i. 400;
  • meetings at, ii. [10], [13], [33].
• Gloucester Abbey,
  • gifts of Arnulf and Emmeline of Hesdin to, ii. [65];
  • works of Robert Fitz-hamon at, ii. [84];
  • grant of Welsh churches to, [ib.];
  • consecration of, ii. [317];
  • Abbot Fulchered’s sermon there, ii. [318].
• Gloucestershire, ravaged by William of Eu, i. 41, 44.
• Godehild, daughter of Ralph of Toesny, her marriages, i. 270 (note).
• Godgifu, nickname given to Matilda, ii. [389].
• Godred Crouan,
  • his dominion, ii. [136];
  • his expulsion and death, ii. [137];
  • his sons, [ib.]
• Godric and Godgifu, nicknames given to Henry I. and Matilda, ii. [389].
• Godricus unus liber homo, holds Sparsholt, ii. 380 [(note)].
• Godwine, Earl, a benefactor of Christ Church, Twinham, ii. [555].
• Godwine of Winchester,
  • story of his duel with Ordgar, ii. [116], [617];
  • notices of him in Domesday, ii. [116], [616];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [117], [615].
• Godfrey of Lorraine, goes on the first crusade, i. 552.
• Goodeve, surname, a corruption of Godgifu, ii. 389 [(note)].
• Gordon, General, parallelled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. [123].
• Gosfridus Mala Terra, ii. [485].
• Gospatric, son of Beloch, ii. [551].
• Gospatric, son of Mapbennoc, ii. [551].
• Gospatric, son of Orm, ii. [551].
• Gournay, castle and church of, i. 230.
• Gower,
  • no part of Glamorgan, ii. [85];
  • conquest of, ii. [102];
  • castles built in, ii. [103];
  • alleged West-Saxon settlement of, ii. [103], [615];
  • granted to Howel, ii. [451].
• Gruffydd, son of Cynan,
  • his Irish allies, i. 122;
  • attacks Rhuddlan, ib.;
  • at Dwyganwy, i. 124;
  • invades England, ii. [100];
  • schemes to save Anglesey, ii. [128];
  • fails to hold it and flees to Ireland, ii. [131];
  • returns to Wales, ii. [301], [424];
  • his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. [424].
• Gruffydd, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. [107].
• Gruffydd, son of Rhydderch, ii. [81].
• Gundrada of Gournay, marries Nigel of Albini, ii. [55], [612].
• Gundulf, Bishop of Rochester,
  • his buildings at Rochester, i. 54 (note);
  • his tower at Malling, i. 70;
  • sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. 140;
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. 374;
  • his letter to the monks of Bec, i. 405;
  • Anselm’s visit to, i. 406;
  • blasphemous speech of William Rufus to, i. 407;
  • present at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • question as to his action in the council of Rockingham, i. 516 (note);
  • present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. [317];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • expounds William Rufus’s dream to him, ii. [661].
• Gundulf, father of Anselm, i. 366.
• Guy of Etampes, Bishop of Le Mans, his rebuilding after the fire, ii. [639].
• Guy, Abbot of Pershore, his share in the defence of Worcester, ii. [481].
• Guy, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s,
  • sent with a summons to Bishop William, i. 90;
  • driven out by the monks and citizens, i. 139;
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Guy, monk of Christ Church, i. 140 (note).
• Guy, Count of Ponthieu, i. 180.
• Guy of the Rock,
  • his fortress of Roche Guyon, ii. [180];
  • submits to William Rufus, ii. [181].
• Guy of Vienne, Legate, his pretensions not acknowledged, ii. [391].
• Guy the Red Knight,
  • helps to defend Courcy, ii. [519];
  • his daughter betrothed to King Lewis, [ib.]
• Gwenllwg, revolt of, ii. [106].
• Gwent, revolt of, ii. [106]; English defeat in, ii. [107].
• Gwynedd, revolt in, ii. [424].

H.

• Haimericus de Moria, his conference with Helias, ii. [371].
• Hair, long, fashion of, i. 158, ii. [500].
• Hakon, Earl of Orkney,
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. [581];
  • his murder of Saint Magnus and repentance, ii. [582].
• Hallam, held by Roger of Bully, ii. [160].
• Hallam, Henry, on Henry VIII., i. 173 (note).
• Hamon, Viscount of Thouars, notices of his lands, ii. 83 [(note)].
• Hamon the Dapifer, signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366].
• Harecher, or Archard, of Domfront,
  • revolts against Robert of Bellême, i. 319, ii. [538];
  • signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. [539].
• Harold, son of Godwine,
  • case of his excommunication, i. 612;
  • his Welsh campaign compared with that of William Rufus, ii. [71], [105].
• Harold, son of Harold, with the fleet of Magnus, ii. [134–136], [619].
• Harold, son of Godred Crouan, ii. [137].
• Harrow, church of, dispute as to its consecration, i. 440.
• Hartshorne, Mr.,
  • on Rochester, i. 53 (note), 54 (note);
  • on Alnwick, ii. [592].
• Hasgard, ii. 95 [(note)].
• Hasse, M., his Life of Anselm, i. 325 (note).
• Hastings, castle of,
  • held by Robert of Eu, i. 229;
  • assembly at, i. 441;
  • consecration of Robert Bloet at, i. 445.
• Hastings, Frank Abney, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. [123].
• Haverfordwest Castle, ii. [95].
• Hebrides. See [Sudereys].
• Hedenham, grant of, to Rochester, ii. [506].
• Helias of La Flèche,
  • contrasted with Rufus, i. 171;
  • enmity of Robert of Bellême to, i. 183;
  • his character and descent, i. 205, ii. [195], [196];
  • submits to Duke Robert, i. 209;
  • his position compared with that of King Philip, ii. [169];
  • his castles, ii. [196];
  • his wife Matilda, [ib.];
  • his possible claim on the county of Maine, ii. [195], [197];
  • imprisons and sets free Bishop Howel, ii. [198], [199], [624];
  • buys the county of Hugh, ii. [203];
  • excellence of his reign, ii. [204];
  • his friendship for Bishop Howel, [ib.];
  • prepares to go on the crusade, ii. [205];
  • estimate of his action, ii. [206];
  • his interview with Robert and with William Rufus, ii. [207–210];
  • challenges Rufus, ii. [208];
  • makes ready for defence, ii. [210];
  • his action in the appointment to the bishopric, ii. [211], [624];
  • his acceptance of Hildebert the cause of the war, ii. [213], [625];
  • strengthens Dangeul Castle, ii. [213], [214];
  • his guerilla warfare, ii. [215];
  • defeats Robert of Bellême at Saônes, ii. [222];
  • his second victory over him, ii. [223];
  • taken prisoner near Dangeul, ii. [223], [224], [625];
  • surrendered to William Rufus, ii. [225];
  • honourably treated by him, [ib.];
  • Hildebert negotiates for his release, ii. [238], [625], [628–630];
  • William agrees to release him, ii. [238], [628];
  • his interview with William at Rouen, ii. [242–245], [640–645];
  • defies him, ii. [243], [641];
  • is set free, ii. [244], [642], [643];
  • his renewed action, ii. [275];
  • marches against Le Mans, ii. [277];
  • his victory at Pontlieue, ii. [278];
  • recovers Le Mans, [ib.];
  • besieges the castles in vain, ii. [282];
  • flees to Château-du-Loir, ii. [287];
  • burns two castles, ii. [288];
  • returns to Le Mans, ii. [370];
  • his dealings with the garrison of the castle, ii. [370], [371];
  • called the “White Bachelor,” ii. [371];
  • his conference with Walter of Rouen, [ib.];
  • surrender of the castle to, ii. [373];
  • his last reign, [ib.];
  • his friendship with Henry I., ii. [373], [413];
  • his second marriage, [ib.];
  • descent of the Angevin kings from him, ii. [374];
  • notices of his death, ii. 374 [(note)];
  • Anselm’s letter to him, ii. [581].
• Helias of Saint-Saens,
  • married to Robert’s daughter, i. 235;
  • his descent, ib.;
  • importance of his position, i. 236;
  • his fidelity to Robert, i. 237.
• Heloise, Countess of Evreux,
  • her rivalry with Isabel of Conches, i. 231–234, 245;
  • Orderic’s account of her, i. 237 (note);
  • her banishment and death, i. 270;
  • Bertrada of Montfort brought up by, ii. [193].
• Henry IV.,
  • Emperor, i. 549;
  • excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, i. 549, 611.
• Henry I.,
  • his familiar knowledge of English, i. viii;
  • the one Ætheling among William’s sons, i. 11, ii. [461];
  • an alleged party favours his immediate succession, i. 11 (note);
  • difficulties in the way of it, i. 20;
  • refuses a loan to Robert, i. 196;
  • buys the Côtentin and Avranchin of him, i. 196, ii. [510–516];
  • his firm rule, i. 197, 221;
  • goes to England and claims his mother’s lands, i. 195, 197;
  • William Rufus promises them to him, i. 197;
  • brings Robert of Bellême back with him, i. 199;
  • imprisoned by Duke Robert, ib.;
  • set free, i. 220;
  • strengthens his castles, i. 221;
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. 248;
  • sends him away, i. 254;
  • takes Conan, i. 256;
  • puts him to death with his own hand, i. 257–259, ii. [516–518];
  • policy thereof, i. 260;
  • William and Robert agree together against, i. 278, ii. [527];
  • excluded from the succession by the treaty of Caen, i. 280;
  • his position as Ætheling, i. 281;
  • William’s policy towards, ib.;
  • strengthens himself against his brothers, i. 283;
  • besieged by them at Saint Michael’s Mount, i. 284–292, ii. [528–535];
  • Robert’s generosity to, i. 291, ii. [534];
  • surrenders, i. 293;
  • accompanies William to England, i. 293, 295;
  • his alleged adventures, i. 294, ii. [535–540];
  • signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. [536];
  • chosen lord of Domfront, i. 319, ii. [538];
  • restored to William’s favour, i. 321;
  • wars against Robert, ib.;
  • gets back his county, ib.;
  • occupies the castle of Saint James, ib.;
  • grants it to Earl Hugh, i. 323;
  • alleged spoliation of, by Flambard, i. 334, 357;
  • helps Robert, grandson of Geroy, against Robert of Bellême, i. 469;
  • summoned by William to Eu, ib.;
  • goes to England, i. 470;
  • reconciled to William, ib.;
  • returns to Normandy and wars against Robert, ib.;
  • William’s grants to, i. 567;
  • story of him on the day of William’s death, ii. [321], [345], [346];
  • his claims to the throne, ii. [344];
  • his speedy election, ii. [345], [680];
  • William of Breteuil withstands his demand for the treasure, ii. [346], [680];
  • popular feeling for him, ii. [346], [351];
  • his formal election, ii. [347], [348];
  • fills up the see of Winchester, ii. [349];
  • his coronation, ii. [350], [681];
  • goes to London with Robert of Meulan, ii. [350], [680];
  • form of his oath, ii. [350];
  • his charter, i. 336, 338, 342, 344, ii. [352–357];
  • his statute against the mercenaries, i. 154, ii. [498];
  • his policy towards the second order, ii. [356];
  • his alleged laws, ii. [357];
  • his appointments to abbeys, ii. [359];
  • imprisons Randolf Flambard, ii. [361];
  • his inner council, ii. [362];
  • recalls Anselm, ii. [364];
  • Norman intrigues against, ii. [367], [368], [393], [395];
  • his war with Robert, [ib.];
  • the garrison of Le Mans send an embassy to, ii. [372];
  • his friendship with Helias, ii. [373], [413];
  • his meeting with Anselm, ii. [374];
  • his dispute with him compared with that of Rufus, i. 605, ii. [374];
  • calls on Anselm to do homage, ii. [375];
  • the question is adjourned, ii. [377], [378], [399];
  • his reformation of the court, ii. [379], [502];
  • his personal character, ii. [379];
  • his mistresses and children, ii. [97], 110 [(note)], [380], [381], [389], [414]
  • seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. [382], [684];
  • his descent from Ælfred, ii. [383];
  • objections to the marriage, ii. [384], [683–688];
  • later fables about his marriage, ii. [387], [684], [685];
  • his marriage, ii. [387];
  • his nickname of Godric, ii. [389];
  • his children by Matilda, [ib.];
  • appoints Gerard to the see of York, ii. [392];
  • his rule distasteful to the Normans, ii. [395];
  • plots against him, ii. [395], [399];
  • his Whitsun gemót, ii. [399];
  • loyalty of the Church and people to, ii. [401], [410], [411];
  • fusion of Normans and English under, ii. [401], [455];
  • peace of his reign, ii. [402], [454];
  • his levy against Robert’s invasion, ii. [403];
  • desertion of some of his fleet, ii. [404], [686];
  • and of certain of the nobles, ii. [409];
  • his nickname of Hartsfoot, [ib.];
  • his trust in Anselm, and promises to him, ii. [410], [411];
  • his exhortation to his army, ii. [411];
  • his negotiations with Robert, ii. [412];
  • their personal meeting and treaty, ii. [412–415], [538], [688–691];
  • his schemes against the great barons, ii. [415];
  • his rewards and punishments, ii. [417];
  • his action against Robert of Bellême, ii. [421], [422];
  • negotiates against him with Duke Robert, ii. [426];
  • besieges Arundel, ii. [428];
  • Arundel and Tickhill surrender to him, ii. [428], [429];
  • his faith pledged for Robert of Bellême’s life, ii. [430], [438];
  • his Shropshire campaign, ii. [432] et seq.;
  • besieges Bridgenorth, ii. [435–444];
  • division of feeling in his army, ii. [437];
  • appeal of his army to, ii. [438];
  • his dealings with the Welsh, ii. [439], [451–453];
  • surrender of Bridgenorth to, ii. [444];
  • his march to Shrewsbury, ii. [446–448];
  • Robert of Bellême submits to, ii. [448];
  • banishes him and his brothers, ii. [449], [450];
  • his later imprisonment of Robert of Bellême, i. 184, ii. [450];
  • banishes William of Mortain, ii. [453];
  • character and effects of his reign, ii. [454], [457];
  • the refounder of the English nation, ii. [455];
  • his compromise with Anselm, [ib.];
  • England reconciled to the Conquest under, ii. [456];
  • his correspondence with Anselm, ii. [579];
  • see of Carlisle founded by, i. 318;
  • at the consecration of Canterbury Cathedral, i. 597 (note);
  • his settlement of Flemings in Pembrokeshire, ii. 70 [(note)];
  • his second marriage, ii. 389 [(note)];
  • seizes on the treasure left by Magnus at Lincoln, ii. [624].
• Henry II.,
  • his blasphemy, i. 167;
  • question of the legatine power granted to, i. 526 (note);
  • estimate of his dispute with Thomas, i. 605.
• Henry VIII. compared with Francis I., i. 173 (note).
• Henry of Beaumont,
  • earldom of Warwick granted to, i. 472;
  • his influence in favour of the election of Henry I., ii. [348], [680];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • one of his inner council, ii. [362];
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366];
  • the owner of a burgess at Gloucester, ii. [564].
• Henry of Huntingdon as a contemporary writer, i. 9 (note).
• Henry of Port, his signature to the charter of Henry I., ii. [358].
• Henry, son of Nest and Henry I., ii. [379].
• Henry, son of Swegen, ii. [551].
• Heppo the balistarius, given as a surety to Bishop William, i. 114, 120.
• Herbert Losinga, Bishop of Thetford,
  • buys the see for himself, i. 354, ii. [568];
  • and the Abbey of New Minster for his father, i. 355;
  • repents, and receives his bishopric from the Pope, i. 355, ii. [568];
  • anger of Rufus thereat, i. 356, ii. [569];
  • not present at Anselm’s consecration, i. 429;
  • deprived by Rufus, i. 448, ii. [569];
  • restored to his see, i. 449, ii. [569];
  • moves the see to Norwich, [ib.]
• Hereditary right, growth of, i. 280.
• Hereford, seized by Robert of Lacy, i. 46.
• Herfast, Bishop of Thetford, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. [268].
• Herlwin, Abbot of Glastonbury, his appointment, ii. [360].
• Hervey, Bishop of Bangor, at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. [317].
• Hiesmois, war in, ii. [428].
• Hildebert, Bishop of Le Mans,
  • his election accepted by Helias, ii. [211], [625];
  • his character, ii. [212];
  • anger of William Rufus at his election, ii. [213], [625];
  • negotiates for the release of Helias, ii. [238], [625], [628–630];
  • at the head of the municipal council of Le Mans, ii. [226], [238];
  • welcomes William Rufus into Le Mans, ii. [240];
  • reconciled to him, ii. [297], [626];
  • charges brought against, [ib.];
  • ordered to pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. [297], [298], [654];
  • receives the kiss of peace from Rotrou’s mother, ii. 373 [(note)];
  • translated to the see of Tours, ii. [212];
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. [580].
• Hildebert II., Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, his buildings, i. 284.
• Hilgot of Le Mans, ii. [201].
• Holm Peel, Island of, Magnus at, ii. [141].
• Honour, law of,
  • as practised by William Rufus, i. 85, 92, 169, 408, ii. [14], [237], [244];
  • Palgrave on, ii. [508].
• Hook. W. F., his estimate of Anselm, i. 326 (note).
• Howard, family of, ii. 430 [(note)].
• Howel, Bishop of Le Mans,
  • his loyalty to Duke Robert, i. 205, 208, ii. [198];
  • story of his appointment, i. 205;
  • consecrated at Rouen, i. 207, 208;
  • his conduct during the famine, i. 208;
  • imprisoned by Helias, ii. [198], [624];
  • liberated by him, ii. [199];
  • flees to Robert and is bidden to return, ii. [200];
  • his disputes with Hugh and with his chapter, ii. [201];
  • comes to England, [ib.];
  • his reconciliation and return, ii. [202];
  • his friendship with Helias, ii. [204];
  • translates Saint Julian, [ib.];
  • his buildings, ii. [205], [634] et seq., [656];
  • entertains Urban, ii. [205];
  • his sickness, [ib.];
  • and death, ii. [210];
  • foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral signed by, i. 309 (note).
• Howel, Welsh prince, flees to Ireland, ii. [301].
• Howel, son of Goronwy,
  • besieges Pembroke, ii. [108];
  • grants to, by Henry I., ii. [452].
• Hubert of Rye, his alleged share in the accession of William the Conqueror, ii. [463].
• Hucher, M., on Le Mans, ii. [631].
• Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons,
  • denounces Philip’s adulterous marriage, ii. [173];
  • advises Anselm to return after the death of Rufus, ii. [364];
  • Anselm’s letter to, i. 419, ii. [571], [576].
• Hugh, Saint, his foreign origin, i. 365.
• Hugh of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings at and gifts to Le Mans, ii. [639], [640].
• Hugh, Abbot of Clugny, his dream about William Rufus, ii. [341], [666].
• Hugh, Abbot of Flavigny,
  • his story of the mission of Abbot Geronto, ii. [588];
  • marvellous tales told by, ii. [589];
  • his chronicle and career, [ib.]
• Hugh or Hugolin with the Beard, ii. [489].
• Hugh the Great, brother of King Philip, goes on the first crusade, i. 350.
• Hugh of Avranches, Earl of Chester,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. 34, 62;
  • supports Henry, i. 221;
  • surrenders his castle to William, i. 283;
  • his alleged advice to Henry, ii. [530];
  • joins Henry, i. 320;
  • castle of Saint James granted to, i. 323, ii. [540];
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. 380;
  • his changes at Saint Werburh’s at Chester, i. 381, 382;
  • seeks help from Anselm, i. 382;
  • his sickness and messages to Anselm, i. 383;
  • summoned by William Rufus to Eu, i. 469;
  • goes to England, i. 470;
  • his share in the conspiracy of Robert of Mowbray, ii. [38];
  • urges the mutilation of William of Eu, ii. [64];
  • his advance in Anglesey, ii. [97];
  • his last expedition to Anglesey, ii. [129–146], 619;
  • bribes the wikings, ii. [130];
  • his cruelty to the captives, ii. [131], [132];
  • makes peace with Magnus, ii. [145];
  • Anglesey and North Wales subdued by, ii. [146];
  • compared with Robert of Bellême, ii. [150];
  • hastens to acknowledge Henry I. as king, ii. [362];
  • one of Henry’s inner council, [ib.];
  • his death, ii. [410];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536];
  • Anselm’s letter of rebuke to, ii. [580].
• Hugh Bardolf, gate of Montfort Castle named after, ii. [254].
• Hugh, of Beaumont,
  • reads the charge against Bishop William, i. 98;
  • defies him, i. 101.
• Hugh, Earl of Bedford, i. 98 (note), ii. 419 [(note)].
• Hugh of Buckland, Sheriff of Berkshire, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. [665].
• Hugh of Dun, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. [665].
• Hugh of Este, son of Azo,
  • sent for by the men of Maine, ii. [195], [198];
  • his succession accepted by Helias, ii. [197];
  • reaches Le Mans, ii. [200];
  • his dispute with Bishop Howel, ii. [201];
  • reconciled to him, ii. [202];
  • his unpopularity, [ib.];
  • puts away his wife and is excommunicated, [ib.];
  • bought out by Helias, ii. [203].
• Hugh of Evermouth, i. 571.
• Hugh of Grantmesnil,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 34;
  • his ravages, i. 36;
  • strengthens his castle against Robert of Bellême, i. 274;
  • his death and burial, i. 473.
• Hugh of Jaugy, i. 565, ii. [123].
• Hugh of Lacy, grant of his brother’s estates to, ii. [63].
• Hugh, Count of Meulan, i. 185.
• Hugh of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 57;
  • succeeds his father in England, i. 473;
  • buys his pardon of Rufus, ii. [62];
  • his expedition into Anglesey, ii. [129–144], [619];
  • bribes the wikings, ii. [130];
  • his cruelty to the captives, ii. [131], [132];
  • his death, ii. [144], [618–621];
  • his burial, ii. [145];
  • effects of his death, ii. [147], [150], [618].
• Hugh of Port, i. 117, 120.
• Humbald, Archdeacon of Salisbury, ii. [384].
• Humbert, Count of Maurienne, Anselm’s letter to, ii. [580].

