AFFAIRS OF IRELAND—MAYNOOTH IMPROVEMENT BILL.
On the 3rd of April, Sir Robert Peel brought in a measure for improving and increasing the grant to the college of Maynooth. The intention of the premier had been made known before, and a large number of petitions were on that evening presented against any such grant; in reference to which Sir Robert Peel said that he had given timely notice of his intention to consider the case of Maynooth in a friendly spirit; and therefore he was not unprepared for the demonstration which had been made, and which no doubt proceeded from persons actuated by conscientious scruples. In continuation, he observed, that it appeared to the ministers there were three courses which they might pursue:—to continue the present system, and grant without alteration; to discontinue the vote altogether, and to repudiate all connexion with Maynooth; or liberally to adopt, improve, and extend the institution provided for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. He proceeded to discuss these three courses in succession; and after showing that they could not conscientiously adopt the two first, he said:—“There remains, therefore, but one other course, and that is the course we are prepared to take. We are prepared, in a liberal sense and confiding spirit, to improve that institution, and to elevate the tone of education there. Will you not take that course?” Sir Robert Peel then stated the proposals of government to the house. The trustees of Maynooth college, he said, could purchase land to the extent of £1,000 per annum; but they could not receive it on any other terms than for the lives of the trustees; he proposed to incorporate the trustees by the title of “the trustees of Maynooth college;” and to enable them to hold real property to the amount of £3,000 per annum, should members of the Roman Catholic faith be desirous to contribute to the college so incorporated. The stipend of each professor did not now exceed £120 per annum; instead of defining what should be the amount paid to each professor, he proposed to allot to the trustees a certain sum, which should be placed at their discretion for the payment of salaries. The sum would admit of a payment of £600 or £700 per annum to the president of the college; of £260 or £270 to the professors of theology; and of £220 or £230 to the other professors. A sum not exceeding £6,000 would be allotted to the trustees for making provision for the officers of that institution. At present there were about four hundred and thirty students in the college, divided into three classes: the twenty Dumboyne students, the three senior classes, and the four junior classes. It was proposed to allot £40 per annum to each of the Dumboyne students: and to make provision on the whole for five hundred free students; that there should be two hundred and fifty students in the four junior classes, and two hundred and fifty in the three senior classes, these being divinity students. For the maintenance of each of these students, it was proposed that a sum should be placed at the disposal of the trustees of £28 on the average. It was further proposed that to each of the students in the three senior classes, £20 per annum should be allowed for their own personal expenses. The sum required for the students would be £14,560; the total sum for the establishment, £26,360. It was further proposed that the college should be made, in appearance and in fact, worthy of an institution of the kind; and that proper provision should be made for the accommodation of the presidents and professors; and for every purpose ministers asked for a vote, not annual, of £30,000. Sir Robert Peel further stated, that it was proposed the board of works should undertake the repairs of the college, as they did of the other public buildings, in order that they might be conducted with the greatest economy; and that the expenses of the repairs should be an annual vote, included in the annual estimates for the board of works, as in other cases. Instead of the present ex-officio ministers—the lord-chancellor and the judges—it was further proposed that the crown should appoint five visitors, who were to visit the college once a year, and as often as the lord-lieutenant might direct. These visitors were not to interfere with any matters relating to the doctrine and discipline of the church of Rome; but for those objects three more visitors would be elected by the other five, as at present to be members of the Roman Catholic church. Such, Sir Robert Peel continued, was an outline of the measure. It had not been the subject of any stipulation with the authorities of the Roman Catholic church: but the ministers had intimated their intentions to these dignitaries; and they had every reason to believe they were satisfied with, and grateful for, the measure. He added, in conclusion:—“We do not think that there is any violation of conscientious scruples involved in our proposition. We believe that it is perfectly compatible to hold steadfast the profession of our faith without wavering, and at the same time to improve the education, and to elevate the character of those who, do what you will—pass this measure or refuse it—must be the spiritual guides and religious instructors of millions of your fellow-countrymen.” Sir Robert Inglis met the motion for leave to bring in this bill by a direct negative. Messrs. Law, Bruce, Grogan, and others, followed with similar expressions of sentiment. Mr. Plumptre especially expressed in strong terms his repugnance to the proposal on religious grounds; avowing, as the basis of his objections, the belief that the Roman Catholic religion was idolatrous. On the side of the liberal, all were in favour of the motion, except Mr. T. Duncombe, who expressed himself averse to all religious establishments supported out of the public revenue. Some on the conservative side, as Lords Francis Egerton and Sandon, and Mr. J. S. Wortley, spoke in favour of the measure. Several of the Irish members anticipated a great improvement in the Roman Catholic priesthood, and Lord John Russell, while he supported the motion, expressed a hope that it was the commencement of a series of measures which would unite the two countries in an enduring bond. On a division, the motion for leave to bring in the bill was carried by a large majority; but the measure, though destined to become law, was subsequently most strenuously opposed, both in and out of parliament. Those who were ardently attached to the vital principles of Protestantism felt an apprehension that the endowment of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Ireland, and the rapid downfall of the established church in that country, if not in England also, was involved in such a measure; and their zeal being thus awakened, no exertions were spared to frustrate the plans of government. On the second reading of the bill being moved on the 11th of April, the measure was opposed by Mr. Colquhoun. Mr. Colquhoun concluded by moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. Grogan followed on the same side; and the Earl of Arundel and Mr. Gladstone supported the measure: the latter stating that he did