DEBATES ON THE TRADE OF IRELAND.

During the month of January, Lord Nugent, after drawing a forcible picture of the distress which existed in Ireland, gave notice of his intention to move for the establishment of a cotton-manufactory in Ireland, with a power of exportation to Great Britain, and a free trade to America, Africa, and the West Indies. Subsequently a committee was formed to consider the acts of parliament relating to the importation of sugars into Ireland. The intended relief, however, was as usual counteracted by commercial jealousy in England, and all that was done by the commons was to pass two acts, for the growth of tobacco and hemp, and the manufacture of linen in Ireland, and to make a pecuniary grant, in consequence of a message from the throne. But this boon was not sufficient to satisfy the desires of the Irish people, and possibly had it been a hundredfold greater, it would not have been deemed sufficient. It has always been the fate of that unhappy country to be disturbed by restless spirits—by men who, while they profess to seek the good of the country, seek only their own self-interests. On this occasion, many self-styled “patriots” resolved to follow the example of the colonists, and a non-importation agreement was set on foot in Dublin, Cork, Kilkenny, and other places; the subscribers pledging themselves neither to import nor to use any British goods which could be manufactured in Ireland, till the Irish trade was freed from its shackles. In the midst of this ferment, as rumours were afloat of a meditated invasion by France, and Ireland was drained of its troops for the American war, the maritime towns demanded protection. Government was told by the lord-lieutenant, that the exhausted state of the public revenues rendered it impracticable to embody a militia, whence the people were given to understand that they might take measures to protect themselves. This was an ill-omened step for ministers to take, when the people of Ireland were everywhere displaying the feelings of rebellion. By it the serpent’s teeth were sown, and they sprang up armed men. The Irish obeyed the call with alacrity. Volunteers were embodied, equipped, and disciplined at private expense, on every hand, and Ireland soon exhibited the animating spectacle of a nation in arms. Ministers appear to have been very early convinced of their error; for when they saw these armed associations in their full strength, they, with the people of England at large, prognosticated insurrection and civil war. Still there was little or no disposition displayed on the part of ministers to disarm the hostility of the Irish people by redress of grievances. After the discussion of Irish affairs had ceased in the commons, the subject was introduced in the Lords by the Marquess of Rockingham, who moved an address for documents which might enable parliament to pursue measures for promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of both nations. The marquess, who was well acquainted with the state of Ireland, took a severe review of the revenue, trade, and government, since the year 1755; and bitterly inveighed against ministers on the subject of the military associations. The necessity for these associations, he said, should have been prevented, or the people should have been legally commissioned to take up arms under officers named by the sovereign—the men who had taken up arms to repel invasion, might soon think of employing them in resisting injustice and oppression. To prevent such a consummation, in conclusion, he urged the necessity of redressing the grievances, and of adopting some remedy to the deplorable distresses under which the Irish people were groaning. The Marquess of Rockingham was warmly supported by the Earl of Shelburne; and the only arguments urged against the address by ministers were, the late period of the session, and the necessity of proceeding with caution, and upon minute inquiry and investigation. The result was that there was a kind of compromise between the Marquess of Rockingham and the Earl of Gower, president of the council—the latter pledging himself that a proper plan for the relief of Ireland should be concocted by ministers during the recess, and be ready to be laid before parliament at the opening of the next session. Ireland, therefore, for the present, was obliged to put up with a promise.

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