I.

• Ida, Countess of Boulogne, her correspondence with Anselm, i. 374, 384, ii. [571], [581].
• Ilchester,
  • description of, i. 43;
  • besieged by Robert of Mowbray, ib.
• Ingemund,
  • sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. [138];
  • his death, [ib.]
• Ingulf, prior of Norwich, ii. [569].
• Investiture,
  • royal right of, i. 345, 346;
  • not questioned by Anselm, i. 403;
  • change in his views in regard to, i. 404;
  • forbidden by the Council of Clermont, i. 548;
  • dispute between Henry I. and Anselm, ii. [375] et seq.;
  • Anselm’s letters about, ii. [579], [584].
• Iona, isle of,
  • Margaret’s gifts to, ii. [21];
  • Duncan buried at, ii. 36 [(note)];
  • spared by Magnus, ii. [141].
• Ireland,
  • designs of William the Conqueror on, ii. [94];
  • of William Rufus on, ii. [93];
  • of Magnus of Norway on, ii. [136], [141], [620].
• Irish, help Rhys and Gruffydd, i. 121, 122.
• Isabel or Elizabeth of Vermandois, daughter of Hugh the Great,
  • married to Robert of Meulan, i. 187 (note), 551;
  • her marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 551 (note);
  • her second marriage, i. 187 (note).
• Isabel, daughter of Robert of Meulan, mistress of Henry I., i. 187 (note), ii. [380].
• Isabel of Montfort, wife of Ralph of Conches,
  • her rivalry with Heloise of Evreux, i. 231–234, 245;
  • her character, i. 233;
  • takes the veil, i. 233 (note), 271.
• Isabel, daughter of William of Breteuil, given in marriage to Ascelin Goel, i. 243, 268 (note).
• Ivo, Bishop of Chartres,
  • his advice to Anselm, i. 367 (note);
  • denounces the marriage of Isabel and Robert of Meulan, i. 551 (note);
  • protests against the marriage of King Philip and Bertrada, i. 559 (note), ii. [173].
• Ivo of Grantmesnil,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 552;
  • called the “rope-dancer,” i. 565 (note);
  • plots against Henry, ii. [395];
  • harries his neighbours’ lands, ii. [417];
  • his trial and conviction, [ib.];
  • his bargain with Robert of Meulan, ii. [418];
  • his relations with Leicester, [ib.]
• Ivo, son of Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. [418].
• Ivo Taillebois,
  • his action in the case of Bishop William, i. 114, 115;
  • holds Kirkby Kendal, ii. [549].
• Ivo of Veci, lord of Alnwick, ii. [596].
• Ivor, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. [107].
• Ivry,
  • granted to William of Breteuil, i. 194;
  • lost by him, i. 243;
  • claimed by Robert of Meulan, ib.

J.

• Jarrow, Tynemouth granted to, ii. [18], [605].
• Jeronto, Abbot. See [Geronto].
• Jerusalem, kingdom of, said to have been refused by Duke Robert, i. 566.
• Jerusalem, Patriarch of, Wulfstan’s correspondence with, i. 479.
• Jestin, son of Gwrgan,
  • story of him and Einion, ii. [80];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [81], [614];
  • his descendants, ii. 81 [(note)], [82], [87];
  • his alleged long life, ii. [614].
• Jews,
  • settle in England, i. 160;
  • their position, ib.;
  • favoured by Rufus, i. 161;
  • compared with the Sicilian Saracens, ib.;
  • dispute between their rabbis and English bishops, ib.;
  • converts forced to apostatize by Rufus, i. 162, 614, ii. [504].
• John, King, his devotion to the shrine of Wulfstan, i. 481.
• John of Tours,
  • bishopric of Somerset granted to, i. 136, ii. [483];
  • removes the see to Bath, [ib.];
  • his doings at Wells and at Bath, i. 138, ii. [486];
  • his architectural works, i. 138;
  • assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, i. 309;
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • Anselm confers with him at Winchester, i. 586;
  • at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. [61];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• John, Bishop of Tusculum, ii. [488].
• John, Abbot of Telesia, i. 615.
• John, Prior of Bath, letter of Anselm to, ii. [490].
• John, son of Odo of Bayeux, ii. [488].
• John of La Flèche, father of Helias, ii. [196].
• Jones, Longueville, on Penmon and Aberlleiniog, ii. 130 [(note)].
• Jorwerth, son of Bleddyn,
  • becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. [424];
  • his action on behalf of Robert, ii. [433];
  • promises of Henry I. to, ii. [439];
  • influences the Welsh on his behalf, ii. [440], [442];
  • his war with his brothers, ii. [451];
  • Henry’s want of faith to, [ib.];
  • his trial and imprisonment, ii. [452];
  • his later history, ii. [453].
• Judith, wife of Tostig, her invention of Saint Oswine’s body, ii. [18], [604].
• Julian, Saint, translation of his body, ii. [204].
• Juliana, natural daughter of Henry I., i. 201, ii. [380].
• Jurwine, son of King Anna of East-Anglia, ii. 268 [(note)].
• Justice, technical use of the word, i. 191 (note).
• Justiciarship, growth of the office under Flambard, i. 331.

K.

• Kenfig, borough of, ii. [88].
• Kidwelly, ii. [86];
  • conquest of, ii. [102];
  • granted to Howell, ii. [451].
• Kings, doctrine of their immunity from drowning, ii. [284], [647], [648], [651].
• Kirkby Kendal, held by Ivo Taillebois, ii. [549].
• Knights,
  • privileges granted to, by Henry I., ii. [355];
  • effect of this grant, ii. [356].

L.

• La Chartre, castle of, ii. [275].
• La Ferté Saint Samson, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. 230.
• La Flèche,
  • Helias withdraws to, ii. [275];
  • castle of, ii. [276].
• La Houlme, castle of,
  • held by Rufus, i. 462;
  • taken by Robert, i. 465.
• La Lude, castle of, ii. [275].
• La Roche Guyon, castle of, ii. [180], [181].
• Lagman, son of Godred Crouan, ii. [137].
• Laigle, town of, i. 73 (note).
• Lambert, chaplain to Ida of Boulogne, ii. [581].
• Lambeth,
  • grant of, to Rochester, ii. [506];
  • given in exchange to Canterbury, [ib.]
• Land, tenure of, Flambard’s theory of, i. 337.
• Lanfranc,
  • his special agency in the accession of William Rufus, i. 10, 12, ii. [459];
  • his grief at the death of William the Conqueror, i. 15;
  • crowns William Rufus, ib.;
  • binds him to follow his counsel, i. 16, ii. [460];
  • attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, i. 18;
  • Odo’s hatred towards, i. 24, 53 (note);
  • his loyalty to William, i. 63;
  • his part in the meeting at Salisbury, i. 95, 119;
  • his view of vestments, i. 95;
  • his position as regards that of Bishop William, i. 97;
  • his answer to Bishop Geoffrey, i. 100;
  • to Bishop William, i. 105, 110;
  • interposes on his behalf, i. 113;
  • his death, i. 140;
  • its effect on William Rufus, i. 141, 142, 148 (note);
  • his position in England and Normandy, i. 141;
  • buried at Christ Church, i. 142;
  • his relations with William the Conqueror, i. 328;
  • compared with Anselm, i. 368, 456;
  • advises Anselm to become a monk of Bec, i. 371.
• Lanfranc, nephew of Archbishop Lanfranc, ii. [575].
• Laodikeia, Eadgar and Robert at, i. 564.
• Lateran,
  • Council of (1099), i. 607, 621;
  • destruction of the apse, i. 607 (note).
• Leckhampsted, lands at, taken from Abingdon Abbey, ii. [665].
• Legitimacy, growth of the doctrine of, i. 280.
• Le Hardy,
  • M. Gaston, quoted, i. 145 (note);
  • his apology for Duke Robert, i. 175 (note).
• Leicester,
  • college at, founded by Robert of Meulan, ii. [420];
  • foundation of the abbey, [ib.];
  • churches at, ii. 420 [(note)].
• Leicester, earldom of, its origin, ii. [418].
• Le Mans,
  • temporal relations of the bishopric, i. 207;
  • under an interdict, ii. [199];
  • claims of the Norman dukes over the bishopric, ii. [200], [212];
  • Howel’s buildings at, ii. [205];
  • Pope Urban’s visit to, [ib.];
  • welcomes Duke Robert’s host, i. 209;
  • new municipality of, ii. [226];
  • garrisoned by Fulk, ii. [232], [628];
  • besieged by Rufus, ii. [233–235];
  • siege of, raised, ii. [235];
  • submits to Rufus, ii. [238], [628];
  • fortresses of, ii. [239], [631];
  • entry of Rufus into the town, ii. [240];
  • description of the church, [ib.];
  • recovered by Helias, ii. [278];
  • the castles still held for Rufus, ii. [279];
  • compared with the deliverance of York, [ib.];
  • burning of, ii. [280];
  • modern destruction at, ii. 281 [(note)];
  • William’s march against, ii. [287];
  • flight of the citizens, ii. [288];
  • William’s treatment of, ii. [295], [296];
  • orders the destruction of the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. [297], [654];
  • description of the towers, ii. [299], [655];
  • return of Helias to, ii. [370];
  • action of the garrison, ii. [370–373];
  • palace of the counts at, ii. [632], [656];
  • dates of the building, ii. [632–639], [656];
  • burning of, ii. [638].
• Leofwine, Dean of Durham, ii. [605].
• Lewes,
  • held by William of Warren, i. 59;
  • customs of, i. 59 (note);
  • William of Warren’s death and burial at, i. 62 (note), 76.
• Lewis VI. of France (the Fat), ii. [170];
  • Bertrada’s schemes against him, ii. [174];
  • grant of the Vexin to, ii. [175];
  • refuses to cede the Vexin to William Rufus, ii. [176];
  • his difficulties in the war with William, ii. [178];
  • betrothed to a daughter of Guy the Red Knight, ii. [519];
  • his letter to Anselm, ii. [580].
• Lewis IX. of France (Saint Lewis),
  • his ordinance against blasphemy, i. 167;
  • his walls at Rouen, i. 252.
• Ligulf, father of Morkere, ii. [605].
• Limoges, massacre of, i. 173 (note).
• Lincoln,
  • its connexion with Norway, ii. [134];
  • Jews at, i. 160 (note);
  • prevalence of the slave-trade at, i. 310;
  • completion of the minster, ib.;
  • Thomas of York claims jurisdiction over, i. 311, 433;
  • consecration delayed by the death of Remigius, i. 312;
  • see kept vacant by Rufus, i. 356, 381;
  • jurisdiction over again claimed by Thomas of York, i. 433;
  • compromise concerning, i. 447.
• Lindesey, jurisdiction of, claimed by Thomas of York, i. 311.
• Lindisfarn, Isle of, ii. 50 [(note)].
• Llancarfan, church of, granted to Gloucester abbey, ii. [84].
• Llandaff, see of, ii. [86], [89].
• Llanrhidian Castle, ii. [103].
• Llantrissant, ii. [88].
• Llantwit, church of, granted to Tewkesbury, ii. [84].
• Llywelyn, son of Cadwgan, his death, ii. [301].
• Loir, Castle of the. See [Château-du-Loir].
• London,
  • Jews settle in, i. 160;
  • great wind and fire in, i. 308;
  • buildings of William Rufus in, ii. [258], [261];
  • growth of its greatness, ii. [261];
  • dogs of, mentioned by Hugh of Flavigny, ii. [589].
• London Bridge, ii. [259], [260], [261].
• London, Tower of. See [Tower of London].
• Longueville, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. 231.
• Lonlay Abbey, foundation charter of, ii. [539].
• Lords, House of,
  • foreshadowed by the inner Council of the Witan, i. 603;
  • gradual developement of, ii. [58].
• Losinga, origin of the name, ii. [570].
• Lothian, question as to the homage of Malcolm for, i. 303, ii. [541] et seq.
• Luca, per vultum de,
  • favourite oath of William Rufus, i. 108, 112, 164, 289, 391, 511 (note), ii. 61 [(note)], [503], [650];
  • meaning of the phrase, ii. [503].
• Lucan, whether quoted by Rufus, ii. [642], [647].
• Lugubalia. See [Carlisle].
• Lund, archbishopric of, ii. [582].
• Lurçon, castle of, ii. [216].

