AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
In consequence of writs having to be issued for new elections, to replace such members as had vacated their seats by accepting office, parliament did not re-assemble until the 8th of April, on which day the new administration commenced the trial of their strength. The first measure of national importance which they brought forward, was the repeal of an act passed in the reign of George I., for securing the dependency of Ireland; and against which a loud clamour had been long raised in that country. This repeal, which was carried through both houses of parliament without a division, was virtually a renunciation of legislating for Ireland; and therefore gave great satisfaction to the whole body of the Irish people. This satisfaction was increased by the abolition of the power of suppressing or altering bills in the privy-council, and the limitation of the duration of the Mutiny Act to the term of two years. So gratified were the Irish with these concessions, that a vote of the house of commons in that kingdom passed unanimously for raising 20,000 seamen for the service of the British navy. The subject of Irish discontent was introduced into the British parliament by Mr. Luttrell, but it was the eloquence of Mr. Grattan which moved ministers to make these large concessions to Ireland. While they were hesitating as to the extent of the gifts which they should offer to allay the angry feelings that existed in that country, he set forth in a lofty tone of eloquence the rights of Ireland, and ministers wavered no more. The spirit of the Irish nation may be seen in the following portion of his speech. He remarked:—“I remember Ireland when she was a child, and have beheld her progress from injuries to arms—from arms to liberty. The Irish are no longer afraid of the French, nor of any nation; nor of any minister. If men turned their eyes to the rest of Europe, they would find the ancient spirit expired, liberty ceded, and empire lost: nations subsisting on the memory of past glory, and guarded by mercenary armies. But Ireland, quitting such examples, had become a model to them: she had excelled modern, and equalled ancient Europe. The meeting of delegates at Dungannon was a great event; and like all original measures, matter of surprise till it became matter of admiration. It may be compared to the English convention parliament, or the assembly of barons at Runnymede; all were original transactions, not flowing from precedent, but containing in themselves precedent and principle. Every great constitutional question would have been lost, the public would have been lost, had they depended only on parliament; but they had fallen into the hands of the people, and by the people they would be preserved. The Irish volunteers are associated for the preservation of the laws, but the claims of the British parliament are subversive of all law. The volunteers had supported the rights of the Irish parliament against those temporary trustees who would have relinquished them? but England had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers: they would die for England and her majestic race of men. Allied by liberty as well as allegiance, the two nations formed a constitutional confederacy: the perpetual annexation of the crown was one great bond, but liberty was a still greater. It would be easy to find a king, but impossible for Ireland to find a nation which could communicate to them a great charter, save only England. This made England a natural connexion; and every true Irishman would exclaim, ‘Liberty with England; but at all events, Liberty.’”
GEORGE III. 1782-1784