so in opposition to the prevailing opinion, and to his own deeply cherished prepossessions. Mr. D’Israeli said that Sir Robert Peel had declared there were three courses open to him. “In a certain sense, and looking to his own position, he is right: there is the course the right honourable gentleman has left; there is the course that the right honourable gentleman is following; and there is usually the course which the right honourable gentleman ought to pursue. Perhaps, sir, I ought to say that there is a fourth course; because it is possible for the house of commons to adopt one of those courses indicated by the right honourable gentleman, and then having voted for it, to rescind it.” Mr. D’Israeli proceeded to complain of the course pursued by Sir R. Peel towards his supporters, in which he indulged in private personalities, which was strongly condemned by Mr. Roebuck, who described his speech as being poor in execution as it was malicious in motive. Mr. Roebuck proceeded to defend the measure; and he was followed by Messrs. Fox Maule and Stafford O’Brien, both of whom opposed it. Mr. Macauley considered it merely a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence: it was not a question of principle, but purely a question between £9000 and £26,000. Mr. Shaw energetically opposed the endowment; and Lord Lincoln and Mr. Sidney Herbert supported it. Mr. Byng, the venerable member for Middlesex, also declared himself in favour of the measure; and Lord Ashley and G. A. Hamilton opposed it; Lord Ashley had never known a measure more important for good or evil, not even excepting the Roman Catholic relief bill. His lordship contended that the proposal of government amounted to almost a declaration, that, as far as the power of enactments and statutes extended, the Roman Catholic religion should never cease to be the religion of Ireland. But while Lord Ashley opposed the measure, he disclaimed being actuated by any feeling of hostility towards the people of Ireland. If he thought, indeed, that this concession would really content the people of Ireland, he would pause before he came to a decision in the matter. The bill was further supported by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lords John Manners and Russell, Sirs George Grey and James Graham, and Messrs. Cobden, Smyth, and Shiel. On the other hand it was opposed by Messrs. Bright, dimming, Bruce, Blackstone, Ferrand, Sharman Crawford, T. Duncombe, Muntz, and Law. The debate was closed by Sirs Robert Inglis and Robert Peel; the former against, and the latter for the measure. On a division the second reading was carried by a majority of three hundred and twenty-three against one hundred and seventy-six. The battle, however, was not yet ended. On the order of the day being read for going into committee, Mr. Ward moved the following resolution as an amendment:—“That it is the opinion of this house, that any provision to be made for the purposes of the present bill, ought to be taken from the funds already applicable to ecclesiastical purposes in Ireland.” A long debate ensued on this motion, which was continued for two nights; but on a division it was negatived by a majority of three hundred and twenty-two against one hundred and forty-eight. On the 25th a resolution, authorising a grant of £30,000 for improving Maynooth college, and for the payment of the amount requisite for salaries and other expenses, out of the consolidated fund, was passed by the house; but on the motion for bringing up the report, opposition to the measure was renewed by Mr. Law, who moved as an amendment that it be brought up on that day six months. Another lengthened debate took place, but the motion was negatived by one hundred and twenty-eight against fifty-two; and several other amendments, subsequently moved by Mr. Hindley and other members, were rejected by large majorities. The whole question was reopened on the motion for the third reading, and a discussion commenced which continued for three nights; but the third reading was carried by a majority of three hundred and seventeen against one hundred and eighty-four. The last attempt to defeat the measure was a motion by Mr. T. Duncombe, on the question, “That the bill do now pass,” proposing a clause to limit its operation to three years. This was objected to by Sir Robert Peel, and the proposal was negatived by a large majority, after which the bill was passed.
The second reading was moved by the Duke of Wellington in the house of lords, on the second of June. Lord Roden had given notice of intention to move, as an amendment, for a select committee to inquire into the character of the education given at Maynooth; and he now rose for the purpose of thus endeavouring to get rid of the bill. Instead of the measure being looked upon in Ireland, he said, as a boon, it was looked upon as one extorted by fear. He quoted a letter from Dr. Higgins, one of the Roman Catholic bishops, to show that no conciliatory effects could result from the measure. Nor was it his opinion that it would improve the education given at Maynooth: rather, it would afford facilities for recruiting the priesthood from the lower classes of the people. He maintained that the system of instruction given there had anti-social and disloyal tendencies, which he illustrated by a reference to the text-books, and details in the history and conduct of the institution. The Bishop of London supported the amendment: he could not consent to any measure which would make the college of Maynooth an integral part of the constitution. The Earl of St. Germains and Lord Beaumont vindicated the measure; and the Duke of Manchester and the Bishop of Cashel opposed it. The debate having been adjourned, was resumed by the Earls of Hardwick and Carnarvon, who supported the bill. The Earl of Winchilsea followed, and condemned the bill in vehement terms; and the Marquis of Normanby defended it as a proper concession to a nation of which seven-eighths were Roman Catholics. The Archbishop of Dublin supported the measure. The Bishop of Exeter argued against the measure that the college was not originally meant to be endowed by the state; and denied that the improved visitation which the bill professed to give would be a system of education. The debate having been again adjourned, was resumed by Earl Spencer and the Bishop of Norwich. On a division, Lord Roden’s amendment was negatived by a majority of one hundred and fifty-five to fifty-nine; and the house having again divided on the original resolution, the second reading was carried by a majority of two hundred and twenty-six against sixty-nine. Subsequently, a discussion took place on the committal of the bill. On the motion for the third reading another debate took place; and the Bishop of Llandaff moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months; but on a division this amendment was negatived by a majority of one hundred and eighty-one against fifty. On the question that the bill do pass, the Earl of Winchilsea moved another amendment to the effect that the operation of the bill should be limited to a period of three years; but tins also was negatived, and the bill then passed.