M.

• Mabel, wife of Earl Roger, poisons Arnold of Escalfoi and seizes on Saint Cenery, i. 215.
• Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, marries Robert of Gloucester, ii. [83].
• Maelgwyn, i. 124.
• Magnus Barefoot, king of Norway,
  • his expedition into Britain, ii. [133] et seq., [617–624];
  • character of his reign, ii. [133];
  • his surnames, [ib.];
  • professes friendship for England, [ib.];
  • his sons, [ib.];
  • his treasure at Lincoln, ii. [134], [624];
  • his designs on Ireland, ii. [136], [141], [620];
  • his alleged Irish marriage, ii. [136], [622];
  • his voyage among the islands, ii. [136], [140–142];
  • legend of him and Saint Olaf, ii. [139];
  • seizes the Earls of Orkney, ii. [140];
  • grants the earldom to Sigurd, [ib.];
  • his dealings with Galloway, ii. [141];
  • occupies Man, [ib.];
  • approaches Anglesey, ii. [143], [619], [621];
  • kills Hugh of Shrewsbury, ii. [144], [620], [621];
  • makes peace with Hugh of Chester, ii. [145];
  • his designs on Anglesey, [ib.];
  • his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. [146], [622];
  • and with Scotland, ii. [147];
  • Arnulf of Montgomery negotiates with, ii. [426];
  • his second voyage round Britain, ii. [442];
  • his castle-building in Man, [ib.];
  • refuses help to Robert of Bellême, ii. [443], [623], [624];
  • his death, ii. [451];
  • described as “rex Germaniæ,” ii. [619], [620].
• Magnus, Saint, murdered by Hakon, ii. [582].
• Maine,
  • history of, under the Conqueror, i. 203;
  • dissatisfaction in, under Robert, i. 204;
  • alleged derivation of its name, i. 205;
  • submits to Robert, i. 209;
  • stipulation about, in the treaty of Caen, i. 277, ii. [524];
  • men of, send for Hugh son of Azo as their ruler, ii. [195];
  • revolts against Robert, ii. [197];
  • peace of, under Helias, ii. [204];
  • cession of, demanded by William Rufus, ii. [208];
  • his designs on, ii. [213];
  • attacked by Robert of Bellême, [ib.];
  • geographical character of the war, ii. [214];
  • beginning of the war of William Rufus in, ii. [167], [215];
  • castles of Robert of Bellême in, ii. [216];
  • teaching of its landscapes, ii. [219];
  • castles of, ii. [219–221];
  • contrasted with England, ii. [220];
  • general submission of, to William Rufus, ii. [241];
  • extent of his conquests in, ii. [245];
  • southern part harried by Rufus, ii. [288];
  • no bribery in, ii. [290];
  • later fortune of, ii. [374].
• Malchus, Bishop of Waterford, consecrated by Anselm, i. 544.
• Malcolm III., King of Scots,
  • invades Northumberland, i. 295;
  • driven back, i. 296;
  • his relations with Robert, i. 297;
  • meets William Rufus at Scots’ Water, i. 301;
  • negotiates with him through Robert, i. 302;
  • two versions of the negotiations, i. 302–304, ii. [540–545];
  • his alleged homage to Robert, i. 302, ii. [542];
  • question as to his earlier betrothal to Margaret, i. 303, ii. [542];
  • as to the homage for Lothian, i. 303, ii. [541] et seq.;
  • does homage to Rufus, i. 304, ii. [541];
  • his correspondence with Wulfstan, i. 479;
  • his complaints against Rufus, ii. [8];
  • summoned to Gloucester, ii. [9], [590];
  • lays one of the foundation-stones of Durham Abbey, ii. [11];
  • much of his dominions in Durham diocese, ii. [12];
  • Rufus refuses to see him at Gloucester, i. 410, ii. [13], [590];
  • dispute between them, ii. [13];
  • returns to Scotland, ii. [14];
  • invades England, ii. [15], [592];
  • English feeling towards, ii. [16], [595];
  • slain at Alnwick, i. 410, ii. [5], [16], [592];
  • alleged treachery towards him, ii. [16], [592] et seq.;
  • his burial at Tynemouth, ii. [17];
  • translated to Dunfermline, ii. [18];
  • local estimate of his death, ii. [19];
  • his devotion to Margaret, ii. [20];
  • acts as her interpreter, ii. [23];
  • his visit to Romsey, ii. [31], [600];
  • what languages he spoke, ii. [591].
• Malling, Gundulf’s tower at, i. 70.
• Malpeter, Mormaor of Mærne, ii. [36].
• Malvoisin, towers so called, use of, ii. [51], [435], [520], [608].
• Mamers, castle of, ii. [216], [217].
• Man,
  • the centre of Godred Crouan’s dominion, ii. [136];
  • civil war in, ii. [138];
  • occupied by Magnus, ii. [141], [619];
  • his designs with regard to, ii. [142], [620];
  • his castle-building in, ii. [442].
• Manorbeer Castle, birthplace of Giraldus, ii. [95].
• Mantes,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. [175];
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. [176].
• Margam Abbey, ii. [89].
• Margaret, daughter of Eadward,
  • question as to her earlier betrothal to Malcolm, i. 303, ii. [542];
  • her correspondence with Wulfstan, i. 479;
  • her character, ii. [20];
  • her influence on Malcolm, ii. [20], [23];
  • her education of their children, ii. [21];
  • her reforms, ii. [22];
  • increases the pomp of the Scottish court, ii. [23];
  • Scottish feeling towards, ii. [25], [28], [597];
  • hears of her husband’s death, ii. [26], [592], [594];
  • versions of her death, ii. [26–28];
  • her burial at Dunfermline, ii. [28], [597].
• Margaret of Mortagne, wife of Henry of Warwick, ii. [348].
• Marriage, lord’s right of,
  • growth of, under Rufus, i. 336;
  • peculiar to England and Normandy, i. 340;
  • restrained by the charter of Henry I., ii. [353].
• Mary, daughter of Malcolm,
  • brought up in Romsey Abbey, ii. [31], [598];
  • marries Eustace of Boulogne, ii. [31].
• Matilda of Flanders, Queen,
  • lands of, claimed by Henry, i. 195, 197;
  • they are granted to Robert Fitz-hamon, i. 198.
• Matilda, or Eadgyth, Queen, wife of Henry I.,
  • her sojourn at Romsey, ii. [31], [599];
  • her relations with Henry, [ib.];
  • tale of her and William Rufus, ii. [32], [600];
  • sought in marriage by Alan of Richmond, ii. [602];
  • sought in marriage by Henry, ii. [31], [382];
  • her beauty and learning, ii. [382];
  • policy of the marriage, ii. [383];
  • wishes to appoint Eadwulf abbot of Malmesbury, ii. 383 [(note)];
  • objections to the marriage, ii. [384], [683];
  • appeals to Anselm, [ib.];
  • declared free to marry, ii. [385];
  • other versions of the story, ii. [385–387], [683] et seq.;
  • later fables about her marriage, ii. [387], [684], [685];
  • her marriage and coronation, ii. [387], [388];
  • takes the name of Matilda, ii. [305], [388];
  • her nickname of Godgifu, ii. [389];
  • her children, [ib.];
  • her character, ii. [390];
  • known as “good Queen Mold,” ii. [391];
  • Robert’s generosity to her, ii. [406];
  • baptized by the name of Eadgyth, ii. [598];
  • god-daughter of Duke Robert, ii. [602].
• Matilda, Empress, daughter of Henry I. and Matilda, ii. [389].
• Matilda, wife of Stephen, and granddaughter of Malcolm, ii. [31].
• Matilda, Abbess of Caen, Anselm’s letter to, ii. [579].
• Matilda, Countess of Perche, natural daughter of Henry the First, ii. [379].
• Matilda, wife of Helias of La Flèche, ii. [196].
• Matilda of Laigle,
  • marries Robert of Mowbray, i. 243 (note), ii. [38];
  • holds out at Bamburgh, ii. [54], [609];
  • yields to save her husband’s eyes, ii. [54];
  • her second marriage and divorce, ii. [55], [612].
• Matilda, wife of William of Bellême, signs the foundation-charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. [539].
• Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, marries David of Scotland, ii. [124].
• Matilda of Wallingford, her foundation at Oakburn, i. 376 (note).
• Matthew, Count of Beaumont, helps to defend Courcy, ii. [519].
• Matthew Paris, his version of the accession of William Rufus, ii. [461].
• Maule, fortress of, ii. [251], [253].
• Maurice, Bishop of London,
  • his dispute with Anselm, i. 440;
  • crowns Henry I., ii. [350], [681];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • false story of his approaching death brought to Flambard, ii. [560].
• Mayet Castle, ii. [196];
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. [275];
  • siege of, ii. [289–294], 652;
  • raising of the siege, ii. [294], [653];
  • description of, ii. [652].
• Mediolanum. See [Evreux].
• Mercenaries,
  • employment of under William Rufus, i. 134, 153, 226, ii. [496];
  • their presence tends to promote the fusion of English and Normans, i. 134;
  • their wrong-doings, i. 154, ii. [498];
  • statute of Henry I. against, [ib.]
• Meredydd, son of Bleddyn,
  • becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. [424];
  • his action on his behalf, ii. [442].
• Merewine of Chester-le-Street, signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Meulan, importance of its position, ii. [183].
• Mevania. See [Anglesey].
• Milford Haven, ii. [95].
• Mona. See [Anglesey].
• Monacledin, Duncan slain at, ii. 36 [(note)].
• Monarches, use of the title, ii. [484].
• Montacute (near Saint Cenery), castle of, besieged by Duke Robert and destroyed, i. 469 (note).
• Montacute Priory, ii. [120].
• Mont Barbé, castle of, at Le Mans, i. 239, 361.
• Montbizot, ii. [232].
• Mont-de-la-Nue, castle of, ii. [216].
• Montfort l’Amaury,
  • fortress of, ii. [251], [253];
  • church of, ii. [254];
  • defended by the younger Simon, [ib.]
• Montgomery (in Wales),
  • castle of, ii. [77];
  • taken by the Welsh, ii. [104].
• Morel,
  • slays Malcolm, ii. [16], [593];
  • plunders Norwegian ships, ii. [40];
  • holds out at Bamburgh, ii. [54], [610];
  • turns king’s-evidence, ii. [55];
  • his end, ii. [69];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Moreldene, ii. [17].
• Morgan, son of Jestin, ii. 81 [(note)].
• Morganwg,
  • distinguished from Glamorgan, ii. [85];
  • conquest of, see [Glamorgan].
• Morkere, son of Ælfgar,
  • re-imprisoned by William, i. 13, 14;
  • his signature to a charter of William of Saint-Calais, i. 14 (note).
• Moses of Canterbury, ii. [573].
• Motte de Gauthier-le-Clincamp, castle of, ii. [216].
• Mowbray Castle, granted to Nigel of Albini, ii. [612].
• Murtagh, Muirchertach, or Murchard,
  • calls himself king of Ireland, i. 544;
  • Anselm’s letters to, i. 545 (note), ii. [581];
  • his answer to the threat of William Rufus, ii. [94];
  • drives Godred Crouan out of Dublin, ii. [137];
  • sends Donald to the Sudereys, [ib.];
  • his dealings with Magnus of Norway, ii. [146], [622], [624];
  • marries his daughter to Sigurd, ii. [136], [146], [443], [622];
  • Arnulf of Montgomery’s dealings with, ii. [425], [426], [442].
• Mutilation, feeling with regard to, i. 548 (note), ii. [64].

N.

• Neath, borough and abbey of, ii. [88], [89].
• Neauphlé-le-Château, ii. [251];
  • defended by the elder Simon of Montfort, ii. [253].
• Nest, wife of Bernard of Newmarch,
  • her descent, ii. [90];
  • her faithlessness to her husband, ii. [91];
  • her grant to Battle Abbey, ii. 91 [(note)].
• Nest,
  • wife of Gerald of Windsor, ii. [97], 110 [(note)];
  • her relations with Henry I., ii. [97], 110 [(note)], [379].
• Nest, daughter of Jestin, marries Einion, ii. [80].
• Neufchâtel-en-Bray, i. 236 (note).
• Neuilly, Robert of Bellême imprisoned at, i. 199.
• Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
  • defended by Robert of Mowbray, ii. [46];
  • taken by William Rufus, ii. [47], [607].
• New Forest,
  • its supposed connexion with the Saxon colony at Carlisle, i. 316, ii. [550];
  • death of Richard son of Duke Robert there, ii. [316];
  • various versions of the death of William Rufus in, ii. [325] et seq.
• Nicolas, Bishop of Llandaff, his charter, ii. 84 [(note)].
• Nidaros. See [Trondhjem].
• Nigel of Albini,
  • his marriages, ii. [55], [612];
  • Mowbray Castle granted to, ii. [612].
• Nithing Proclamation of William, i. 78.
• Nivard of Septeuil, ii. [252].
• Nomenclature of Wales compared with that of England, ii. [75].
• Nomenclature, personal, illustrations of, ii. [489], [551], [577].
• Norham Castle, founded by Flambard, ii. [272].
• Norman Conquest,
  • at once completed and undone under Rufus and under Henry I., i. 3, 7, 130, ii. [456];
  • England reconciled to it by Henry I., ii. [456];
  • compared with that of Wales, ii. [72].
• Norman nobles,
  • revolt against William Rufus, i. 22 et seq., ii. [465] et seq.;
  • refuse to attend the Easter Gemôt, i. 32;
  • amnesty granted to, by Rufus, i. 88;
  • accepted as Englishmen, i. 132;
  • some loyal to Rufus, i. 62;
  • second revolt of, ii. [37].
• Normandy,
  • chief seat of warfare in the reign of Rufus, i. 178;
  • contrasted with England, ib.;
  • temptations for the invasion of Rufus, i. 188;
  • under Robert, i. 189, 190;
  • spread of vice in, i. 192;
  • building of castles in, ib.;
  • its rivalry with France, i. 201;
  • Rufus’s invasion of, agreed to by the Witan, i. 222–224;
  • its relations with England and France, i. 240;
  • private wars in, i. 241–244;
  • Orderic’s picture of, i. 271;
  • Rufus crosses over to, i. 273;
  • compared with England, i. 468;
  • her share in the first crusade, i. 547;
  • pledged to Rufus by Robert, i. 555;
  • Rufus takes possession of, i. 566;
  • his rule in, i. 567, 569, 570;
  • renewed anarchy in, on his death, ii. [366].
• Normannus. See [Northman].
• Normans and English,
  • fusion of, i. 130, 134, ii. [401], [455];
  • use of the words, ii. [649].
• Northallerton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, i. 535.
• Northampton,
  • architectural arrangements of the castle, i. 601;
  • constitution of the Council of 1164, i. 602.
• Northman, monk of Christ Church, i. 140 (note).
• Northumberland, invaded by Malcolm, i. 296.
• Norwich, see of Thetford moved to, i. 449; ii. [569].

O.

