BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL REFORM, ETC.
On the 15th of February, after some debates on the affairs of India, Mr. Burke re-produced his scheme of economical reform which had been rejected in the last session. He opened his proposition by stating the powerful motives that called upon him to resume that subject. These motives were the celebrated resolutions of the late parliament, respecting the alarming increase of the influence of the crown; the general wish and expectation of the people; and the direct application made to himself and others from several counties and associations. It seems probable that he was chiefly induced to renew the subject through the influence of the associations, which, notwithstanding the scenes which had occurred through them in the metropolis during the last year, still endeavoured to stimulate opposition by inflammatory resolutions, not only against fancied invasions of public rights, but against the license supposed to be now granted to military authority. At this period, indeed, political associations had acquired considerable strength and consistency, and their danger was increased by the new and unconstitutional measure of appointing delegates to transact their business in the capital, and to promote the objects of their petitions. Their chief object was a reduction of expenditure, but with this they coupled what was afterwards called a “Radical Reform” of the house of commons. It was notorious that Burke received from these associations many complimentary addresses, for his efforts in the cause of reform, and he seems from hence to have been stimulated to renew the subject in the house. This, indeed, is indicated by his allusion to the associations. After making this allusion, Burke, in continuing his speech, said that the nation was involved in expenses which reached the utmost limits of the public ability, and that as it was originally the duty of ministers to have framed and carried into execution such a scheme of economy as he now brought forward, so it was their interest to secure themselves from punishment by making some amends for their former neglect. Burke displayed considerable address in his appeal to this new house. The three resolutions of the late parliament, he said, were a valuable legacy bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for previous servility; adding, that they formed a body of maxims, authorizing the people to expect from their present representatives, that which was declared to be necessary by their predecessors: if the present parliament neglected to accomplish what the previous parliament had designed, all the evil consequences would be charged upon them; and while the resolutions of the 6th of April would stand upon their journals as public monuments of exculpation to their predecessors, they would likewise stand as public monuments of disgrace to them. The fallacy of M. Neckar’s financial measures in France was not yet made manifest, and Burke again applauded the economical achievements of that statesman, and held up the example of France, both as a warning and an encouragement. In conclusion he moved, “That leave be given to bring in a bill for the better regulation of his majesty’s civil establishments and of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions and the suppression of sundry useless expenses and inconvenient places, and for applying the monies saved thereby to the public service.” This motion was seconded by Mr. Duncombe, and leave was given to bring in the bill without opposition; Lord North declaring that he would reserve his objections to the second reading. The second reading took place on the 26th of February, when there was a long and animated debate on the measure. One of the most remarkable speeches on this occasion was delivered by the Hon. William Pitt, second son of the late Earl of Chatham, who now spoke for the first time in the house of commons. William Pitt, on whom the mantle of his father seems to have fallen, announced himself as an ardent reformer and lover of strict economy. One great object, he said, of all the petitions which had been presented, was a recommendation of economy in the public expenditure, and the design of the present bill was to carry these wishes into effect. The bill had still another object more important in view, and that was the reduction of the influence of the crown; an influence which was the more to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations than the power of prerogative. Pitt then adverted to the objections which had been made to the bill, and which he termed extraordinary, inasmuch as it only proposed to bring about £200,000 into the public coffers; an insignificant sum when compared with the millions annually expended. He continued:—“What then is the conclusion we are left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are too great to be benefited by economy. Our expenses are so enormous, that it is useless to give ourselves any concern about them: we have spent and are spending so much, that it is foolish to think of saving anything. Such is the language which the opponents of this bill have virtually employed. It has also been said that the king’s civil list was an irresumable parliamentary grant, and it had even been compared to a private freehold. The weakness of such arguments was their best refutation. The civil list revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use, but for the support of the executive government of the state. It was granted to support the dignity and interests of the empire, to maintain its grandeur, to pay the judges, and foreign ministers, to maintain justice and support respect, to pay the great officers necessary to the lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence of the people. The parliament made the grant, and undoubtedly had a right to resume it when the pressure of the times rendered such resumption necessary.” The youthful orator, who was listened to with deep attention by both sides of the house, declared, in conclusion, that he considered the present bill as essential to the well-being and independence of the country, and he would therefore give it his most determined support. Opposition, however, were outvoted by a majority of forty-three; the motion for the second reading being negatived by two hundred and thirty-three against one hundred and ninety. By a subsequent resolution the further consideration of Burke’s bill was put off for six months. About the same time several other popular measures proposed in the last session were revived, as the bills against contractors and revenue-officers, and for imposing a tax on places and pensions, but they were all defeated by considerable majorities.