• Oakburn, a cell of Bec, i. 376 (note).
• Odo, Bishop of Bayeux,
  • restored to his earldom, i. 19, ii. [467];
  • his discontent and intrigues, i. 23, 24, ii. [465];
  • his hatred towards Lanfranc, i. 24, 53 (note);
  • his harangue against William Rufus, i. 26, ii. [466];
  • his ravages in Kent, i. 52;
  • occupies Rochester Castle, i. 55;
  • invites Robert over, i. 56;
  • hated by the English, i. 67, 86;
  • moves to Pevensey, i. 70;
  • besieged therein by Rufus, i. 72–76;
  • surrenders on favourable terms, i. 76;
  • his treachery at Rochester, i. 77;
  • besieged therein, i. 79;
  • agrees to surrender, i. 80;
  • Rufus refuses his terms, i. 81;
  • pleadings made for, i. 83;
  • terms granted to, by Rufus, i. 85;
  • his humiliation and banishment, i. 85–87;
  • his influence with Duke Robert, i. 199;
  • his exhortation to him, i. 200;
  • marches with him into Maine, i. 208;
  • his further schemes, i. 211;
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 560;
  • his death and tomb at Palermo, i. 563, 571, ii. [307];
  • said to have married Philip and Bertrada, ii. [172].
• Odo, Abbot of Chertsey,
  • resigns his abbey, i. 350;
  • restored by Henry, ib.
• Odo of Champagne, lord of Holderness,
  • part of the lands of the see of Durham granted to, i. 90;
  • his agreement with the Bishop, i. 93;
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. 109, 117, 120;
  • confiscation of his lands, ii. [66].
• Odo, Duke of Burgundy, his alleged scheme against Anselm, i. 606.
• Ogmore Castle, ii. [86].
• Olaf, Saint, legend of him and Magnus, ii. [139].
• Olaf, son of Godred Crouan, ii. [137], [623].
• Oldbury, ii. [155].
• Omens, William Rufus sneers at the English regard for, ii. [330].
• Ordeal,
  • contempt of William Rufus for, i. 157, 165;
  • Eadmer’s belief in, i. 166 (note).
• Orderic,
  • writes Robert of Rhuddlan’s epitaph, i. 128;
  • his picture of Normandy, i. 271;
  • dictates his writings, i. 272 (note);
  • his account of the expedition of Magnus, ii. [142];
  • the only writer who mentions Eadgyth-Matilda’s change of name, ii. [687].
• Ordgar,
  • his charge against Eadgar Ætheling, ii. [115], [617];
  • story of his duel with Godwine, ii. [115–117], [617];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [117], [615];
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. [616].
• Ordwine, monk, Anselm’s letters to, ii. [579].
• Orkneys, invaded by Magnus, ii. [140].
• Orm, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Orm’s Head, the, origin of the name, i. 123 (note).
• Orricus de Stanton, ii. [555].
• Osbern, monk of Bec, various bearers of the name, i. 374 (note).
• Osbern, brother of Flambard, ii. [551].
• Osbern of Orgères, companion of Robert of Rhuddlan, i. 126.
• Osbern of Richard’s Castle, rebels against William Rufus, i. 33.
• Osgod Clapa, his irreverence towards Saint Eadmund, ii. [268].
• Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury,
  • sent with a summons to Bishop William, i. 116;
  • consecrates his cathedral, i. 309;
  • helps at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, i. 533;
  • Anselm confers with him at Winchester, i. 586;
  • receives William of Alderi’s confession, ii. [68];
  • not present at his hanging, [ib.];
  • his death, i. 351, ii. [302];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Oswald, Saint, King of the Northumbrians,
  • rebuilds the church of Tynemouth, ii. [17], [604];
  • his relic at Bamburgh, ii. [49], [608].
• Oswine, King of Deira,
  • his martyrdom, ii. [17];
  • invention of his relics, ii. [18], [603];
  • his translation, ii. [18], [606].
• Outillé Castle,
  • strengthened by Helias, ii. [275];
  • burned by him, ii. [288].
• Owen, son of Edwin, ii. [424].
• Oystermouth Castle, ii. [103].

P.

• Padua, siege of, i. 173 (note).
• Pagan or Theobald,
  • fortifies Gisors, ii. [186];
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. 186 [(note)], [190];
  • Gisors restored to, ii. [396].
• Pagan of Montdoubleau,
  • holds Ballon against Duke Robert, i. 209;
  • Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 (note);
  • betrays Ballon to William Rufus, ii. [235].
• Pagan of Turberville,
  • holds Coyty, ii. [87];
  • joins the Welsh, ii. [104].
• Palermo, death and tomb of Odo of Bayeux at, i. 563, 571, ii. [307].
• Palgrave, Sir F.,
  • on chivalry, ii. [508];
  • his condemnation of the crusades, ii. [509];
  • on the alleged Domesday of Randolf Flambard, ii. [562–564];
  • his belief in the legend about Purkis, ii. [679].
• Pallium,
  • elder usage as to, i. 482;
  • not needful for the validity of archiepiscopal acts, i. 483.
• Papacy, English feeling as to the schism in, i. 415.
• Paschal II., Pope,
  • speech of William Rufus on his election, i. 623;
  • Anselm’s letters to, ii. [582].
• Paul, Abbot of Saint Alban’s,
  • Anselm’s friendship with, i. 424;
  • his death, i. 424, ii. [18].
• Paul, Earl of Orkney,
  • taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. [140];
  • his death in Norway, ii. [140], [581].
• Paula, mother of Helias of La Flèche, ii. [196].
• Peckham manor,
  • mortgaged by Anselm to the monks of Christ Church, i. 559;
  • kept by the monks, i. 596.
• Peers, their right of trial, i. 604 (note).
• Pembroke Castle,
  • description of, ii. [96];
  • begun by Arnulf of Montgomery, [ib.];
  • later castle, [ib.];
  • defended by Gerald of Windsor, ii. [101], [108];
  • surrendered to Henry I. by Arnulf, ii. 450 [(note)];
  • grant of, by Henry I., ii. [451].
• Pembrokeshire,
  • Flemish settlement in, ii. 70 [(note)], [74], [88], [615];
  • building of castles in, ii. [93];
  • military character of its buildings, ii. [96].
• Penmon Priory, ii. [129], 130 [(note)].
• Penrice Castle, ii. [103].
• Percy, house of, beginning of its connexion with Alnwick, ii. [15], [596].
• Perray, castle of, ii. [216].
• Peter of Maule, ii. [252].
• Peterborough, monks of, buy a congé d’élire of Rufus, i. 352.
• Pevensey,
  • held by Robert of Mortain, i. 53, 62;
  • Odo moves to, i. 70;
  • castle of, i. 72;
  • besieged by William Rufus, i. 73–76;
  • attempted landing of the Normans at, i. 74, ii. [468], [481];
  • surrenders, i. 76;
  • Henry I. gathers his fleet at, ii. [404].
• Philip I. of France,
  • marches with Robert against Eu, i. 238;
  • bought off by William Rufus, i. 239;
  • historical importance of this bribe, ib.;
  • mediates between William Rufus and Robert, i. 275, ii. [522];
  • helps Robert against William, i. 463;
  • returns to France, i. 464;
  • bought off by William, i. 466;
  • his position compared with that of Helias of Maine, ii. [169];
  • rebuked by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 559 (note);
  • puts away his first wife, ii. [171];
  • seeks Emma of Sicily in marriage, ii. 171 [(note)];
  • his adulterous marriage with Bertrada of Montfort, i. 548, ii. [171], [172];
  • denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. [173];
  • his excommunication, i. 549, ii. [173];
  • his pretended divorce, ii. 173 [(note)];
  • his sons by Bertrada, ii. [174];
  • grants the Vexin to Lewis, ii. [175];
  • his letter to Anselm, ii. [580].
• Philip, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. [174].
• Philip of Braose, supports William Rufus, i. 472.
• Philip, son of Roger of Montgomery,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 552;
  • conspires against William Rufus, ii. [38];
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Piacenza,
  • Council of, i. 522, 545;
  • no mention of English affairs at, i. 522.
• Pipe Rolls, notices of nomenclature in, ii. [551].
• Poix, lordship of Walter Tirel, ii. [673].
• Ponthieu, acquired by Robert of Bellême, ii. [423].
• Pontlieue, victory of Helias at, ii. [278].
• Pontoise,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. [175];
  • claimed by William Rufus, ii. [176];
  • withstands William Rufus, ii. [185];
  • castle and town of, ii. [247];
  • the furthest point in the French campaign of William Rufus, ii. [248].
• Pope,
  • William of Saint-Calais appeals to, i. 103, 109;
  • first appeal made to, i. 119;
  • not to be acknowledged without the king’s consent, i. 414;
  • Anselm insists on the acknowledgement, i. 416;
  • question left unsettled, i. 424;
  • no reference to, in the case of English episcopal appointments, i. 425;
  • position of England towards, i. 496.
• Porchester,
  • Duke Robert lands at, ii. [405];
  • church and castle of, ii. 406 [(note)].
• Powys, advance of Earl Roger in, ii. [97].
• Prisoners, ransom of, i. 464.
• Purkis, the charcoal-burner, legend of, ii. [679].

Q.

• Quatford,
  • Danish fortification at, ii. [152];
  • castle of, ii. [153];
  • Earl Roger’s buildings at, ii. [154];
  • legend of the foundation of the church, ii. 154 [(note)].

R.

• Radegund, wife of Robert of Geroy, i. 469 (note).
• Radnor, ii. [77].
• Ralph Luffa,
  • Bishop of Chichester, i. 353;
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • whether a mediator between Henry I. and the garrison of Arundel, ii. 430 [(note)].
• Ralph, Bishop of Coutances, at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444.
• Ralph, Abbot of Seez, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury,
  • driven out by Robert of Bellême, i. 184, 242;
  • his alleged share in the surrender of Arundel, ii. 430 [(note)].
• Ralph of Aix, death of William Rufus attributed to, ii. [325], [334], [663].
• Ralph of Fresnay and Beaumont,
  • truce granted to, by William Rufus, ii. [230];
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. [231];
  • submits to William Rufus, ii. [241].
• Ralph of Mortemer,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 34;
  • submits to him, i. 231.
• Ralph Paganel, Sheriff of Yorkshire,
  • his treatment of William of Saint-Calais, i. 31;
  • founds Holy Trinity Priory, York, ib.;
  • his action in regard to Bishop William’s lands, i. 90;
  • at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 111.
• Ralph of Toesny, or Conches,
  • drives out the ducal forces, i. 193;
  • joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, i. 209;
  • his feud with William of Evreux, i. 231, 233, 245;
  • asks help in vain from Duke Robert, i. 234;
  • submits to Rufus, ib.;
  • his treaties with William of Evreux, i. 267, 270;
  • wars against Robert of Meulan, i. 270;
  • supports William Rufus in his second invasion, i. 472;
  • his death, i. 270;
  • entertains William Rufus, ii. [246].
• Ralph of Toesny, the younger, i. 233, 271.
• Ralph of Wacey, his nickname, ii. [193].
• Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, i. 552.
• Rama, siege of, ii. 117 [(note)], [122].
• Randolf Flambard, Bishop of Durham,
  • feudal developement under, i. 4;
  • his early history, i. 329, ii. [551];
  • said to have been Dean of Twinham, i. 330, ii. [553];
  • his parents, i. 331;
  • origin of his surname, i. 331, ii. [555];
  • his financial skill, i. 331;
  • his probable share in Domesday, i. 331, ii. [552];
  • his alleged new Domesday, i. 332, ii. [562];
  • Justiciar, i. 333, ii. [557];
  • his loss of land for the New Forest, i. 333;
  • his systematic changes and exactions, i. 333, 339, 346, 348;
  • his alleged spoliation of the rich, i. 334, 341;
  • systematizes the feudal tenures, i. 336 et seq.;
  • his theory of land tenure, i. 337;
  • extent of his changes, i. 340;
  • the law-giver of English feudalism, i. 341;
  • suggests the holding of the revenues of vacant sees, i. 345 et seq., ii. [564];
  • his action in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, i. 363 (note);
  • his suit against Anselm, i. 428;
  • attacks and imprisons Robert son of Godwine, ii. [121];
  • King Eadgar’s action towards, [ib.];
  • his exactions, ii. [256];
  • joint regent with Bishop Walkelin, ii. [266];
  • see of Durham granted to, ii. [271];
  • his consecration, [ib.];
  • character of the appointment, ii. [272];
  • his buildings at Durham, ii. [60], [272];
  • founds Norham Castle, [ib.];
  • his personal character, ii. [273];
  • his penitent end, ii. [274];
  • his dealings with Saint Alban’s Abbey, ii. 359 [(note)];
  • imprisoned by Henry, ii. [361];
  • his escape, ii. [397];
  • adventures of his mother, ii. [398];
  • stirs Duke Robert up against Henry, [ib.];
  • said to have brought about desertions to Duke Robert, ii. [404];
  • receives the revenues of the see of Lisieux under cover of his son, ii. [416];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536];
  • entries about, in Domesday, ii. [553];
  • his official position, ii. [557];
  • story of the attempt on his life, ii. [560];
  • his measurement by the rope, ii. [563].
• Randolf Meschines, Earl of Chester, grant of the earldom of Carlisle to, ii. [549].
• Randolf Peverel, ii. [485].
• Randolf, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. [269].
• Ransom, growth of the custom, i. 464.
• Rapes, in Sussex, origin of the name, ii. [564].
• Raymond, Count of Toulouse, refuses to do homage to Alexios, i. 564 (note).
• Redemption of land,
  • as devised by Flambard, i. 337;
  • as reformed by Henry I., i. 338, 353.
• Reginald, Abbot of Abingdon,
  • said to have helped in distributing the Conqueror’s treasure, ii. 265 [(note)];
  • his death, ii. 265 [(note)], 381 [(note)].
• Reginald of Saint Evroul, adorns Robert of Rhuddlan’s tomb, i. 128.
• Reginald of Warren, comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. 249, 253.
• Reingar, Bishop of Lucca, his protest in favour of Anselm, i. 622.
• Relief,
  • Flambard’s theory as to, i. 337, 338;
  • enforced by Henry’s charter, i. 338, ii. [353].
• Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln,
  • denounces the slave trade, i. 310;
  • completes the minster, ib.;
  • his dispute with Thomas of York, i. 311;
  • wins over William Rufus, ib.;
  • his death, i. 312;
  • alleged miracles at his tomb, i. 312 (note);
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Rémusat, Charles de, his Life of Anselm, i. 325 (note).
• Rhuddlan,
  • attacked by Gruffydd, i. 122;
  • castle of, ii. [77].
• Rhyd-y-gors Castle,
  • built by William Rufus, ii. [97];
  • defence of, ii. [101];
  • gained by the Welsh, ii. [106].
• Rhys ap Tewdwr, King of Deheubarth,
  • driven from and restored to his kingdom, i. 121;
  • his attack on Rhuddlan Castle, i. 122, ii. [78];
  • his defeat and death at Brecknock, ii. [91];
  • effect of his death, ii. [92].
• Rhys ap Thomas, Sir, ii. 95 [(note)].
• Richard I., compared with William Rufus, i. 290.
• Richard II., recasts Westminster Hall, ii. [262].
• Richard the Good, Duke of the Normans, i. 169.
• Richard, son of Duke Robert, his death, ii. [316].
• Richard,
  • son of Henry I. and Ansfrida, ii. [314], [380];
  • dies in the White Ship, ii. [381].
• Richard, Abbot of Saint Alban’s, ii. [166].
• Richard, Abbot of Ely,
  • his appointment, ii. [360];
  • removed by Anselm, [ib.]
• Richard of Courcy,
  • besieged by Duke Robert and Robert of Bellême, i. 274;
  • supports William Rufus, i. 472.
• Richard of Montfort, his death before Conches, i. 266.
• Richard of Redvers,
  • supports Henry, i. 221;
  • surrenders to William Rufus, i. 283;
  • joins Henry, i. 320;
  • one of Henry’s inner council, ii. [362];
  • his loyalty to Henry, ii. [399];
  • granted to Henry by Robert, ii. [513].
• Richard Siward, ii. [86].
• Richard Tisone, ii. [596].
• Richer of Laigle, i. 243 (note).
• Richera (Richesa), sister of Anselm, his letters to, ii. [579].
• Robert, Duke of the Normans,
  • assertion of his hereditary right, i. 11 (note), ii. [460];
  • releases Duncan and Wulf, i. 14;
  • his gifts for his father’s soul, i. 18;
  • compared with William Rufus, i. 20, 226;
  • arguments of the rebels in his favour, i. 24 et seq.;
  • invited to England by Odo, i. 56;
  • sends over Robert of Bellême and others, ib.;
  • delays his coming, i. 71, 74;
  • his childish boasting, i. 71;
  • his promises to Odo, i. 72;
  • welcomes Bishop William, i. 117;
  • M. le Hardy’s apology for him, i. 175 (note);
  • William of Malmesbury’s estimate of him, ib.;
  • character of his reign foretold by his father, i. 189;
  • anarchy under him, i. 190, 191;
  • his character, i. 190, 298, ii. [393];
  • spread of vice under him, i. 192;
  • his lavish waste, i. 195;
  • sells the Côtentin and Avranchin to Henry, i. 196, ii. [510–516];
  • imprisons Henry and Robert of Bellême, i. 199;
  • Earl Roger makes war on him, ib.;
  • Odo’s exhortation to him, i. 200;
  • does homage to Fulk of Anjou for Maine, i. 204;
  • Maine submits to him, i. 209;
  • Ballon surrenders to him, i. 210;
  • besieges Saint Cenery, i. 211;
  • blinds Robert Carrel, i. 216;
  • grants Saint Cenery to Robert, grandson of Geroy, i. 217;
  • Alençon and Bellême surrender to him, i. 218;
  • frees Robert of Bellême and Henry, i. 220;
  • asks King Philip to help him against William, i. 237;
  • suspects the loyalty of Maine, ii. [191];
  • asks help of Fulk of Anjou, ii. [192];
  • bargains for the marriage of Fulk and Bertrada, ii. [193], [194];
  • Maine revolts again, ii. [197];
  • his carelessness as to his loss, ii. [200];
  • cleaves to his rights over the bishopric, [ib.];
  • marches on Eu, i. 238;
  • a party in Rouen in his favour, i. 248;
  • Henry and Robert of Bellême come to his help, ib.;
  • sent away from Rouen by Henry, i. 255;
  • is brought back, i. 260;
  • his treatment of the citizens, ib.;
  • helps Robert of Bellême in his private wars, i. 273;
  • his treaty with William, i. 275–281, ii. [522], [528];
  • marches against Henry, i. 283;
  • besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, i. 285–292, ii. [528–535];
  • story of his clemency towards Henry, i. 291, ii. [534];
  • accompanies William to England, i. 295, 297;
  • his relations with Malcolm, i. 297, ii. [541] et seq.;
  • mediates between William and Malcolm, i. 301;
  • former homage of Malcolm to him, i. 302, ii. [542];
  • signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. [536];
  • his fresh dispute with William, i. 306;
  • leaves England, i. 307;
  • Henry wars against him, i. 321;
  • consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, i. 406;
  • his challenges to William, i. 435, 436;
  • his meeting with him, i. 461;
  • calls on Philip for help, i. 463;
  • takes La Houlme, i. 465;
  • besieges Montacute, i. 469 (note);
  • Henry again wars against him, i. 470;
  • his eagerness to go on the crusade, i. 552;
  • forced to apply to William for help, i. 553;
  • Abbot Geronto mediates between them, i. 553–555;
  • pledges Normandy to William, i. 555, ii. [506];
  • his conference with William, i. 559;
  • sets forth, i. 560;
  • his conduct as a crusader, i. 560, 564, 565, 566, ii. [394];
  • blessed by Urban at Lucca, i. 561;
  • goes to Rome, ib.;
  • welcomed by Roger of Apulia, ib.;
  • crosses to Dyrrhachion, i. 563;
  • does homage to Alexios at Constantinople, i. 564;
  • his presence at Laodikeia and Jerusalem, i. 564, 565, ii. [300];
  • said to have refused the crown of Jerusalem, i. 566;
  • marries Sibyl of Conversana, ii. [312];
  • his reception in Southern Italy, [ib.];
  • returns to Normandy, i. 566, ii. [311], [367];
  • gives thanks at Saint Michael’s for his safe return, ii. [367];
  • his renewed misgovernment, ii. [367], [394];
  • his claims to the English throne, ii. [343], [344], [346];
  • supported by William of Breteuil and other Normans, ii. [346], [347];
  • Norman nobles intrigue with, against Henry I., ii. [366], [368];
  • beginning of his war with Henry, ii. [368];
  • his reply to the garrison of Le Mans, ii. [372];
  • plots on his behalf, ii. [395];
  • his grants and promises, [ib.];
  • his fleet, ii. [402];
  • desertions to, ii. [404], [409], [686];
  • lands at Portchester, ii. [405];
  • estimate of his conduct in not besieging Winchester, ii. [406];
  • meets Henry near Alton, ii. [409];
  • threatened with excommunication by Anselm, ii. [410];
  • negotiates with him, ii. [412];
  • personal meeting and treaty between the brothers, ii. [412–415], [538], [688–691];
  • returns to Normandy, ii. [414];
  • Henry negotiates with him, against Robert of Bellême, ii. [426];
  • besieges Vignats, [ib.];
  • said to have stood godfather to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. [602].
• Robert, Bishop of Hereford,
  • foretells the death of Remigius, i. 312;
  • receives Wulfstan’s confession, i. 479;
  • Wulfstan appears to him, i. 480;
  • absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, i. 533;
  • Wulfstan appears to him again, ib. and note;
  • his death, i. 535.
• Robert Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln,
  • accompanies William Rufus to England, i. 13;
  • his appointment, i. 395, ii. [584];
  • his character and offices, i. 395, 447, ii. [584] et seq.;
  • Thomas of York claims the right to consecrate him, i. 433;
  • consecrated by Anselm, i. 445–447;
  • bribes Rufus, i. 446;
  • his death, i. 448, ii. [587];
  • local legends about, i. 448, ii. [586];
  • said to have besieged Tickhill, ii. [431];
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. [536];
  • not in good favour with monks, ii. [585];
  • his son Simon, ii. [586];
  • meaning of his name, ii. [588].
• Robert, Bishop of Bath, restores the canons of Wells, ii. [487].
• Robert Losinga, Abbot of New Minster,
  • the abbey bought for him by his son, i. 355;
  • his death, ii. 265 [(note)], [267].
• Robert, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s,
  • his appointment, ii. [359];
  • removed by Anselm, ii. [360].
• Robert of Bellême,
  • sent over to England by Duke Robert, i. 57, ii. [465] et seq.;
  • agrees to surrender Rochester, i. 80;
  • pleadings made for him, i. 84;
  • his history and greatness, i. 179, 180;
  • his character, i. 181;
  • his cruelty and enmities, i. 182–184, ii. [151], [222];
  • drives out the ducal garrisons, i. 193, 201;
  • sent against Rufus by Robert, i. 57;
  • returns to Normandy and is imprisoned, i. 199, 219;
  • exhortation of Odo against him, i. 201;
  • released at his father’s prayer, i. 219, 220;
  • his subsequent action, i. 242;
  • drives away Abbot Ralph of Seez, i. 184, 242;
  • comes to the help of Duke Robert, i. 248;
  • helped by Robert against his neighbours, i. 273, 274;
  • his oppression at Domfront, i. 319;
  • succeeds to the Norman estates of his father, i. 180, 473;
  • to his English estates, i. 180, ii. [148];
  • men of Domfront revolt against, i. 319;
  • his action in Wales, ii. [113];
  • extent of his estates, ii. [148], [163];
  • his position on the continent and in England, ii. [149], [150];
  • compared with the Counts of Mortain, ii. [149], and with Hugh of Chester, ii. [150];
  • his oppression, ii. [151];
  • his skill in castle-building, [ib.];
  • his defences in Shropshire, ii. [152];
  • removes from Quatford to Bridgenorth, ii. [155];
  • builds Careghova Castle, ii. [158];
  • his Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire estates, ii. [159];
  • lands of Roger of Bully granted to, ii. [162];
  • strengthens Gisors Castle, ii. [187];
  • attacks Maine, ii. [213];
  • stirs up William Rufus to war, ii. [215];
  • carries it on, ii. [216];
  • his nickname of “Robert the Devil,” ii. [216], [219];
  • his castles in Maine, ii. [216];
  • wrong and sacrilege done by him, ii. [221], [222];
  • defeated by Helias, ii. [222], [223];
  • takes Helias prisoner, ii. [224];
  • contrasted with William Rufus, [ib.];
  • occupies and strengthens Ballon Castle, ii. [235], [282];
  • story of him at the siege of Mayet, ii. [291];
  • hastens to acknowledge Henry I. as king, ii. [362];
  • calls himself the “man” of Helias, ii. 373 [(note)];
  • plots against Henry, ii. [395];
  • Duke Robert’s grants to, [ib.];
  • deserts from Henry, ii. [409];
  • said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. [412];
  • charges brought against, ii. [421];
  • does not appear before the assembly, [ib.];
  • proclamation against, ii. [442];
  • again summoned, but refuses to come, [ib.];
  • greatness of his possessions, ii. [423];
  • his acquisition of Ponthieu, [ib.];
  • his Welsh and Irish allies, ii. [423–426];
  • strengthens his castles, ii. [428];
  • harries Staffordshire, ii. [429];
  • Henry’s faith pledged for his life, ii. [430], [438];
  • seizes the land of William Pantulf, ii. [434];
  • feeling in the army on his behalf, ii. [436];
  • his dealings wth Murtagh and with Magnus, ii. [442];
  • holds out at Shrewsbury, ii. [445];
  • his despair, ii. [446];
  • sues for peace, and submits, ii. [448];
  • his banishment, ii. [449];
  • joy at his overthrow, [ib.];
  • his later history, i. 184, ii. [450].
• Robert Carrel,
  • holds Saint Cenery against Duke Robert, i. 215;
  • blinded by him, i. 216.
• Robert of Conteville, i. 115.
• Robert the Cornard, his device of pointed shoes, i. 159, ii. [502].
• Robert of Courcy,
  • marries Rohesia of Grantmesnil, i. 273 (note);
  • wounded at Saônes, ii. [222].
• Robert of Curzon, Saint Eadmund’s dealings with, ii. [269].
• Robert the Dispenser,
  • signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 (note);
  • invents the surname Flambard, i. 309 (note), 331.
• Robert Count of Eu, submits to Rufus, i. 229.
• Robert Fitz-hamon,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. 62;
  • Matilda’s lands granted to, by Rufus, i. 198;
  • his foundation at Tewkesbury, i. 479;
  • story of him and Jestin, ii. [80];
  • estimate of the story, ii. [81], [614];
  • his conquest of Glamorgan and settlement at Cardiff, ii. [81], [84];
  • other notices of, ii. [82];
  • marries Earl Roger’s daughter, ii. [83];
  • his works at Gloucester and Tewkesbury, ii. [84];
  • said to have taken part against Rhys, ii. [91];
  • tells the monk’s dream to William Rufus, ii. [328];
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. [338], [676];
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366];
  • his loyalty to him, ii. [399];
  • said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. [412].
• Robert Fitzharding, his probable origin, i. 46 (note).
• Robert the Frisian, Count of Flanders,
  • his interview with William Rufus, i. 411;
  • his expedition to the East, ib.;
  • his help to the Emperor Alexios, ib.;
  • his death, ib.
• Robert of Jerusalem, Count of Flanders,
  • succeeds his father, i. 412;
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551, 560;
  • Anselm’s letter to, ii. [581].
• Robert, Earl of Gloucester,
  • natural son of Henry I., ii. [379], [414];
  • marries Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. [83].
• Robert, natural son of Henry I. and Nest, ii. [379].
• Robert Malet, his banishment, ii. [417].
• Robert, Count of Meulan,
  • son of Roger of Beaumont, i. 184;
  • his possessions, i. 185;
  • his exploits at Senlac, ib.;
  • his fame for wisdom, ib.;
  • claims Ivry, i. 243;
  • his imprisonment and release, ib.;
  • advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, i. 417;
  • supports William Rufus, i. 472;
  • his description of Anselm, i. 511;
  • marries Isabel of Vermandois, i. 187 (note), 551;
  • his marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, i. 551 (note);
  • his answer to Anselm’s discourse, i. 591;
  • his policy towards William Rufus, ii. [182], [184];
  • receives his troops, ii. [182];
  • counsels William Rufus to reject Helias’s offer of service, ii. [243], [641];
  • accompanies Henry to London, ii. [350], [680];
  • one of his councillors, i. 186, ii. [350], [362], [420];
  • does not sign Henry’s charter or letter to Anselm, ii. [366];
  • Norman raid against his lands, ii. [367];
  • his advice to Henry I., ii. [400];
  • his bargain with Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. [418];
  • becomes Earl of Leicester, ii. [419];
  • his death, i. 187, 419;
  • his sons, ib.;
  • his college at Leicester, ii. [420];
  • Anselm’s letters to him, ii. [580].
• Robert, Earl of Leicester,
  • son of Robert of Meulan, i. 187, ii. [419];
  • founds Leicester Abbey, ii. [420].
• Robert of Montfort,
  • repairs and holds Vaux-en-Belin for William Rufus, ii. [289];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • his treason to Duke Robert, ii. [427].
• Robert, Count of Mortain,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 33, ii. [470];
  • holds Pevensey against him, i. 53, 62;
  • exhorted by Odo to hold out, i. 70;
  • besieged by William Rufus in Pevensey, i. 73, 76;
  • surrenders, i. 76.
• Robert of Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 35;
  • burns Bath, i. 41;
  • besieges Ilchester without success, i. 42, 44;
  • drives back Malcolm, i. 297;
  • his expedition against him, ii. [16], [592];
  • grants Tynemouth to Saint Alban’s, ii. [19], [605];
  • grounds for his conspiracy, ii. [37], [40];
  • marries Matilda of Laigle, ii. [38];
  • his second revolt against William Rufus, ii. [38], [43];
  • plunders Norwegian ships, ii. [40];
  • refuses redress, ii. [41];
  • summoned to the king’s court, [ib.];
  • demands a safe-conduct, ii. [42];
  • his open rebellion, ii. [42], [43];
  • defence and sieges of his fortresses, ii. [46];
  • holds Bamburgh against Rufus, ii. [50], [607];
  • his alleged despair, ii. [51];
  • his escape from Bamburgh, ii. [52], [609];
  • said to have been taken at Tynemouth, ii. [53], [610];
  • threatened with blinding, ii. [54], [610];
  • versions of his later history, ii. [54], [611].
• Robert of Neville,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. [433];
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. [440], [443].
• Robert of Pontefract,
  • plots against Henry I., ii. [395];
  • his banishment, ii. [417].
• Robert, Marquess of Rhuddlan,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 34;
  • attack made on his lands by Gruffydd, i. 122, 124;
  • his probable change of party, i. 123;
  • returns to North Wales, ib.;
  • his death at Dwyganwy, i. 126;
  • buried at Chester, i. 127;
  • his gifts to Chester, i. 127 (note);
  • his connexion with Saint Evroul, [ib.];
  • translated thither, i. 128;
  • Orderic’s epitaph on, ib.;
  • his lands in North Wales, ii. [77];
  • extension of his possessions, ii. [78].
• Robert of Saint Alban’s, his apostasy, ii. [123].
• Robert of Torigny, his Chronicle, i. 9 (note).
• Robert of Veci, first lord of Alnwick, ii. [596].
• Robert, son of Corbet,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. [432];
  • notices of his estates in Domesday, ii. 433 [(note)];
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. [440], [443].
• Robert,
  • son of Godwine, ii. 117 [(note)], [118];
  • his exploits in Scotland, ii. [118], [617];
  • King Eadgar’s gifts to, ii. [121];
  • attacked and imprisoned by Randolf Flambard, [ib.];
  • goes on the crusade, ii. [122], [617];
  • his exploits and martyrdom, [ib.];
  • modern parallels and contrasts with, ii. [123];
  • notices of, in Fordun and William of Malmesbury, ii. [616], [617].
• Robert, son of Harding, i. 45 (note).
• Robert, son of Hugh of Montfort, sent to occupy the fortresses of Le Mans, ii. [239].
• Robert, son of Nigel and Gundrada, founder of Byland Abbey, ii. [612].
• Robert, son of Geroy, his rebellion and death, i. 214.
• Robert, grandson of Geroy,
  • Saint Cenery granted to, i. 217;
  • loses the castle, i. 469;
  • Henry Ætheling comes to his help against Robert of Bellême, ib.
• Robertson, E. W., on Malcolm’s homage to William Rufus, ii. [540].
• Roche Guyon, La, castle of, ii. [180], [181].
• Rochester,
  • its early history and position, i. 53, 54;
  • later sieges of, i. 53;
  • occupied by Odo, i. 55;
  • the garrison refuse to surrender to William Rufus, i. 77;
  • siege of, i. 79–85;
  • surrenders, i. 85;
  • benefactions of Rufus to the church, ii. [506].
• Rockingham,
  • Council of (1095), i. 487 et seq.;
  • position and history of the place, i. 489, 490;
  • the castle, i. 490;
  • importance of the council, i. 519;
  • its constitution, i. 602.
• Roger, Count of Sicily,
  • legatine power granted to, i. 525 (note);
  • marriage of his daughter, i. 526;
  • besieges Amalfi, i. 561, and Capua, i. 614;
  • forbids conversions of the Saracens, i. 161, 617;
  • contrasted with Henry I., ii. [454].
• Roger, Duke of Apulia,
  • welcomes Duke Robert, i. 561;
  • besieges Amalfi, i. 562;
  • besieges Capua, i. 614;
  • receives Urban and Anselm in his camp, i. 615.
• Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, possibly one of Henry’s inner council, ii. [363].
• Roger, Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, i. 284.
• Roger of Beaumont,
  • father of Robert of Meulan, i. 184;
  • Brionne granted to, by Duke Robert, i. 194;
  • obtains the release of his son, i. 243;
  • his death, i. 472.
• Roger Bigod,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 34;
  • his ravages, i. 36;
  • his action at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 98;
  • signs Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • his loyalty to Henry, ii. [399];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Roger of Bully,
  • greatness of his estates, ii. [159], [161];
  • founds the priory of Blyth, ii. [161];
  • his death, ii. [162];
  • his lands granted to Robert of Bellême, [ib.]
• Roger of Clare, with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. [321].
• Roger of Lacy,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 33;
  • seizes on Hereford, i. 46;
  • his second rebellion, ii. [39];
  • his trial and sentence, ii. [63].
• Roger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 33, ii. [470];
  • his action in the rebellion, i. 47, 57;
  • his alleged presence before Worcester, ii. [481];
  • at Arundel, i. 58;
  • founds the priory of Saint Nicolas at Arundel, i. 59 (note);
  • won over by William, i. 61, ii. [462];
  • his action at the siege of Rochester, i. 80;
  • makes war on Duke Robert, i. 199;
  • his fortresses, i. 200;
  • obtains his son’s release, i. 219;
  • his advance in Powys, ii. [97];
  • his death, i. 473;
  • his buildings at Quatford, ii. [154];
  • his foundation at Wenlock, [ib.];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Roger of Mowbray, son of Nigel and Gundrada, ii. [612].
• Roger of Poitou, son of Earl Roger,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 57;
  • his agreement with Bishop William, i. 93;
  • intervenes on his behalf, i. 109, 117, 120;
  • holds Argentan for William Rufus, i. 463;
  • surrenders to Robert, i. 464;
  • plots against Henry I., ii. [395];
  • his share in the rebellion of Robert of Bellême, ii. [423];
  • his banishment, ii. [450].
• Roger of Toesny, son of Ralph and Isabel,
  • county of Evreux settled on, i. 268;
  • his character, ib.;
  • his dream, i. 269;
  • his death, i. 270.
• Roger, son of Corbet, notices of, in Domesday, ii. 433 [(note)].
• Rohais, wife of Richard of Clare, ii. [572].
• Rohesia, daughter of Hugh of Grantmesnil, marries Robert of Courcy, i. 273 (note).
• Romania, use of the word, i. 564 (note).
• Rome,
  • Pope Urban on the unhealthiness of, i. 367 (note);
  • treatment of Duke Robert at, i. 561.
• Rope, measurement by, i. 68 (note), ii. [562], [564].
• Rosella, daughter of Eadwine, ii. [603].
• Rotrou of Montfort,
  • Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 (note);
  • truce granted to, by Rufus, ii. [230];
  • estimate of his conduct, ii. [231].
• Rotrou, Count of Perche,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551;
  • imprisoned in the castle of Le Mans, ii. [373];
  • his mother gives the kiss of peace to Bishop Hildebert, ii. 373 [(note)].
• Rouen,
  • municipal spirit in, i. 246;
  • the citizens favour William Rufus, i. 247;
  • Henry comes to Robert’s help at, i. 248;
  • its position in the eleventh century, i. 250;
  • ducal castles at, ib.;
  • cathedral and other churches of, i. 252;
  • its gates and suburbs, i. 252, 253;
  • Robert sent away from, i. 255;
  • taken by Henry, i. 256;
  • treatment of the citizens, i. 260;
  • council held by William Rufus at, ii. [226].
• Rouen,
  • synod of, i. 568;
  • small results of, i. 569.
• Rualedus, story of his treatment by Henry, ii. [540].
• Ruislip, Middlesex, said to have been a cell of Bec, i. 376 (note).

S.

• Saer, holds Pembroke Castle, ii. [451].
• Saint Alban’s,
  • Jews at, i. 160 (note);
  • the abbey granted to the see of Canterbury, i. 423;
  • four years’ vacancy of, i. 424;
  • grant of Tynemouth to, ii. [18], [605];
  • Flambard’s dealings with, ii. 359 [(note)].
• Saint Augustine’s, Canterbury,
  • disturbances at, on Guy’s appointment, i. 139;
  • vengeance of William Rufus on, i. 140.
• Saint Cenery, his relics, i. 213 (note).
• Saint Cenery-le-Gerey,
  • castle besieged by Duke Robert, i. 211, 215;
  • the former monastery, i. 212;
  • foundation of the castle, i. 214;
  • seized by Mabel, i. 215;
  • surrenders to Robert, ib.;
  • mutilation of its defenders, i. 216;
  • granted to Robert, grandson of Geroy, i. 217;
  • taken by Robert of Bellême, i. 469.
• Saint David’s,
  • robbed by pirates, ii. [78];
  • tale of William Rufus’s visit to, ii. [93].
• Saint Eadmundsbury,
  • Jews at, i. 160 (note);
  • church of, rebuilt by Abbot Baldwin, ii. [268];
  • William Rufus forbids the dedication, ii. [269].
• Saint Evroul,
  • connexion of Robert of Rhuddlan with, i. 127;
  • his translation to, i. 128;
  • burial of Hugh of Grantmesnil at, i. 473.
• Saint Gervase, Rouen, priory of, i. 252.
• Saint James,
  • castle of, occupied by Henry, i. 321;
  • position and remains of, i. 321, 322;
  • granted to Earl Hugh, i. 323, ii. [540].
• Saint Julian, translation of his body, ii. [204].
• Saint Mary-le-bow, roof of the church blown down, i. 308, ii. [589].
• Saint Michael’s Mount,
  • bought of Robert by Henry, i. 196;
  • cession of, demanded by William Rufus, i. 277, ii. [524];
  • buildings on, i. 284;
  • Henry besieged at, i. 284–292, ii. [528–535];
  • its position, i. 285;
  • later sieges of, i. 286;
  • surrenders to William, i. 292.
• Saint Oswald’s, Worcester, granted to the see of York, i. 447.
• Saint Ouen, Rouen, abbey of, i. 252.
• Saint Remy-du-plain, castle of, ii. [216], [218].
• Saint Saens, its position, i. 235.
• Saint Stephen’s, Caen, gifts of Rufus to, i. 168, ii. [504–506].
• Saint Tyfrydog, desecration of the church, ii. [131].
• Saint Valery,
  • submits to Rufus, i. 227;
  • historical importance of the fact, i. 228.
• Salisbury, assembly at (1096),
  • case of William of Saint-Calais heard at, i. 94 et seq.;
  • constitutional importance of, ii. [56], [57];
  • compared with that of 1086, ii. [58];
  • sentences passed at, ii. [62].
• Salisbury Cathedral,
  • consecration of, i. 308;
  • fall of the tower roof, i. 309;
  • signatures to the foundation charter, i. 309 (note)
• Samson, canon of Bayeux,
  • his appointment and consecration to the see of Worcester, i. 542–544;
  • his great appetite, i. 543 (note);
  • consecrates Gloucester Abbey, ii. [317].
• Samson, chaplain to the Conqueror, story of his refusing the bishopric of Le Mans, i. 206.
• Samuel, Bishop of Dublin, consecrated by Anselm, i. 544.
• Sanctuary, right of, decree of the council of Clermont as to, i. 548 (note).
• Sanford (Devonshire), held by Roger of Bully, ii. 160 [(note)].
• Saônes,
  • castle of, ii. [216], [218];
  • Helias defeats Robert of Bellême at, ii. [222].
• Saracens in Sicily,
  • compared with the Jews, i. 161;
  • Anselm’s dealings with, i. 616;
  • conversion of, forbidden by Duke Roger, i. 617;
  • in Spain, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. [306].
• Scandinavians,
  • in Cumberland, i. 315;
  • destroy Carlisle, ib.
• Schiavia, Anselm retires to, i. 615.
• Scotland, kingdom of,
  • becomes English, ii. [5];
  • compared with Wales, ii. [6];
  • effects of the Cumbrian conquest on, ii. [8];
  • Margaret’s reforms in, ii. [23];
  • growth of English influence in, ii. [24–26];
  • party feeling in, on Malcolm’s death, ii. [28];
  • dealings of Magnus with, ii. [147];
  • English influence in, under David, ii. [125];
  • results of Eadgar’s succession, ii. [304].
• Scotland, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s,
  • his death, i. 136;
  • disturbances consequent on, i. 139.
• Seez, enmity of Robert of Bellême to its bishops and abbots, i. 183.
• Seit, and others, letter of Anselm to, ii. [577].
• Selby Abbey, granted to the see of York, i. 447.
• Serlo,
  • Bishop of Seez, ii. [521];
  • excommunicates Robert of Bellême, i. 184.
• Serlo, Abbot of Gloucester,
  • visits Wulfstan, i. 479;
  • his warning to William Rufus, ii. [318], [329].
• Shoes, pointed, i. 158, ii. [502].
• Shrewsbury,
  • burial of Earl Hugh at, ii. [145];
  • Robert of Bellême holds out in, ii. [445];
  • castle of, ii. [446];
  • Henry I. marches against, ii. [446], [447];
  • surrender of, ii. [448], [457];
  • Gemóts held at, ii. [452];
  • earldom of, [ib.]
• Shropshire, defences of,
  • strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. [152];
  • early history of its fortresses, [ib.]
• Sibyl of Conversana,
  • marries Duke Robert of Normandy, ii. [312];
  • her character, [ib.];
  • tales of her death, ii. 312 [(note)];
  • called Edith, ii. [687].
• Sibyl, daughter of Henry I., marries Alexander of Scotland, ii. [124].
• Sibyl, daughter of Earl Roger, marries Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. [83].
• Sicilian monarchy, the, i. 525.
• Sicily,
  • its relations with England, i. 526;
  • under the Normans, ii. [306].
• Siegfried, Bishop of Seez, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. [539].
• Signs and wonders, i. 176, ii. [246], [258], [302], [316].
• Sigston, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. [535].
• Sigurd,
  • son of Magnus and Thora, ii. [133];
  • earldom of Orkney granted to, ii. [140];
  • his kingdom, ii. [146];
  • his Irish marriage, ii. [136], [146], [443], [622];
  • goes on the crusade, ii. [206].
• Sillé, siege of, compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. [480].
• Simeon, Abbot of Ely, ii. [359].
• Simon, son of Robert Bloet, Dean of Lincoln, i. 448, ii. [586].
• Simon of Montfort, the elder and the younger, ii. [190], [253], [254].
• Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester,
  • his siege of Rochester, i. 53 (note);
  • his ancestry, ii. [253].
• Simon of Senlis, Earl of Northampton,
  • taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. 190 [(note)];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358].
• Simony, not systematic before Rufus, i. 348.
• Siward Barn, signs the Durham charters, i. 305, ii. [536].
• Siward the priest, ii. 270 [(note)].
• Slave trade, denounced by Remigius, i. 310.
• Solêmes, priory of, ii. [202].
• Somerset,
  • ravaged by Robert of Mowbray, i. 41, 42;
  • bishopric of, removed to Bath, i. 136, ii. [483] et seq.;
  • use of the name, ii. [488].
• Spain, Saracens in, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. [306].
• Sparsholt, manor of,
  • seized by William Rufus, ii. [380];
  • recovered by Abbot Faricius, ii. 380 [(note)];
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. 381 [(note)].
• Stafford, commanded by William Pantulf, ii. [434].
• Stars, shooting, notices of, i. 478 (note), ii. [41], [118].
• Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, appeals to the charter of Henry I., ii. [358].
• Stephen, Abbot of Saint Mary’s, York, signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• Stephen, Archdeacon of Romsey, Anselm’s letter to, ii. [578].
• Stephen of Aumale,
  • submits to Rufus, i. 228;
  • one of his Norman supporters, i. 472;
  • conspiracy in his favour, ii. [39], [63];
  • no ground for his claim, ii. [39].
• Stephen of Chartres and Blois,
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551, 560;
  • decamps for awhile, i. 566 (note).
• Stephen, the Jewish convert, story of, i. 163–165.
• Stigand, Bishop of Chichester, his death, i. 135.
• Stoke, priory of Clare moved to, i. 376.
• Stone, manor of, ii. [507].
• Stoppele, church of, granted to Twinham, ii. [555].
• Stow, monks of, moved by Robert Bloet to Eynesham, ii. [585], [587].
• Streatham, lands of Bec at, i. 376.
• Stubbs, William, on the alleged Domesday of Flambard, ii. [562].
• Sudereys, disturbances in,
  • on the death of Godred Crouan, ii. [137], [138];
  • invaded by Magnus, ii. [140].
• Sulien, Bishop of Saint David’s, his death, ii. [78].
• Summons, effect of the practice of, ii. [58].
• Sussex, Earls of, i. 60 (note).
• Sutton, church at, granted to Abingdon Abbey, ii. [506].
• Swansea Castle, ii. [103].
• Swegen, son of Æthelric, ii. [551].
• Swegen, King, his overthrow at Gainsburgh compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. [480].
• Swinecombe, held by Bec, i. 375.

T.

• Tancard, Abbot of Jumièges, his appointment, i. 570.
• Tenby Castle, ii. [95].
• Tewkesbury Abbey,
  • founded by Robert Fitz-hamon, i. 479, ii. [84];
  • grant of Welsh churches to, [ib.]
• Thames, great tide in the, ii. [302].
• Theningmannagemót, the, i. 604.
• Theobald of Gisors. See [Pagan].
• Theobald, the White Knight, helps to defend Courcy, ii. [519].
• Thetford, hospital at,
  • founded by William Rufus, ii. [506];
  • the see moved to Norwich, i. 449, ii. [569].
• Thierry, Augustin, on the punishment of the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. 140 (note).
• Thomas of London, Archbishop of Canterbury, case of,
  • at Northampton, i. 95;
  • general surprise at his appointment, i. 359;
  • his case compared with those of Anselm and of William of Saint-Calais, i. 597 et seq.
• Thomas of Bayeux, Archbishop of York,
  • at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 95, 102;
  • claims jurisdiction over Lindesey, i. 311, 433;
  • present at Anselm’s consecration, i. 429;
  • asserts his metropolitan rights, i. 431;
  • compromise agreed to, i. 447;
  • at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. [61];
  • not present at the coronation of Henry I., ii. 350 [(note)], [681];
  • his death, ii. [391];
  • his signature to the Durham charter, ii. [536];
  • his alleged coronation of Henry, ii. [682].
• Thomas,
  • son of Flambard, ii. [552];
  • his appointment to the see of Lisieux, ii. [416].
• Thora, mother of Sigurd, ii. [133].
• Thurstan, Abbot of Glastonbury, restored by William Rufus, i. 135.
• Tiberius, Emperor, William Rufus compared to, i. 148.
• Tiberius, Legate, ii. [488].
• Tickhill (Dadesley) Castle, ii. [160];
  • name used indiscriminately with Blyth, ii. [162];
  • surrenders to Henry I., ii. [431];
  • its later history, ii. [432].
• Tinchebrai, English feeling about the battle, ii. [402].
• Toledo, taking of, ii. [306].
• Tooting, lands of Bec at, i. 376.
• Tostig, his works at Tynemouth, ii. [18], [604].
• Touques,
  • William Rufus sets sail from, i. 13;
  • his voyage to, ii. [284];
  • its present appearance, [ib.]
• Toustain, manor of Sparsholt granted to, ii. [380].
• Tower of London,
  • surrounded by a wall, i. 261;
  • first recorded case of its use as a state prison, ii. [361].
• Tréport, Robert’s fleet at, ii. [402].
• Trondhjem, Saint Olaf’s body translated to, ii. [139].
• Truce of God,
  • confirmed by the synod of Rouen, i. 568;
  • observed by William Rufus, ii. [290].
• Trye, castle of, ii. [188].
• Tunbridge Castle,
  • holds out against William Rufus, i. 53;
  • its position, i. 68;
  • not in Domesday, i. 68 (note);
  • granted to Richard of Clare in exchange for Brionne, ib.;
  • taken by William Rufus, i. 69.
• Turgot, Prior of Durham and Bishop of Saint Andrews,
  • favourably received by William Rufus, i. 298;
  • joins in laying the foundation stone of Durham Abbey, ii. [11];
  • appointed to the see of Saint Andrews, ii. [124];
  • as to the writings attributed to him, ii. [596].
• Turold, Bishop of Bayeux, his appointment, i. 571.
• Turold, Abbot of Peterborough, his death, ii. [267].
• Twinham,
  • connexion of Randolf Flambard with, ii. [553];
  • church of, ii. [554];
  • Earl Godwine a benefactor of, ii. [555].
• Tynemouth,
  • Malcolm’s burial at, ii. [17];
  • history of, ii. [17–19], [602] et seq.;
  • besieged by William Rufus, ii. [47], [606];
  • description of, ii. [48], [606];
  • taking of, ii. [48], [607];
  • alleged escape of Robert of Mowbray to, ii. [53], [609].

U.

• Uhtred, brother of Morkere, ii. [605].
• Uhtred, son of Edwin, besieges Pembroke, ii. [108].
• Uhtred, son of Fergus, ii. [551].
• Ulf, son of Harold and Eadgyth, ii. [134], [135].
• Urban II., Pope,
  • advises Anselm against going to Rome, i. 367 (note);
  • English feeling as to his claim to the papacy, i. 415;
  • Anselm claims to acknowledge him, i. 416;
  • the question left unsettled, i. 424;
  • his correspondence with Wulfstan, i. 479;
  • his acknowledgement insisted on by Anselm, i. 486;
  • position of the rival Popes, i. 488;
  • no real objection on William’s part to acknowledge him, i. 489;
  • holds a Council at Piacenza, i. 522, 545;
  • mission of William Rufus to him, i. 524;
  • received at Cremona by Conrad, i. 525;
  • acknowledged by Rufus, i. 528;
  • holds the Council of Clermont, i. 545–547;
  • preaches the crusades, i. 549;
  • sends Abbot Jeronto on a mission to William Rufus, i. 553, ii. [588];
  • bribed by William, i. 554;
  • sends his nephew, ib.;
  • blesses Duke Robert and his companions, i. 561;
  • his reception and treatment of Anselm, i. 607, 608, 621;
  • in Roger’s camp at Capua, i. 615;
  • Eadmer’s way of speaking of him, i. 616 (note);
  • forbids Anselm to resign, i. 617;
  • holds the Council of Bari, i. 608, 618;
  • his dealings with William of Warelwast, i. 619, 620;
  • threatens William Rufus with excommunication, i. 619;
  • is bribed to give him a respite, i. 620;
  • his treatment of Anselm, i. 621;
  • holds the Lateran Council, i. 607, 621;
  • his death, i. 622, ii. [300], [311];
  • Anselm’s letters to him, i. 612, ii. [582].
• Urse of Abetot, Sheriff of Gloucester and Worcester, at the trial of William of Saint-Calais, i. 94.

V.

• Vacancies, ecclesiastical,
  • policy of William Rufus with regard to, i. 135, 336, 337, 347, 348, ii. [564];
  • older practice as to, i. 350;
  • later instances, i. 351 (note);
  • provision of Henry’s charter with regard to, ii. [353].
• Vaux-en-Belin,
  • castle of, ii. 277 [(note)];
  • burnt by Helias, ii. [288];
  • repaired and held by Robert of Montfort, ii. [289].
• Vescy, house of, ii. [15].
• Vestments, Lanfranc’s view of, i. 95.
• Vetheuil, fortress of, ii. [181].
• Vexin, the French,
  • granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. [175];
  • its cession demanded by William Rufus, [ib.];
  • national feeling in, ii. [189].
• Victor III., Pope, i. 415.
• Vignats,
  • siege of, ii. [426];
  • foundation of the abbey, ii. [427].
• Vulgrin, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. [634].

W.

• Wace, his use of the words “Normans and English,” ii. [649].
• Walchelm, priest, his vision, ii. [521].
• Waleran, Count of Meulan, i. 186, ii. [419].
• Wales,
  • civil wars in, i. 121;
  • alleged campaign of William Rufus in (1094–1095), i. 476;
  • type of conquest in, ii. [6];
  • disunion in, ii. [6], [99];
  • nature of Rufus’s wars in, ii. [69] et seq.;
  • effect of castle-building in, ii. [70], [76], [77], [108];
  • campaigns of Harold compared with those of Rufus, ii. [71];
  • its conquest compared with the English and Norman Conquests, ii. [72];
  • various elements in, ii. [74];
  • local nomenclature of, ii. [75];
  • earlier wars in, ii. [77–79];
  • beginning of the conquest, ii. [79];
  • revolt in, ii. [99], [100];
  • general deliverance of, ii. [101];
  • first campaign of William Rufus in, ii. [105];
  • English feeling as to the war, ii. [106];
  • his second and third campaigns, i. 572, 583, ii. [110], [111].
• Wales, North, subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. [146].
• Wales, South, Saxon settlements in, ii. [88].
• Walkelin, Bishop of Winchester,
  • sent with a summons to William of Saint-Calais, i. 117;
  • sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, i. 139;
  • assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, i. 309;
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • his speech to Anselm at the Winchester assembly, i. 586;
  • at the death-bed of William of Saint-Calais, ii. [61];
  • his character and acts, ii. [266];
  • joint regent with Flambard, [ib.];
  • William Rufus demands money of, ii. [267];
  • his death, i. 351, ii. [265], [267];
  • legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. [338].
• Wall, Roman, traces of the name, ii. [47].
• Walker (Wallcar), ii. 47 [(note)].
• Wallknoll, ii. [47], [613].
• Wallsend, i. 47.
• Walter of Corbeuil, Archbishop of Canterbury, his works at Rochester, i. 53, 54 (note).
• Walter, Bishop of Albano,
  • received by William Rufus as Papal Legate, i. 527, ii. [391];
  • brings the pallium, i. 527;
  • refuses to depose Anselm, i. 528;
  • gives the pallium to Anselm, i. 534;
  • stays in England, i. 535;
  • objects of his mission, i. 536;
  • his letters to Anselm, i. 536, 538, ii. [41], [571];
  • accompanies William Rufus to Nottingham, ii. [44].
• Walter of Eyncourt, i. 113.
• Walter Giffard, Earl of Buckingham,
  • submits to Rufus, i. 231;
  • supports Rufus against Robert, i. 472;
  • signs Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • plots against him, ii. [395];
  • his death, i. 473.
• Walter Tirel,
  • entertains Anselm, i. 380 (note), ii. [322];
  • his friendship with William Rufus, ii. [321], [322];
  • his parentage, ii. [322], [672];
  • his lordships and marriage, ii. [321], [322], [673];
  • his alleged share in the making of the New Forest, ii. [322], [674];
  • his discourse with the King, ii. [322–325], [661];
  • mentioned in most versions as his slayer, ii. [325];
  • his solemn denial of the charge, ii. [326], [674];
  • no ground for the charge, ii. [657];
  • whether the Walter Tirel of Domesday, ii. [673];
  • legend about the shoeing of his horse, ii. [676].
• Walter of Saint Valery, i. 228 (note);
  • goes on the first crusade, i. 551.
• Walter, son of Ansgar,
  • in command at Le Mans, ii. [241], [370];
  • sets fire to Le Mans, ii. [280];
  • confers with Helias, ii. [371].
• Waltham, church of, plundered by Rufus, i. 168, ii. [505], [506].
• Waltheof, Earl of Northampton and Huntingdonshire, grants Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. [18], [604].
• War, private, unlawful in England, ii. [417].
• Wardship, the lord’s right of,
  • established by Flambard, i. 336, 339;
  • oppressive working of, i. 338;
  • peculiar to England and Normandy, i. 340;
  • provision for, in Henry’s charter, ii. [353].
• Weedon Beck, Northamptonshire, said to have been a cell of Bec, i. 376 (note).
• Wells (Norfolk), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. [504].
• Wells (Somerset), see of,
  • moved to Bath, i. 136, ii. [483];
  • dislike of the canons to Bishop John’s changes, i. 138, ii. [486];
  • they recover their property under Bishop Robert, ii. [486];
  • charter of William Rufus preserved at, ii. [483].
• Welsh language, endurance of, ii. [75].
• Wenlock, Earl Roger’s foundation at, ii. [154].
• Westminster Hall,
  • its foundation by William Rufus, ii. [259], [262];
  • he holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. [257], [264], [271];
  • recast by Richard II., ii. [262].
• Westmoreland,
  • why not entered in Domesday, i. 313, ii. [547] et seq.;
  • entries of, in the Pipe Rolls, ii. [551].
• Whithern, see of, ii. [551].
• Wido. See [Guy].
• Wilfrith, Bishop of Saint David’s,
  • suspended and restored, i. 534;
  • sides with William Rufus, ii. [94];
  • Gerald of Windsor’s dealings with, ii. [109].
• William the Conqueror,
  • his informal nomination of William Rufus, i. 9, 11;
  • his advice to him, ii. [461];
  • distribution of his treasures, i. 17, 18;
  • compared with Rufus by Odo, i. 26;
  • his ecclesiastical supremacy, i. 105;
  • compared with Rufus, i. 158, 456;
  • foretells the character of Robert’s reign, i. 189;
  • garrisons the castles of the nobles, i. 192;
  • his ecclesiastical position, i. 328;
  • his relations with Lanfranc, ib.;
  • his friendship with Anselm, i. 380;
  • use of his “days” as a note of time, i. 569;
  • his visit to Saint David’s and his designs on Ireland, ii. [94].
• William Rufus,
  • character of his reign, i. 3;
  • feudal developement under him, i. 4;
  • character of his accession, i. 9–11, 19–21, ii. [459–465];
  • his informal nomination by his father, i. 9, 11, ii. [461];
  • not formally elected, i. 9, ii. [459];
  • sets sail from Touques, i. 13;
  • re-imprisons Morkere and Wulfnoth, i. 14;
  • his meeting with Lanfranc, i. 15;
  • his coronation, ib.;
  • his special oath, i. 16, ii. [460];
  • his coronation rites said to have been imperfect, ii. [461];
  • his distribution of gifts, i. 17;
  • restores Odo to his earldom, i. 19;
  • revolt of the Norman nobles against, i. 22 et seq., ii. [465] et seq.;
  • compared with his father by Odo, i. 26;
  • seizes the temporalities of William of Saint-Calais, i. 30;
  • summons him to his court, i. 31;
  • lays waste his land, i. 32;
  • wins over Earl Roger, i. 61, ii. [462];
  • loyalty of the bishops towards him, i. 63;
  • his appeal and promises to the English, i. 63, 64;
  • their loyalty to him, i. 64, 65, 66;
  • their motives for supporting him, i. 65;
  • accepted as their king, i. 66, 131;
  • marches against the rebels, i. 67;
  • takes Tunbridge Castle, i. 69;
  • marches on Pevensey, i. 72, and takes it, i. 76;
  • his Niðing Proclamation, i. 78;
  • besieges Rochester, i. 79;
  • Odo surrenders to him, i. 80;
  • at first refuses terms to the besieged, i. 81;
  • his answer to the pleadings for them, i. 83;
  • grants terms, i. 85;
  • his confiscations and grants, i. 88;
  • his amnesty to the chief rebels, ib.;
  • again summons William of Saint-Calais, i. 89;
  • grants him a safe-conduct, i. 91;
  • refuses him the privileges of his order, i. 92;
  • holds a meeting at Salisbury, i. 94;
  • his speeches thereat, i. 98, 107, 110;
  • his offers to Bishop William, i. 111, 114;
  • his answer to Ralph Paganel, i. 112;
  • Durham castle surrendered to, i. 114;
  • summons Bishop William again, i. 116;
  • grants him leave to depart, i. 117;
  • estimate of his behaviour in the case, i. 119, 605;
  • his breach of his promises, i. 132;
  • position of the English under, i. 133;
  • mocks at omens, i. 133 (note);
  • his employment of mercenaries, i. 134, 153, 226, ii. [496], [498];
  • early charge of simony against, i. 135;
  • his charter to John of Tours, i. 138;
  • suppresses the disturbances at Saint Augustine’s, i. 139;
  • effects of Lanfranc’s death on him, i. 142, 148, 343;
  • description and character of, i. 5, 143 et seq., ii. [244], [256], [337], [490] et seq.;
  • his surname of Rufus, i. 144;
  • his filial zeal, i. 145;
  • general charges against him, i. 147;
  • his lack of steadfastness, i. 149;
  • his unfinished campaigns, ib.;
  • his “magnanimity,” i. 149, ii. [497];
  • trick played on, by his chamberlain, i. 150;
  • his “liberality,” i. 151, ii. [492];
  • his extortions, i. 153, ii. [498];
  • his strict government, i. 153, ii. [496];
  • his stricter forest laws, i. 155;
  • dress and manners at his court, i. 158, ii. [500–502];
  • his special vices, i. 157, 159, ii. [497], [502];
  • contrasted with his father, i. 158, 456;
  • his irreligion, i. 159;
  • favours the Jews, i. 161;
  • question as to his scepticism, ib.;
  • makes the Jewish converts apostatize, i. 162, 614, ii. [504];
  • his dispute with Stephen the convert, i. 163–165, ii. [504];
  • his blasphemies, i. 165–167, ii. [503];
  • his favourite oath, i. 108, 112, 164, 289, 391, 511 (note), ii. 61 [(note)], [503], [650];
  • redeeming features in his character, i. 168;
  • his respect for his father’s memory, i. 168, ii. [505];
  • his ecclesiastical benefactions, ib.;
  • his chivalry, i. 169–171;
  • law of honour as practised by, i. 85, 92, 169, 408, ii. [14], [237], [244];
  • his schemes against Duke Robert, i. 221;
  • obtains the consent of the Witan to an invasion of Normandy, i. 222–224;
  • his constitutional language, i. 223;
  • his policy against Normandy, i. 224;
  • his position compared with that of Robert, i. 226;
  • his employment of money, i. 226, 227;
  • joined by the Norman nobles, i. 228 et seq.;
  • bribes Philip of France, i. 237, 239;
  • his position compared with that of his father, i. 240;
  • result of his dealings with Philip, i. 241;
  • his treaty with Conan of Rouen, i. 247;
  • crosses to Normandy, i. 273;
  • his treaty with Robert, i. 275–279, ii. [522–528];
  • his probable object in the spoliation of Henry, i. 279;
  • his policy towards Henry and Eadgar, i. 281;
  • joins Robert against Henry, i. 283;
  • besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, i. 285–292, ii. [528–535];
  • personal anecdotes of, i. 287–292, ii. [497], [532];
  • compared to Alexander the Great, i. 287;
  • contrasted with Robert, i. 290;
  • returns to England, i. 293, 295;
  • sets forth against Malcolm, i. 298;
  • his favourable treatment of the monks of Durham, i. 298, ii. [508];
  • Bishop William reconciled to, i. 299;
  • meets Malcolm at the Scots’ Water, i. 301;
  • his treaty with Malcolm, i. 304;
  • receives the homage of Malcolm, i. 304, ii. [541];
  • signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. [536];
  • his fresh dispute with Robert, i. 306;
  • orders the consecration of Lincoln minster, i. 312;
  • his conquest and colonization of Carlisle, i. 313–318;
  • character of the early years of his reign, i. 325;
  • his relations with Anselm, i. 328;
  • his policy in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, i. 328, 359, 360;
  • influence of Randolf Flambard on him, i. 329, 332 et seq.;
  • his dealings with vacant bishoprics and abbeys, i. 336, 347, 350, ii. [565];
  • his dealings with church lands, i. 345 et seq.;
  • charges of simony brought against, i. 348;
  • story of his appointment to a vacant abbey, i. 352;
  • his first interview with Anselm, i. 385;
  • rebuked by him, i. 386;
  • refuses him leave to return to Normandy, i. 388;
  • petitioned by the Witan to appoint an archbishop, i. 389;
  • his mocking speech about Anselm, i. 390;
  • his sickness, i. 391;
  • repents and sends for Anselm, i. 392, 393;
  • his proclamation of reforms, i. 393;
  • names Anselm archbishop, i. 396;
  • prays him to accept the see, i. 398;
  • invests him by force, i. 400;
  • orders the restitution of the temporalities, i. 403;
  • his recovery and relapse, i. 407;
  • keeps his engagement to Anselm, i. 408;
  • his interview with Robert of Flanders, i. 411;
  • with Anselm at Rochester, i. 412 et seq.;
  • his answer to Anselm’s conditions, i. 417;
  • asks Anselm to confirm his grants of church lands, i. 418;
  • renews his promises and receives Anselm’s homage as archbishop, i. 422;
  • his writ, ib.;
  • receives Anselm at Gloucester, i. 434;
  • challenged by Robert, i. 435;
  • his dealings with the contributions offered for the war, i. 437;
  • refuses Anselm’s gift, i. 438;
  • gathers his forces at Hastings, i. 441;
  • present at the consecration of Battle Abbey, i. 443, 444;
  • upholds Anselm against Robert Bloet, i. 446;
  • deprives Herbert Bishop of Thetford, i. 448, ii. [569];
  • his interview with Anselm at Hastings, i. 450 et seq.;
  • no synod held under him, i. 452;
  • his answer to Anselm’s prayer to fill the vacant abbeys, i. 455;
  • attempts to get more money out of Anselm, i. 458–460;
  • sets sail for Normandy, i. 460;
  • vain attempts to settle the dispute between him and Robert, i. 461;
  • castles held by him, i. 462;
  • his levy of English soldiers, i. 465;
  • trick played on them, i. 466;
  • buys off Philip, ib.;
  • summons Henry and Earl Hugh to Eu, i. 469;
  • returns to England and is reconciled to Henry, i. 470;
  • his Norman supporters, i. 471–474;
  • causes for his return, i. 474;
  • his alleged Welsh campaign in 1094–1095, i. 476;
  • refuses Anselm leave to go for the pallium, i. 483, 484;
  • will acknowledge no Pope, i. 484;
  • frequency of assemblies under him, i. 487;
  • summons an assembly at Rockingham, i. 487–519;
  • estimate of his conduct in this dispute, i. 488;
  • his Imperial claims, i. 503;
  • bids the bishops renounce Anselm, i. 512;
  • withdraws his protection from him, ib.;
  • his appeal to the lay lords, i. 513;
  • his examination and treatment of the bishops, i. 515, 516;
  • summons Anselm before him, i. 517;
  • adjourns the assembly, i. 518;
  • oppresses Anselm’s friends, i. 520;
  • his fresh schemes against him, i. 523;
  • his mission to Urban, i. 524–526;
  • Walter of Albano’s mission to, i. 527;
  • acknowledges Urban, i. 528;
  • forced to be reconciled to Anselm, i. 529, 531;
  • Anselm refuses the pallium at his hands, i. 532;
  • his position as regards the crusade, i. 553;
  • Abbot Jeronto’s mission to him, ib.;
  • Normandy pledged to him, by Robert, i. 555;
  • his taxation for the pledge-money, i. 556–559, ii. [506];
  • his conference with Robert, i. 559, ii. [207];
  • takes possession of Normandy, i. 566, ii. [207];
  • his grants to Henry, i. 567;
  • his rule in Normandy, i. 567–570;
  • his appointments to Norman prelacies, i. 570;
  • returns to England, i. 571;
  • his expeditions against Wales, i. 572, 583, ii. [69] et seq.;
  • complains of Anselm’s contingent, i. 572;
  • summons him to his court, i. 574;
  • refuses him leave to go to Rome, i. 582, 583, 584;
  • holds an assembly at Winchester, i. 584 et seq.;
  • his conditional leave to Anselm, i. 592;
  • his last interview with Anselm, i. 593;
  • blessed by him, i. 594;
  • seizes on the estates of his see, i. 595;
  • estimate of his behaviour towards William of Saint-Calais and towards Anselm, i. 605;
  • Anselm pleads against his excommunication, i. 611, 618;
  • probable effect of an excommunication, i. 611, 612;
  • Anselm’s and Urban’s letters to, i. 613;
  • his mission to Urban, i. 613, 619;
  • threatened with excommunication, i. 619;
  • bribes Urban, i. 620;
  • his words on Urban’s death and Paschal’s election, i. 623, ii. [311];
  • growth of the English power and nation under, ii. [4];
  • effects of his reign on the union of Britain, ii. [6];
  • complaints made against, by Malcolm, ii. [8];
  • sends Eadgar to invite him to Gloucester, ii. [9], [590];
  • refuses to see him, ii. [13], [590];
  • dispute between them, [ib.];
  • his probable pretensions, [ib.];
  • observes his safe-conduct, ii. [14], [591];
  • story of him and Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. [31], [600];
  • grants the Scottish crown to Duncan, ii. [34];
  • revolt of Robert of Mowbray against him, ii. [37] et seq.;
  • orders Robert to make good his plunder of the merchants, ii. [41];
  • summons him to his court, [ib.];
  • refuses him a safe-conduct, i. 42;
  • marches against him, i. 537, ii. [43];
  • takes Newcastle, ii. [47],
    • and Tynemouth, ii. [48], [606];
  • besieges Bamburgh, ii. [50], [607];
  • makes the Malvoisin tower, ii. [51], [608];
  • leaves Bamburgh, ii. [52], [609];
  • holds an assembly at Salisbury, ii. [56];
  • refuses to spare William of Alderi, ii. [67];
  • nature of his Welsh wars, ii. [69] et seq.;
  • builds castles in Wales, ii. [70], [112];
  • his campaign compared with that of Harold, ii. [71], [105];
  • his alleged designs on Ireland, ii. [93];
  • his first Welsh campaign, ii. [105];
  • his second and third campaigns, i. 572, 583, ii. [110], [111];
  • his relations with Eadgar Ætheling, ii. [114];
  • doubtful policy of his grant to Robert of Bellême, ii. [148], [162];
  • character of his last years, ii. [163];
  • his designs on France, ii. [167];
  • demands the cession of the Vexin, ii. [175];
  • crosses to Normandy, ii. [167], [176];
  • excesses of his followers in England, ii. [176];
  • chief men on his side, ii. [178];
  • his treatment of his prisoners, ii. [179], [190];
  • his prospects, ii. [184];
  • failure of his plans, ii. [185];
  • befriends Bishop Howel of Le Mans, ii. [201];
  • his interview with Helias, ii. [208–210];
  • delays his attack on him, ii. [210];
  • his anger at the election of Hildebert, ii. [213], [625];
  • his designs on Maine, ii. [613];
  • stirred up to war by Robert of Bellême, ii. [215];
  • contrasted with him, ii. [224];
  • his treatment of Helias, ii. [225];
  • his speech at the council of Rouen, ii. [226];
  • levies an army, ii. [227];
  • invades Maine, ii. [229];
  • grants a truce to Ralph of Fresnay, ii. [230];
  • his march onwards, ii. [232];
  • arrives at Le Mans, ii. [233];
  • ravages Coulaine, ii. [234], [625], [627];
  • raises the siege of Le Mans, ii. [234];
  • his treatment of the knight at Ballon, ii. [237];
  • Le Mans submits to, ii. [239];
  • his entry, ii. [240];
  • receives the general submission of Maine, [ib.];
  • his interview with Helias, ii. [242–245], [640–645];
  • his seeming quotation from Lucan, ii. [642];
  • sets Helias free, ii. [244], [628], [642], [643];
  • extent of his conquests in Maine, ii. [245];
  • invades the Vexin, ii. [246];
  • besieges Chaumont, ii. [248];
  • agrees to a truce, ii. [255];
  • ill-success of his French war, [ib.];
  • his gemóts in 1099, ii. [257];
  • his architectural works a national grievance, ii. [257–260];
  • legal position of his reign, ii. [263];
  • his object in building Westminster Hall, [ib.];
  • holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. [257], [264];
  • demands money of Bishop Walkelin, ii. [267];
  • forbids the dedication of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. [269];
  • hears of the recovery of Le Mans by Helias, ii. [283], [645];
  • his ride to the coast, ii. [283];
  • his voyage to Touques, ii. [284], [645–652];
  • his speech to the sailors compared with that of Julius Cæsar, ii. [497], [647];
  • his ride to Bonneville, ii. [285], [646];
  • marches against Le Mans, ii. [287];
  • passes through it and harries southern Maine, ii. [288];
  • besieges Mayet, ii. [289–294], 653;
  • observes the Truce of God, ii. [290];
  • his narrow escape at Mayet, ii. [293];
  • raises the siege, ii. [294], [653];
  • failure of the campaign, [ib.];
  • his treatment of Le Mans, ii. [295];
  • leaves garrisons and returns to England, ii. [296];
  • Hildebert reconciled to, ii. [297], [626];
  • bids Hildebert pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. [297], [654];
  • compared with Æthelred, ii. [307];
  • his schemes of conquest, ii. [307], [311];
  • contradiction in his character, ii. [308];
  • his chivalrous feelings, ii. [237];
  • illustrations of his character, ii. [244], [256];
  • his dealings with William of Aquitaine, ii. [313];
  • prepares to occupy Aquitaine, ii. [314];
  • his alleged designs on the Empire, i. 7, ii. [314];
  • Abbot Serlo’s warning to, ii. [318], [329];
  • his alleged dream, ii. [319–321];
  • his discourse with Walter Tirel, ii. [322–325];
  • his death, ii. [325];
  • whether accidental, ii. [325], [657];
  • various versions thereof, ii. [327], [657–676];
  • its immediate impression and abiding memory, ii. [335], [336], [663];
  • his death looked on as a judgement, ii. [665];
  • contrasted with that of Charles I., ii. [337];
  • his end and character, [ib.];
  • his alleged penitence, ii. [331], [332], [337];
  • accounts of his burial, ii. [338–340], [676–680];
  • his popular excommunication, ii. [340];
  • portents at his death, ii. [341];
  • advantage given to the Popes by his reign, ii. [377];
  • effect of his reign on the fusion of races, ii. [456].
• William III., his fearlessness in danger compared with that of William Rufus, ii. [652].
• William Ætheling, son of Henry I. and Matilda, ii. [389].
• William Clito, son of Robert and Sibyl, ii. 312 [(note)].
• William, natural son of Robert, ii. [316].
• William Bona Anima, Archbishop of Rouen,
  • consecrates Bishop Howel, i. 208;
  • consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, i. 406;
  • said to have married Philip and Bertrada, ii. 172 [(note)].
• William of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Durham,
  • his influence with William Rufus, i. 23;
  • his treason against him, i. 28, 30;
  • different statements of his conduct, i. 28, ii. [469–474];
  • his alleged services to William, i. 29, 111, ii. [473];
  • his temporalities seized, i. 30, ii. [470];
  • his letter to the King, i. 30;
  • summoned before him, i. 31;
  • treatment of, by Ralph Paganel, ib.;
  • evidence against him, i. 35, ii. [470];
  • again summoned by William, i. 89;
  • complains of Ralph Paganel, i. 90;
  • comes with a safe-conduct, i. 91;
  • asserts his ecclesiastical claims, ib.;
  • goes back to Durham, i. 92;
  • further ravaging of his lands, ib.;
  • his agreement with the Counts Alan and Odo, i. 93;
  • his conduct at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 95;
  • denies the authority of the court, i. 96, 97;
  • formal charge against him, i. 98, ii. [473];
  • his answer, i. 99;
  • debates on the charge, i. 101–103;
  • appeals to Rome, i. 103, 109;
  • sentence pronounced against him, i. 106;
  • renews his appeal, ib.;
  • William demands the surrender of Durham castle, i. 107;
  • appeals to Alan and Odo, i. 108;
  • final sentence against, i. 110;
  • asks for an allowance, ib.;
  • surety for the ships demanded of him, i. 111;
  • new charges against, i. 113, 116;
  • Lanfranc interferes on his behalf, i. 113;
  • conditions and difficulties about his sailing, i. 114–116;
  • surrender of Durham castle, i. 114, ii. [472];
  • Odo and Alan interfere on his behalf, i. 117;
  • allowed to depart to Normandy, ib.;
  • importance of the story, i. 117–120;
  • scarcely noticed by modern historians, ii. [474];
  • restored to his bishopric, i. 299;
  • his renewed influence with William, i. 300;
  • his grant to the church of Durham, i. 305, ii. [535];
  • advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, i. 417;
  • at the consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444;
  • assists in the consecration of Robert Bloet, i. 445;
  • plots against Anselm, i. 497, 500;
  • aspires to the primacy, i. 501;
  • his promises to William and speech to Anselm, i. 502;
  • recommends force, i. 510;
  • his case compared with those of Anselm and Thomas, i. 597 et seq.;
  • his rebuilding of his church, ii. [11], [60];
  • invites Malcolm to the foundation ceremony, [ib.];
  • probably concerned in Robert of Mowbray’s rebellion, ii. [38];
  • portents foretelling his death, ii. [59];
  • summoned to take his trial, ii. [60];
  • his death, i. 478 (note), 542, ii. [61];
  • debate as to his burying-place, ii. [61];
  • substitutes monks for canons, ii. [60].
• William of Warelwast, Bishop of Exeter,
  • his first mission to Urban, i. 524, 525;
  • returns with the Legate Walter, i. 526;
  • searches Anselm’s luggage at Dover, i. 595;
  • his second mission to Urban, i. 613, 619;
  • his secret dealings with him, i. 620;
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366].
• William of Passavant, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. [636], [640], [656].
• William, Bishop of Thetford, his death, i. 354.
• William Giffard, Bishop of Winchester,
  • his appointment to the see, ii. [349];
  • later notices of, ii. [349], [578];
  • his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. [358];
  • probably one of Henry’s inner council, ii. [362];
  • signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. [366].
• William, Archdeacon of Canterbury, sent to inquire into the matter of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. [384].
• William of Alderi, his sentence and death, ii. [66–68].
• William of Albini, defends Rochester, i. 53 (note).
• William, Duke of Aquitaine,
  • helps William Rufus against Lewis, ii. [250], [251];
  • seat of war affected by his coming, ii. [250], [252];
  • his crusade, ii. [313];
  • proposes to pledge his duchy to Rufus, [ib.]
• William of Arques, monk of Molesme, i. 220 (note), 256.
• William of Bellême, founds Lonlay Abbey, ii. [539].
• William of Breteuil,
  • son of Earl William Fitz-Osbern, drives out the ducal forces, i. 193;
  • Ivry granted to, by Duke Robert, i. 194;
  • joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, i. 209;
  • his war with Ascelin Goel, i. 243;
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. 249;
  • imprisons William son of Ansgar, i. 261;
  • marches against Conches, i. 261, 266;
  • his imprisonment and ransom, i. 267;
  • settles his estates on Roger of Toesny, i. 268;
  • his natural children, i. 268 (note);
  • maintains Robert’s claim to the throne, ii. [346], [680].
• William Capra, ii. [508].
• William, son of Robert Count of Eu,
  • rebels against William Rufus, i. 33;
  • his ravages in Gloucestershire, i. 41, 44;
  • submits to William, i. 229;
  • suggests an invasion of Normandy, i. 411;
  • supports William Rufus, i. 472;
  • conspires against him, ii. [39], [44];
  • his combat with Geoffrey of Baynard and defeat, ii. [63];
  • sentenced to mutilation, ii. [64], [65], [68];
  • his faithlessness to his wife, ii. [64].
• William, Count of Evreux,
  • drives out the ducal forces, i. 193;
  • his feud with Ralph of Toesny, i. 231, 233, 245;
  • comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, i. 249;
  • marches against Conches, i. 261, 266;
  • makes Roger of Toesny his heir, i. 268;
  • his later treaty with Ralph of Toesny, i. 270;
  • wars against Robert of Meulan, ib.;
  • his bargain about Bertrada’s marriage, ii. [193];
  • charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. [241];
  • granted to Henry by Robert, ii. [514];
  • his banishment and death, i. 270.
• William Fitz-Osbern, story of him and Eudo of Rye, ii. [463].
• William of London or Londres, his settlement at Kidwelly, ii. [86], [102].
• William of Malmesbury, his Gesta Regum and Gesta Pontificum, ii. [492].
• William of Mandeville, ii. [397].
• William of Moion, his grant of Dunster church, ii. [489].
• William of Montfichet, legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. [338], [676].
• William of Montfort, recommended by Anselm as his successor at Bec, ii. [575].
• William, Count of Mortain,
  • founds Montacute priory, ii. [120];
  • his vision of William Rufus, ii. [342];
  • doubts as to his loyalty to Henry I., ii. [404];
  • his banishment, ii. [453];
  • his imprisonment and alleged blinding, [ib.]
• William Pantulf,
  • Robert of Bellême’s dealings with, ii. [434];
  • joins Henry, [ib.];
  • commands at Stafford, [ib.];
  • notices of, in Domesday, ii. 434 [(note)];
  • negotiates with Jorwerth, ii. [439];
  • mediates at Bridgenorth, ii. [441].
• William Peverel,
  • holds La Houlme for William Rufus, i. 463;
  • surrenders to Robert, i. 465;
  • signs the Durham charter, ii. [536].
• William of Pont de l’Arche, ii. [464].
• William Talvas, his capture of Geoffrey of Mayenne, i. 214.
• William Tisonne, ii. [596].
• William of Wacey, taken prisoner by Helias, ii. [222].
• William of Warren, Earl of Surrey,
  • his loyalty to William Rufus, i. 59;
  • receives the earldom of Surrey, i. 60, 62 [(note)];
  • his death and burial at Lewes, i. 62 (note), 76.
• William of Warren the younger, Earl of Surrey,
  • helps to defend Courcy, ii. [519];
  • deserts from Henry I., ii. [409];
  • his enmity towards him, [ib.];
  • his banishment, ii. [416],
    • and restoration, ii. [417].
• William, son of Ansgar, i. 247;
  • his imprisonment and ransom, i. 261.
• William, son of Anskill,
  • his estates seized by William Rufus, ii. [380];
  • his marriage, ii. 381 [(note)].
• William, son of Baldwin,
  • builds Rhyd-y-gors castle, ii. [97];
  • defends it, ii. [101];
  • his death, ii. [106].
• William, son of Geroy, rescues Geoffrey of Mayenne from William Talvas, i. 214.
• William, grandson of Geroy, poisoned, i. 469 (note).
• William, son of Holdegar, ii. [551].
• Williams, John, on Jestin ap Gwrgan, ii. [614].
• Wills. See [Bequest].
• Winchcombe, fall of the tower, i. 307.
• Winchester,
  • wealth of the treasury at, i. 17;
  • Jews at, i. 160 (note);
  • special gemót at (1093), i. 422;
  • its position under the Norman kings, ii. [261];
  • burial of Rufus at, ii. [340];
  • fall of the minster tower, ii. [341];
  • Duke Robert declines to besiege it, ii. [406].
• Witenagemót,
  • held three times a year, i. 222 (note);
  • gradually becomes less popular, i. 602;
  • lessened freedom of speech in, i. 603;
  • inner and outer council of, ib.
• Witsand, William Rufus said to have set sail from, i. 13 (note).
• Wlurintun, grant of the manor, ii. [507].
• Worcester,
  • rebel nobles march against, i. 47;
  • its position, i. 48;
  • its deliverance by Wulfstan, i. 48–51, ii. [475–481].
• Worm’s Head, name of, ii. [615].
• Wulf, son of Harold, set free by Robert, i. 14.
• Wulfgar the huntsman,
  • one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. [433];
  • his negotiations with Henry I., ii. [440], [443].
• Wulfgeat the huntsman, ii. 433 [(note)].
• Wulfnoth, son of Godwine,
  • reimprisoned by William Rufus, i. 13, 14;
  • signs a charter of William of Saint-Calais, i. 14 (note);
  • signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, i. 309 (note).
• Wulfric the huntsman, ii. 433 [(note)].
• Wulfstan, Saint, Bishop of Worcester,
  • attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, i. 18, 19 (note);
  • defends Worcester against the rebels, i. 48–51, ii. [475–481];
  • excommunicates them, i. 51;
  • legendary growth of the story, ii. [477];
  • decides between Anselm and Bishop Maurice, i. 440;
  • his sickness, i. 478;
  • his dinner with “good men,” ib.;
  • his correspondence, i. 479;
  • confesses to Robert of Hereford, ib.;
  • his death, i. 477, 480;
  • entry as to his death, i. 478 (note);
  • appears to Bishop Robert of Hereford, i. 480, 533 (note);
  • his burial, i. 480;
  • honour paid to him by King John, i. 481;
  • his action against the fashion of wearing long hair, ii. [501].

Y.

• Yeovil, i. 43 (note).
• Yeovilton, i. 43 (note).
• York, Priory of Holy Trinity at,
  • founded by Ralph Paganel, i. 31;
  • massacre of Jews at, i. 160 (note);
  • Saint Peter’s Hospital at, gifts of Rufus to, i. 168, ii. [506];
  • its deliverance in 1069 compared with that of Le Mans, ii. [279].

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

Transcriber’s Note:

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